From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

ItisanhonourtodelivertheAnnualSirSyed Memorial Lecture at Aligarh Muslim University, the institutionwhichshouldstandasSirSyedAhmadKhan’s lastingcontributiontothedevelopmentofamodernIndia. ConsciousthoughIamofthehonour,Iamalsobesetby doubtsandfearsaboutmysuitabilityasarecipientofthat honour.IamnotaspecialistofSyedAhmadKhan’sliterary workandsocialandtheologicalthought,thoughtwhich, incidentally,Iregardasahighpointinthehistoryofideasin Islam.MyinterestinandknowledgeofSyedAhmadKhan’s lifeandworksdonotmuchexceedthelevelofareasonably well-informed student of modern Urdu literature. TheonlyprivilegethatIcanclaimisthatasaboyI waspracticallynurturedonSyedAhmadKhanandAkbar Ilahabadi(1846-1921)whommyfatheradmiredgreatlyand didn’tatallseeanydichotomyinadmiringtwoverynearly diametricallyopposedpersonalities.Andthisreconciliation ofoppositeswasquiteparforthecourseforpeopleof certainIndiangenerations,becauseSyedAhmadKhanand AkbarIlahabaditoogreatlyadmiredeachother.SyedAhmad KhanhadsuccessfullycanvassedforAkbarIlahabadibeing postedtoAligarhsothathecouldfreelyenjoyhisfriend’s company. In 1888, when Akbar Ilahabadi was promoted Sub- JudgeandtransferredtoGhazipur,SyedAhmadKhanwrote himacongratulatorynotesayingthatthoughhewassorry forAkbar(headdressedhimasMunshiAkbarHusainSahib) toleaveAligarh,yethewashappyforaMuslimtobecomea Sub-Judgewithalongprospectofactiveserviceinthe judicial department.1 ThroughouthislifeAkbarIlahabadiwasabittercritic andaverynearlyimplacableenemy,ofSyedAhmadKhan’s reformistideas.HishostilitytoSyedAhmadKhanwasn’t

1 Syed Ahmad Khan, Maktubat, Vol. I, p. 43. From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

becauseof whatMuhammadAliSiddiqicharacterizesas Akbar’s“cynicism”andhistendencyto“viewthetruth throughthespectaclesofhisownprejudices.”2 Akbar’s hostilitytoSyedAhmadKhanflowedfromadeeperand more vital source: he did not approve of Syed Ahmad Khan’s educational,theological,andpoliticalideasandschemesand believedthatSyedAhmadKhanhadcausedincaculable intellectual and spiritual harm to the Indian Muslim community.3 MuhammadAliSiddiqigoesontosaythat AkbarIlahabadidevelopedsoftfeelingsforSyedAhmad Khanafter1894.4 YetweseeAkbarIlahabadi makinga collectionfromfriendsandacquaintancesin1891forthe Building Fund of the M. A. O. College.5 Idigressedalittletomentionthesetransactions becauseSyedAhmadKhan,foravastmajorityofIndian Muslimsuntilatleastthesecondquarterofthetwentieth century,wasasaviour,asage,a political-socialleaderof tremendouscredibility.Histheologydidn’tenterintothe matteratall.Myfathercamefromafamilyofstrongly DeobandiMaulavis,but SyedAhmadKhan’ssocalled nechariyat (atheism)countedfornothingintheireyes,justas itcountedfornoughtintheeyesofmymother’sfamilywho werestronglyanti-Deobandinboththeologicalandpolitical matters.Mygrandfather’stheologicalmooringswerein Deoband.Nonetheless,in1914hesenthissecondand perhapsthebrightestsontotheM.A.O.Collegetoreadfor hisB.A.andLawdegrees.Andthisbringsmetomysecond claimtosomeprivilegeintalkingaboutSyedAhmadKhan: MaulaviMuftiMuhammadIsma’il(1803-1888),agreat- grandfatherofmymother’s,wasamongSyedAhmadKhan’s friendsduringthelatter’stenureinBanarasfromAugust 1867toApril1869andagainafterhisreturnfromEngland. MuftiSahibwroteafewtractsonIslaminrefutationofthe Christian Missionaries at the request of Syed Ahmad Khan.6 Ibeganwithtwoapparentdigressions,butthey actuallycontainoneofthemainpointsofmyessay.Syed AhmadKhanmademanyenemiesandmanyfriendsand admirers.AliBakhshShararBadayuni(1821-1885)isan exampleofaconsistentandacrimoniousenemy,justasAltaf HusainHali(1837-1914)isanexampleofahero-worshipping followerandfriend.Sharar’svenomousunfriendlinessdidn’t

2 Siddiqi, P. 47. 3 For some details of Akbar Ilahabadi’s views on Syed Ahmad Khan’s reformist agenda, see my The Power Politics of Culture: Akbar Ilahabadi and the Changing Order of Things. 4 Siddiqi, pp. 50-52. 5 Syed Ahmad Khan, Maktubat, Vol. I, p.44. 6 Maulavi Abdul Qadir, p. 32.

2 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

preventanyofhisdirectclanfromgainingthebenefitsand advantagesofanAligarheducation,andHali’sacceptanceof SyedAhmadKhan’smildpoliticsdidn’tstopanyofHali’s direct clan from becoming Congressmen or Marxists. SyedAhmadKhan’sgeneralpopularityacrossthe board of Indian Muslim society suggests two things: First, the IndianMuslimwasgenerallyabletoseparatethefounder’s theology fromhiseducationalpolicyandwaswillingto obtaineducationattheM.A.O.Collegesolongasitdidn’t preachatheismortrytoconvertitspupilstoChristianity. Second,SyedAhmadKhangavetotheIndianMuslima senseofgrandpurposeandastrongandconvincingsignal forturninginanewandsalubriousdirection.SyedAhmad Khanthusgavehimafeelingofself-worth,andahopefora returntothestateofself-confidencewhichhadbeenlost apparentlyforeverintheaftermathofwhatSyedAhmad Khandescribedas“TheIndianRebellion”,andnot“The IndianMutiny”or“TheIndianTreason”,thepreferredterm with the English government. Contrary to the culture of sycophancy and genuflectingbeforethecolonialEnglishauthoritypromoted bytheBritishandfreelyadoptedbytheIndiansatthattime, bothSyedAhmadKhanandhishigh-profileandbrilliantson SyedMahmudstrivedtoconductthemselvesasiftheywere equaltotheEnglish.TheincidentoftheAgraDurbarof 1867wasquitewell-knowntotheIndiancommunity,and notjusttheMuslims.SyedAhmadKhanhadstayedaway fromtheDurbarbecause Indianshad beengivenseats inferiorto theEnglish.Amedalwastobeconferredon Syed Ahmad Khan at that Durbar. Williams, the CommissionerofMeerutwaslaterdeputedtopresentthe medaltoSyedAhmadKhan atAligarhrailwaystation. Williamsbrokeprotocolandshowedhispiqueathavingto dothetaskunderduressandsaidthathewasboundby Governmentorders,orhewouldn’tbepresentingthemedal toSyedAhmadKhan.SyedAhmadKhanacceptedthe medal,sayingthat hewouldn’thaveacceptedthemedal, exceptthathetoowasboundbyGovernmentorders.7

SyedAhmadKhanhostedadinneratBanarasin 1872tohonourSyedMahmudwhenhereturnedfrom EnglandafterhavingbeencalledtothebaratLincoln’sInn. AlexanderShakespeare,CommissionerofBanaras,presided. WhilerespondingtoShakespeare’stoast,SyedMahmud spoke of his wish

7 Hali, pp. 52-54 (of pt. 2).

3 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

[T]ouniteEnglandandIndiasociallyevenmorethan politically.TheEnglishruleinIndia,inordertobe good,mustpromisetobeeternal;anditcanneverdo sountiltheEnglishpeopleareknowntousasfriends and fellow subjects, than as rulers and conquerors.8 The Pioneer, where report of this dinner was published,doesn’trecordthealarmthatShakespeareand otherEnglishmenpresentmusthavefeltatthis.ButSyed Mahmudhadmadehispoint.Andhemadeitagainwhen,on becomingaHighCourtJudgeatAllahabad(1882)atthe youngageof32,hesubmittedaMemorialtoGovernmentto theeffectthatsincehewasEnglishexceptinnameand parentage,heshouldbetreatedonparwithBritishjudges. (SyedMahmud’sEnglishcontemporariessaidthathis mastery of English idiom was of an incredible precision.)9 In1875,MaulaviMushtaqHusain(1841-1917),who asIntisarJangVaqar-ul Mulk becameahighofficialin HyderabadandaprominentIndianMuslimmuchactivein theaffairsoftheM.A.O.CollegewasaTahsildarina districtwhoseCollectorroutinelyobjectedtohistakinga shortrecessforafternoonprayers.MushtaqHusainsought SyedAhmad’sadvice.HereiswhatSyedAhmadwrotein reply: NamazisobligatoryuponusfromGod.Wemay dischargeitillorwell,giventheinfamyofour actions,butweresomeonetosay,donotdothe namaz,wewon’tstanditforamoment.Suchtalkis impossibleeventobeheard.Inmybelief,notdoing namazisjustasinwhichcanbeexpectedtobe pardonedbyGod.Butnottodonamaz,orpostpone itbecauseofsomeone’sbehestisinmyviewasin whichwillneverbepardoned.Yououghttohavein thebeginningitselfadoptedacourseofconductthat wouldn’thaveletthingstocometosuchapass. Andifyoudidn’tdoitatthattime,thenwhythis abjectbeggingandflabbyentreatynow?Itwas absurdandcontemptibletoplead,‘Pleaseatleast grantmeleave,myhonorablesir!’‘Youmaysuitably dockmypayifyouplease!’Tohurlyourresignation athimwasthethingtodo,andtohavesaidplainly,‘ IwillobeythecommandofmymagnificentLord, GodtheOmninpotent,andnotyours.’Sowhat wouldhavebeentheconsequence?Youwouldn’t havehadajob?Youwouldhavestarvedtodeath?

8 Lelyveld, 2004. 9 Lelyveld, 2001.

4 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

That would have been an extremely good consummation. Peace be upon you.10 ItmustberememberedthataTahsildarmayhave beenaminorfunctionaryinthegeneralschemeofthings, buthiswasajobhighlyregardedanduniversallyprizedin colonialIndia.Quittingsuchajob,andthattooonthe ‘meagre’issueofafternoonprayerswouldgenerallyhave beenonsideredtobesomethingcausedbyasofteningofthe brain.ForSyedAhmadtohavegivensuchadviceandfor MushtaqHusaintohaveaccepteditwerebothactsofhigh moralcourageandprove,ifsuchproofwereatallneeded, thatSyedAhmadgavetotheIndianMuslimasenseofworth and self-respect otherwise rare at that time. SyedMahmudwasobligedtoresignhisjudgeship (1893).SyedAhmadKhanissuedalongstatementtoan Urdunewspaper onthatoccasion,assertingthatthemain reasonwhySyedMahmudcouldn’tcontinueintheservice wasthattheEnglishrobtheirIndiancivilservantsoftheir “self-respect”. He said: Inmyopinionthetimeisnotyet,andwillperhaps neverbe,thatourEuropeanfriendswhoarethe conquerorsofthiscountryandwhohavethe ascendancyandsuperioritynaturaltotheconqueror, andIndians,whoarethevanquishedandareheldin thecontemptnaturalforthevanquished,canbothsit togetheronthesamebenchandfunctionwithequal honourandpride,suitabletotherankthattheyboth hold.IftheIndianmaintainshisself-respect11 which heshould,werehetoanswerthedemandsof honestyandgoodbreeding,thenthelifeofboth partiescontinuestobehardandbitter….Itisnotat allasecretnowthatthereisthedifferenceofblack andwhitebetweenhowtheEnglishtreattheirown community and how they treat others….[Syed Mahmud]getsnopleasureinpositionsofpower. Rather,helooksdownuponpowerandconsidersit knavish to feel pride in a job with the Government.12 Ifthereeverwasanassertionofself-respect,dignity, andrefusaltobebrowbeatenbyanarrogantmaster-race,it washere.NevermindtheblasphemousviewsthatSyed Ahmad Khan was alleged to profess, or did profess. That was betweenhimandhisGod.Whatwashereandnowwasa newhopeforregainingsomeofthemoralgroundlostsince 1857.ItwasahopethatDeobanddidnotseemtoprovide.

10 Maktubat, Vol. II, pp. 274-75. 11 English in the original. 12 Maktubat, Vol. I, pp. 139-40.

5 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

Seemingly,SyedAhmadhadasolutionwhich gavethe IndianMuslimachancetogetsomewhatevenwiththe material world without having to let go of the hereafter. Thisseemstometobethereasonwhyacommunity evenmorebroad-basedthanthatoftheIndianMuslims,I meantheliterateandliterarycommunityofUrduspeakers throughout the sub-continent, let Syed Ahmad Khan demolishtheold-establishednotionsaboutthenatureof theirliterature.Furthermore,theyacceptedwithoutdemur SyedAhmadKhan’sagendatorefashionUrduliteratureafter theEnglishmodel. Ifouroldliteraturewaseffeteand decadentandifitwouldhelpusregainourself-respectwere wetorejectthatdecadentliteratureandembraceanew regime,sobeit.TheUrducommunityfeltmuchmore comfortablewithSyedAhmadKhanonUrduliteraturethan thetheologicalcirclescouldeverbewithhisnotionsand pronouncementsontherealityofmiracles,theexistenceof angels and jinns, and the origins of the battle of Badr.

2. HistoriansandscholarsofUrduliteraturegenerally agreethatthe“AligarhMovement”inUrduliterature broughtahealthychangeinUrduliteraryculture,particularly initsprose.AllagreethattheMovementwrought,infact,a revolutioninUrduliteratureandthereverberationsofthat revolutioncanstillbefeltbywritersandreadersalikemore thanahundredyearslater.ThisMovementofwhichSyed AhmadKhan(popularlyknownintheUrduworldas“Sir Syed”,butinEnglishIpreferSyedAhmadKhan)is universallyregardedastheunofficialheadhasn’tyetbeen studiedinthepost-colonialcontext.Again,however,thereis consensusamonghistoriansofUrduliteraturethatthe MovementdidnothingbutgoodtoUrduliterature.Ali JawadZaidi,forinstance,speaksof“thenewprosewhich flourished under the benign shadow of the Aligarh movement13.” Elsewhere, Zaidi says: ItwasSyedAhmadKhan,whocollectedagroupof writerstopopularizeastyle,markedbyclarity, simplicity,intellectualhonesty,andmodernityof speech. It was a vigorous prose. Through his journals, healsohelpedtheevolutionofnewcriticism,which hadthrownuppioneerslikeMohammadHusain Azad and Hali.14 Oneneednotattempthereananalysisofwordslike “intellectualhonesty”and“vigorousprose”orcomment

13 Zaidi, Ali Jawad, p. 207. 14 Zaidi, Ali Jawad, p. 236.

6 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

upontheair-brushingofnamesofmanyeighteenth-century secularandreligiouswriterswhotooexemplified“vigorous prose.” SufficeittosaythatZaidiislookingatUrdu literatureanditshistorythroughnineteenth-centuryeyes, eyesthatweredazzledbythebrightlightsoftherevolution heraldedbySyedAhmadKhan.ThegreatShibliNu’mani, notthemostardentofSyedAhmadKhan’sadmirers, concededinhisobituaryofSyedAhmadKhanthatSyed Ahmad“didhavebeforehimsomeexcellentexamplesof Urduprose,especiallyMirAmman’sChaharDarvesh which was composed in 1802”15 but Syed Ahmad Khan’s achievement was much greater: AllthegreatachievementsofSirSyedreflect everywhere the aspect of reformation16 and improvement,butamongthethingsthatturnedfrom ameredust-motetoablazingsunduetothe improvements effected by him there is Urdu literature17 too.ItwasonlybecauseofSirSyedthat Urduhasachievedthecapabilitytostrikeoutfrom therealmofloveandlovingandtoexpressideas fromtherealmsofgovernance,politics,ethicsand morals,history,andinfactfromallotherfields,and itcandosowithaforce,effectuality,concisionor amplitude,simplicityandclarity,ashasnotyetfallen to the fortune of its mentor, Persian.18 ItisclearthatShibli’ssub-texthereisthatSyed AhmadKhanconvertedUrdufrombeingthelanguageof merepoetrytoalanguageofprose,especially“vigorous” prose.Andthisremainedthereceivedperceptionabout threedecadeslaterinRamBabuSaksenaandevenacentury laterinAliJawadZaidi.SaksenasaysthatSyedAhmadKhan, “collectedaroundhimadevotedbandofworkerswhose activitiesshapedthecourseoftheUrduliterature19”and though he makes Syed Ahmad Khan seem like a construction engineer,itisclearthattheterm“literature”forhimmeans “prose” and nothing else. He goes on say: SirSyed’sstyleisvigorous,directandsimple.Itdoes notboastofliterarybeautiesandhewasnotastylist inanysenseoftheword….Hegaveadeathblowto thehighlyinvolvedornateandartificialrhyming

15 ShibliNu’mani,p.58.Theauthorcalledit BaghoBahar, thoughit waspopularlyknownasChaharDarvesh. Theactualdateof Bagho Bahar’scompositionis1801.Itwasfirstpublishedin1804.(Khan, pp. 44-51), but these are minor details and don’t affect the argument. 16 English in the original. 17 English in the original. 18 Shibli Nu’mani, p. 57. 19 Saksena, Ram Babu, p. 269.

7 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

proseofthestyleofZahuriandBedilandshowed thecapacityofUrduformatteroffactprose….He wieldedUrduprosewithamasteryunknownin previoushistory.Hali,hisBoswell,callshimthe fatherofUrduprose.Anotherremarkablequalityis thathecouldexpoundthemostintricate,complex andhighlytechnicalsubjectinsimpleandlucid language.20 OnecanseethatbothSaksenaandZaidiare paraphrasingfromShibli,exceptthatZaidicasuallysaysthat SyedAhmadKhan’sjournalsalsohelpedintheevolutionof whathedescribesas“newcriticism.”Shiblialsosaidthatall [Urdu]writersofthedaydevelopedunderSyedAhmad Khan’sdirectinfluence,orwereinfluencedbyhim,though fromadistance,orsomeotherscuttheirownpath,but couldnotclaimtohavebeenentirelyfreefromthebenefit spread by Syed Ahmad Khan.21 SuraiyaHusainextendsShibliNu’mani’sargumentto say that the influence of Syed Ahmad Khan’s thought and his prosewritingscanbeseeninevery[Urdu]literarywork produced towardtheclosingyearsofthenineteenth century.22 SuraiyaHusainmaybeoverstatingabit,yetthe factisthatSyedAhmadKhaninfluencedagreatnumberof scholars,andnotontheliterarylevelalone.ZafarAhmad SiddiqihasshownthatevenShiblihimself,andHamiduddin FarahiandAbulKalamAzadwhoprofessedtodisagree stronglywith SyedAhmadKhaninmattersrelatingto theologyandQur’anicexegesis,actuallyadoptedSyed Ahmad Khan’s line in many important matters in that area.23 Whatisnotgenerallysowell-recognizedisthe influenceofSyedAhmadKhanonthedevelopment and growthofthe“newpoetry”or“naturalpoetry”which becamethedominantUrduliteraryethicofitstime.Muchof thefirstorganizedliterarytheoryandcriticisminUrduarose toprovidejustificationforthatpoetry.Itisofhistorical interest,thoughnotofrelevancetoushere,tonotethatthe effortsofthelatenineteenthcenturyUrduliterarytheorists andhistoriansaretheveryfirstinIndiatoproducewhatwas thenseenas“modern”and“westernized”literarytheoryand historiography. Historians generally believe that the first moves in the projecttoreorderUrdu’sliterarymorphologyweremadein Lahore where new style musha’iras began to be held in 1874 andHolroydmadehisfamouspronouncementsaboutUrdu 20 Saksena, Ram Babu, pp. 271-272. 21 Shibli, p. 57. 22 Husain, p. 283. 23 See Zafar Ahmad Siddiqi’s essay in English translation in A. A. Ansari, 2001.

8 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

literaturebeingdecadentandgreatlyinneedofbeingrescued andrevived.AsFrancesPritchettnotes,on9May,1874, MuhammadHusainAzaddeliveredhislectureonthereform ofUrdupoetry.Azad’slecturewasfollowedbyaspeech fromHolroydwhobeganbysaying,“Thismeetinghasbeen calledtodiscovermeansforthedevelopmentofUrdupoetry whichisinastateofdecadencetoday.”Holroydalso“ emphasizedtheusefulnessofpoetryasateachingtool”and proposed the establishment of a new kind of musha’ira.24 FrancesPritchettalsonotes,throughAslamFarrukhi, thatSyedAhmadKhangaveencouragementandsupportto MuhammadHusainAzadandquotesfromaletterofSyed Ahmad Khan25. She translates as follows: Bringyourworkevenclosertonature(nechar).The extenttowhichaworkcomesclosetonatureisthe extent to which it gives pleasure.26 Infact,thereismoretothisletterthanwhatappears above.Thisletterisapparentlyinresponsetoanearlierone fromMuhammadHusainAzad,reportingonthenewstyle musha’ira,enclosingapoemofhisown,andseekingcomfort andsupportfromSyedAhmadKhaninthenewventure.In hisreplySyedAhmadKhangavenotonlycomfortand congratulationstoAzad,heactuallyoutlinedaReformist agenda.Hisletterthusneedstobetranslatedmoreorlessin full: Oneofmyextremelylong-heldwisheshascometrue withthismusha’ira.Ihadbeenhopingforalong timeforourpoetstodirecttheirattentiontothe narrationof thingsastheyarefoundinnature.27 Your masnavi Khvab-eAmn [“ADreamofPeace”] arrivedandpleasedmeverymuch.Withoutdoubt youhavegivenfullreinto[thepowerof]poetryand thevigourofdiscourse.Still,ithasmuchthatis fancifulandunreal.Letyourpoetryinclineyetmore tonature.Themorepoetryinclinestonature,the moreisthepleasuretobehadfromit.Donotfear thepeople’stauntsandderision.Itisessentialthat ideasaretakenfromEnglishpoetryandexpressedin Urdu.Thistaskissodifficult,let’sseeifthere’sone todoit.Upuntilnowwehavenoideasbasedon

24 Pritchett, pp. 34-5. 25 The date of this letter is now established as October 29, 1874. See Matktubat, Vol. II, p. 29. 26 Pritchett, p. 38. 27 The word “nature” occurs a number of times in this letter. In all the instances it’s not a translation of some Urdu word. It occurs in English in the original.

9 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

nature.Sowhat’sthereforustoexpressinthat line?28 Thereisnoneedtoconductananalysisofthistext. ItisclearthatSyedAhmadKhandisapprovesofimagery, metaphor, and what may generally be described as imaginativewriting.HewantsUrdupoetstowrite“natural” poetryandalsotowriteabout“nature.”Hebelievesthat botharefoundabundantlyinEnglishandtheUrdupoet musttakeideasfromEnglishpoetrybecauseallEnglish poetryisbydefinitionworthyofemulationandallUrdu poetry is by definition devoid of things that deserve praise. Wemustn’timaginethatSyedAhmadKhan’sletteris perhapstheeffusionofamomentinspiredbythenewsgiven byAzad.Afulltwoandahalfyearsbeforethisletter,Syed Ahmad Khan made the following judgement on Urdu poetry. Intheissueof TahzibulAkhlaq dated1Muharram1289 (=March 11, 1872), he wrote: Therecouldbenothingworseormoredefectivethan theartandpracticeofpoetryasinvogueinourtime. Themestherearenoneexceptofloveandromance, andeventhosedonotconveythebetterhuman emotions.Rather,thetheme[oflove]pointstothose evilemotionswhichareopposedtotruecultureand morals.29 OnecanseethatmuchofHali’stheoryand MuhammadHusainAzad’sfulminationsagainstUrdupoetry (bothofwhichcamemuchlater)arenothingbutannotations oftheaboveindictment.ButSyedAhmadKhangoes further: Thebadanddefectivepracticeofexpressingfar- fetchedandabstractthemes,andthecodesforusing simileandmetaphorarenowwellestablished.These thingsdocauseinourmindssomekindofwonderor marvel;buttheydonotatallaffecttheheart,orour nature,orthehumanemotionwhichtheyare concerned with.30 These points were elaborated to the full by MuhammadHusainAzadwhoalsomademuchofSyed AhmadKhan’schargethatUrdupoetrywasconfinedtolove andromancealone.NafisBanosaysinanapologeticvein thatSyedAhmadKhanwasnotagainstallromanticand love-themesinUrdupoetry;rather,hewantedtoretainthem andalsoenlargethescopeofUrdupoetry.Shequotesfrom the Tahzibul Akhlaq of “1292” in support of her

28 Maktubat, Vol. II, p. 28. 29 Maqalat, Vol. X, p. 47. 30 Maqalat, Vol. X, p. 47.

10 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

contention.31 Theactualissuethatshequotesfromisdated 1Muharram,1292(=February7,1875),andthepassagein questiondoesn’tadvocateretentionofheoldthemes.Itis,in fact,acelebrationofthenewmusha’iraofMay1874.Syed Ahmad Khan said: Agreatshortcomingintheliteraryartsofour languagewasthatitspoetrywasincomplete.The poetshaddevotedtheirloftyresolutiontoromantic ghazalsand vasokht poems,andpanygerics,andshort qit’a poemsofthepangsofseparationandstory- tellingmasnavis. Idon’tsaythatthosethemes shouldn’thavebeentouched.No,theytooare excellentthemesandareveryusefulinthesearchfor newerthemesandforgivingexpressiontothe ingenuity of the poetic temperament. But the deficiencywasthatourlanguagehadnothingelse. Themesoftheotherkind,whichindeedarethetrue themes, and are related with nature, weren’t there…Thatdayof1874whenthemusha’iraof naturalpoetry32 wasestablishedinLahorewillalways berememberedinthehistoryoftheliteraryartsof Urdu language.33 Theprophecyindeedcometrue,butnotbeforethe greatestexcesseswerecommittedonUrduliteraturebySyed AhmadKhan’scohorts.HereisMuhammadHusainAzad almostdeliberatelyelaboratingupontheabovepassage.No translationcanreproducethemalignantbeautyofthe original, but the sense is clear enough: Itisanunhappystateofaffairsthatourpoetryhas becomeensnaredinthetoilsofafewtriflingideas: thatis,romanticthemes,carefreedrinkingofwine, creatingillusorycolorsandscentswithouttheroseor therosegarden,bewailingthecalamityofseparation, delightinginimaginaryunion,feelinganaversionto theworld,andontopofthisexperiencingthe oppressionoftheheavens.Andtheoutrageousthing isthatifwewanttospeakofsomerealmatter,we expressthatveryideainmetaphors—theresultof whichisthatwecandonothing.Myfriends!Isee thattheexhibitionhallofartsandsciencesisopen, andallthepeoplehavebeendisplayingthehandwork oftheirliterature.Don’tyouseeonwhatlevelour languagestands?Yes—youcanclearlysee—shelies on the doormat!34 31 Nafis Bano, p. 303. 32 “Nature” and “natural poetry” are English in the original. 33 Maqalat,Vol. X, p. 120. 34 Ab-e Hayat, p. 103.

11 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

Iwillconcludethispartofmyessaywithonemore quotefromSyedAhmadKhan.It’sfromthesameissueof TahzibulAkhlaq (February7,1875)fromwhichIquoted above.Hereheadoptsanuncharacteristictriumphalistand derisive tone: Indeed,theNewUrduhasinspiredlifeinour nationallanguage.WhatevermagicalspellsMirand DardandZafarmayhavewroughtinUrdupoetry, welltheymighthave;MirMomin(sic,Amman)of Delhimayhavenarratedsometaleinpolished language,wellhemighthave.Allthiscouldn’thave beenmoreeloquent,moreinterestingandmore idiomaticthanabedtimenarrativetoldtothe children by a toothless crone.35 ItseemsclearthatSyedAhmadKhanwasouttogive abiginferioritycomplextotheUrducommunity,andthat communitycheerfullyacceptedthegiftbecauseitcame, paradoxicallyenough,withthegiftofself-respect,anda sense of purpose and self-worth.

3. In1842,BahadurShahZafarreviveduponSyed AhmadKhanthetitleofJavad-udDaulah,conferredupon SyedAhmad’s grandfatherSyedHadibyEmperorShah AlamIIinaboutthemiddleoftheeighteenthcentury.The EmperoraddedtoittheadditionaltitleofArifJang.These titlesdidn’tmeanmuchbuttheirconfermentwassymbolic ofSyedAhmadKhan’sincorporationintothenobilityof Delhi.Thiswassomethingwhichwasnotinthepowerof theEnglish.SyedAhmadKhanwastwenty-fiveyearsofage atthattimeandhaddevelopedintoahistorianandantiquary withanactiveinterestinsufismaswellasmechanics, geometryandastronomy.Hisinterestinastronomy,though, didn’tpersuadehimtoacceptthattheearthrevolvedround the sun and in 1848 he wrote a short tract in refutation of the theory. Alreadyin1847SyedAhmadKhanhadproducedhis firstmajortext.Itwas Asar-usSanadid, hisgreatantiquarian textonDelhi.Erudite,accurate,andcompiledatoccasional butrealphysicalrisktohimself,thefour-volumeworkstands asalastingmonumentnotonlytotheauthor’sindustrybut alsotohissenseofcultureandhistoryandhisrealization, wellaheadofhistimes,oftheneedtorecordandpreserveas muchaspossibleofthemonumentsofDelhiandtheir inscriptions.Italsocontainedalargesectiononthesufis,

35 Maqalat,Vol. X, p. 115.

12 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

menoflearning,andpoetsandartistsofcontemporary Delhi. Dividedundertenheadings,therewere118persons listed here. Syed Ahmad Khan said in his introduction: Thoughpeoplemightbelievethatpatriotismwould haveguidedmeinwritingtheaccountofthe personagesofthiscity,…thefactisthatthepeople ofthisplacearesuchaswouldperhapsnotbefound inanyotherland.Everyindividualhereisthe aggregateofathousandqualitiesandabouquetof hundredsofthousandsofaccomplishments.Every onehasafondnessforlearningandfortheartsand they have the taste for study, be it day or night.36 Javad-udDaulahSyedAhmadKhanArifJang becameSadrAmin(or SudderAmeen,intheBritishspellingof thosetimes)atBijnorein1855bywhichtimehewas finishinghishighlyscholarly,verywellresearchedand illustratededitionofAbulFazl’s Ai’n-eAkbari,itselfan extraordinarilydifficultbook.Havingfinishedtheworktohis satisfaction,andbelievingthatMirzaAsadullahKhanGhalib wasapersonwhowouldappreciatehislabours,SyedAhmad approachedthegreatGhalibtowriteataqriz (inthe conventionofthetimes,alaudatoryforeword)forit.Ghalib obliged,butwhathedidproducewasashortPersianpoem castigatingthe Ai’n-eAkbari,andbyimplication,theimperial, sumptuous,literateandlearnedMughalcultureofwhichit wasaproduct.Theleastthatcouldbesaidagainstitwasthat thebookhadlittlevalueevenasanantiquedocument. GhalibpracticallyreprimandedSyedAhmadKhanfor wastinghistalentsandtimeondeadthings.Worse,he praisedsky-highthe“sahibsofEngland”whoatthattime held all the keys to all the a’ins in this world.37 Needlesstosay,SyedAhmadKhandidn’tacceptthe taqriz.VolumesIandIIIofthe Ai’n-eAkbari cameoutfrom Delhiin1272AH(=1855-56).Thesecondvolumecouldnot becompletedintime.Themanuscriptandthepresson whichitwastoprintedbothperishedintheaftermathof 1857.38 HisHistoryofthedistrictofBijnore,muchlikedby hisDistrictMagistrateandsentbyhimtotheLt.Governor

36 Maqalat, Vol. XVI, p. 212. 37 Theword a’in canmeanalloranyofthefollowing:character,convention, temperament,habit,rule,path,law(ecclesiasticalorsecular),creed,praxis, quality,intention,organization,management,system,decoration,beauty. (LughatNama-eDehkhoda).Thereareabouteightymeaningsinall.These meaningsseemtohavedevelopedoverthecenturies.Mostwereavailableto Abul Fazl; all were available to Ghalib. 38 Hali, p. 55 ( of pt. 1).

13 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

atAgraforapprovalbeforepublication,wasalsodestroyed during the turbulence at Agra in 1857. BijnorebroughtSyedAmadKhanmuchclosertothe Englishthanhadbeenthecasesofar.Henowwasthe seniorIndianofficialinthedistrictandinfactthe administrationofthedistrictbecamehisresponsibilitywhen theEnglish fledBijnorein1857.SyedAhmadKhanalso negotiatedthesurrenderofNawabMahmudKhantothe Englishafterthecessationofhostilities.Thehuman, administrativeanddiplomaticexperienceofBijnoreand Moradabadstationsduring1855-1858apparentlytriggered thetransitionfromJavad-udDaulaSyedAhmadKhanArif JangtoSirSyedAhmadKhanBahadur,K.C.S.I.,39 LL.D., (Edinburgh),Life-trusteeSecretary,M.A.O.College, Aligarh,andmuchelsebesides,andauthorof Khutabat-e Ahmadiyya,Tafsir-ulQur’an (insevenvolumes),andmuch more. The disorganized and unplanned and basically inefficientconductoftheRebellion,theresilienceofthe English,theirgreatermasteryofmilitarytechnologyand resourcemanagement,themiseryandhumiliationandnear totaldestructionoftherebelpopulation,especiallythe Muslims,aftertheirdefeat,obviouslyhastenedtheprocessof mental change in Syed Ahmad Khan. Indeed,thetransitionmayhavebegun,almost unperceivedbySyedAhmadhimself,in1854whenhe reissuedthe Asar-usSanadid butomittedtheentiresection (chapter4)dealingwiththepersonalitiesofDelhi.Noone knowsexactlywhyhedidit.Itissaidthattheadvicetoomit thechaptercamefromEdwardThomas,civilservantinthe serviceoftheCompany,andahistorian.40 Thereasonfor thisadviceisnotclear.AsgharAbbassays,“Thereasons givenbysomehistoriansfortheexcisionofchapter4are quite far- fetched. The truth is that this chapter was taken out because of translation difficulties.”41 The“far-fetchedreasons”alludedtobyAsghar AbbasimplythatSyedAhmadKhanapprehendedinviting displeasureoftheEnglishbyspeakingaboutpeoplelikeShah AbdulAzizandImamBakhshSahba’iinglowingterms.But thisisplainlyuntenable.ShahAbdulAzizwaslongdead(d. 1824),andSahba’ihadn’tdoneanythingtillthentoincurthe

39 That is, Kight Commander of the Star of India. Syed Ahmad was already a C. S. I. (Commander of the Star of India), the K. C. S. I. was conferred upon him after he was knighted. 40 Javed Ali Khan, p. 170. I am grateful to Prof. N. R. Farooqi for pointing out this text to me. 41 Asghar Abbas, p. 6.

14 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

wrathoftheEnglish.SuraiyaHusainbelievesthat“atthat time,theWahhabimovementwasverystrongandthe Wahhabishadbeenchargedwithpoliticalcrimesandthey wereliabletocensureanddispleasure.Thusanumberofthe ulemaandfamouspersonalitiesofDelhitoohadbecome objectsofthedispleasure.SyedAhmadKhanthusthoughtit expedienttotakeoutthechapter fromthesecond edition.”42 WhilenoevidencehasbeenofferedbyHusainfor her conclusion, Asghar Abbas’s view that translation difficultiesobligedSyedAhmadKhantoomitchapter4is equallyuntenable.Nooneisobligedtotranslateabookin full.Noristheauthorexpectedtodiscardchunksofhistext justbecausetheydefytranslation.Theoriginalandthe translationhavedifferenttargetaudiencesandoneneednot be believed to be dictating to the other. IqtidarAlamKhanadoptsamorereasonableline whenhesays,“Aparently,theonlyconclusiontobedrawnis thatthereasonforits[chapter4’s]removalwouldhavebeen thefactthatthis tazkira ofthetraditionalstyledidnotfully matchthecontentsofabookwithsuchamodernand modernist approach and method as the Asar-us Sanadid .”43 ItismuchmorelikelythatSyedAhmadKhan himself,nowmoreincontactwiththeEnglishbecause, ironically,ofthe Asar-usSanadid itself, andhispostingat Bijnore,hadbeguntofeelthattheelitesofDelhididn’t actuallycountformuchbeforetheEnglish,orinabsolute termseven.Andhisopinionmayhavebeenstrengthenedby Ghalib’spoemonthe Ai’n-eAkbari.Thepoemwas unexpected,butitcameatthetimewhenSyedAhmad Khan’sthoughtandfeelingsthemselveswereinclining towardchange.Ghalibseemedtobeacutelyawareofan European[English]-sponsored change in world polity, especiallyIndianpolity.SyedAhmadmightwellhavebeen piquedatGhalib’sadmonitions,buthewouldalsohave realizedthatGhalib’sreadingofthesituation,thoughnot nuancedenough,wasbasicallyaccurate.SyedAhmadKhan mayalsohavefeltthathe,beingbetterinformedaboutthe Englishandtheoutsideworld,shouldhavehimselfseenthe change that now seemed to be just round the corner. Wemustalsorememberthatchapter4wasn’tthe onlypartofthetexttobedeletedforthesecondedition. Theaxeseemstohavefallenonalmostallthethingsinthe textthatdidn’tseemtoconformtoEnglishtastes.For example,SyedAhmadKhandeletedalongishPersianverse

42 Suraiya Husain, p. 215. 43 Iqtidar Alam Khan, p. 11. I am grateful to Professor Asghar Abbas for drawing my attention to this text and to Professor Iqbal Husain for making its copy available to me.

15 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

panygericinpraiseofMetcalfe,theEnglishResident.Healso removedallthe taqrizes,includingonefromGhalibandone fromNavabZiauddinAhmadKhan,wellknownhistorian andpoet.Alsoomittedweretheaccountofthemiraclesofa saintoftheRifa’iorder,andananecdoteaboutSyedAhmad himself,alsoinvolvingahintofthesupernatural.44 These omissionsindicatethatSyedAhmadwasnowmore aufait withVictorian-Englishtastesandmores.Thisisconfirmed,if somewhatobliquely,byHaliin Hayat-eJaved45 andbyMunshi PyareLalShakir(1880-1956)who,inashortbiographyof SyedAhmadKhansaidaboutthesecondeditionof Asar thatSyedAhmadKhan“revisedthebookandputittogether anew.Thistime,thetexthasextremesimplicityandthe narrative too is devoid of Asiatic hyperbole and extravagances.”46 Ghalib’s taqriz on Ai’n-eAkbari isapoemthatis oftenreferredtobuthasnevertranslatedinEnglishoreven Urdu.Inviewoftheimportantpartthatitseemstohave playedindeterminingthefuturecourseofSyedAhmad Khan’sthought,Igiveithereinfull.Thetranslationis accurate if lacking the felicity of the original:

Ghalib’s Taqriz onSyedAhmadKhanArif Jang’seditionof A’in-eAkbari (notacceptedby Syed Ahmad Khan for publication) (1855-56)

Good news my friends, this ancient book’s door Is now open, because of the Syed’s grace and fortune, 1

The eye began to see, the arm found strength That which was wrapped in ancient clothes, now put on a new dress. 2

And this idea of his, to establish its text and edit the A’in Puts to shame his exalted capability and potential, 3

He put his heart to a task and pleased himself And made himself an auspicious, free servant. 4

44 Asghar Abbas, p. 6. All the cuts were restored in a modern edition edited by Khaliq Anjum. 4545 Hayat-e Javed, pp. 55-56 (of pt. 1). Shakir’s phrase “Asiatic hyperbole and extravagances” is an echo from Hali, except that Hali said, “cold, dull extravagances.” He used a standard Arabic word baridah (=cold, dull, slow moving) which also could be read as Persian bar-deh (=giving or causing heaviness). 46 Quoted by Ansarullah Nazar, p. 236.

16 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

One who isn’t capable of admiring his quality Would no doubt praise him for this task, 5

For such a task, of which this book is the basis Only an hypocrite can offer praise. 6

I, who am the enemy of pretence And have a sense of my own truthfulness, 7

If I don’t give him praise for this task It’s proper that I find occasion to praise. 8

I have nothing to say to the perverse None know what I know of arts and letters, 9

In the whole world, this merchandise has no buyer. What profit could my Master hope from it? 10

It should be said, it’s an excellent inventory So what’s there to see that’s worth seeing? 11

And if you talk with me of Laws and Rules Open your eyes, and in this ancient halting-place 12

Look at the Sahibs of England. Look at the style and practice of these, 13

See what Laws and Rules they have made for all to see What none ever saw, they have produced. 14

Science and skills grew at the hands of these skilled ones Their efforts overtook the efforts of the forebears. 15

This is the people that owns the right to Laws and Rules None knows to rule a land better than they, 16

Justice and Wisdom they’ve made as one They have given hundreds of laws to India. 17

The fire that one brought out of stone How well these skilled ones bring out from straw! 18

What spell have they struck on water That a vapour drives the boat in water! 19

17 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

Sometimes the vapour takes the boat down the sea Sometimes the vapour brings down the sky to the plains. 20

Vapour makes the sky-wheel go round and round Vapour is now like bullocks, or horses. 21

Vapour makes the ship speed Making wind and wave redundant. 22

Their instruments make music without the bow They make words fly high like birds: 23

Oh don’t you see that these wise people Get news from thousands of miles in a couple of breaths? 24

They inject fire into air And the air glows like embers, 25

Go to London, for in that shining garden The city is bright in the night, without candles. 26

Look at the businesses of the knowledgeable ones: In every discipline, a hundred innovators! 27

Before the Laws and Rules that the times now have All others have become things of yesteryears, 28

Wise and sensitive and prudent one, does your book Have such good and elegant Laws? 29

When one sees such a treasure house of gems Why should one glean corn from that other harvest? 30

Well, if you speak of its style, it’s good No, it’s much better than all else that you seek 31

But every good always has a better too If there’s a head, there’s also a crown for it. 32

Don’t regard that Generous Source as niggardly It’s a Date-Palm which drops sweet light, like dates. 33

Worshipping the Dead is not an auspicious thing And wouldn’t you too think that it’s

18 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

no more than just words? 34

The Rule of silence pleases my heart, Ghalib You spoke well doubtless, not speaking is well too. 35

Here in this world your creed is to worship all the Prophet’s children, Go past praising, your Law asks you to pray: 36

For Syed Ahmad Khan-e Arif Jang Who is made up entirely of wisdom and splendour 37

Let there be from God all that he might wish for Let an auspicious star lead all his affairs. 38

Idon’tneedtodilateuponthepoem’scontents.It makesthepastnessofthepastextremelyclear.Thepresent andthefuturearehere,andtheyareinthehandsofthe innovators,thetechnologists,theinformation-expeditersand controllers.SmallwonderthatSirSyedAhmadKhannever againwroteawordinpraiseofthe Ai’n-eAkbari andinfact gaveuptakingactiveinterestinhistoryandarchealogy.He dideditanothertwo historicaltexts47 overthenextfew years,butneitherofthemwasanythinglikethe A’in:avast andtriumphalistdocumentonthegovernanceofAkbar.The A’in wasalsotheworld’sfirstanthropologicaltextand gazetteer,andmuchelsebesides.Inthe Asar-usSanadid Syed AhmadquotedAmirKhusrauandotherPersianpoetswith pleasure.After1854,hecontinuedtoquotePersianpoetry hereandthere,verysparingly,andjusttomakeapoint,not togiveorderivepleasurefromit.In1847hehadsaidabout thepeopleofDelhithateveryindividualwas“theaggregate ofathousandqualitiesandabouquetofhundredsof thousands of accomplishments. Every one has a fondness for learningandfortheartsandtheyhavethetasteforstudy,be it day or night.”48

47 The Tarikh-e Firuz Shahi (1862), and Jahangir’s Autobiography, the Tuzuk-e Jahangiri(1863). 48 Maqalat, Vol. XVI, p. 212. 49English in the original.

19 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

In around 1892 he wrote thus about Delhi: Inauspiciousnessandevilplanetaryeffectstillrains downonitsMuslims,thedwellingsoftheMuslims, andthe neighborhoodsof theMuslims. Their temperament, their morals and manners, their customsandusages,theirsocial49 condition,allhave changed so much that when sometimes I go to Delhi andhappentomeetwithsomeone,Ifeelastonished: whatcountryandwhatlandaretheyresidentsof? God took away everything that Delhi had. And that is the fate wrought by the Almighty, the Omniscient.50 ThiscallstomindtheanguishedcryofGhalib, lamentingthestateofDelhiaftertheEnglishretookthecity in 1858: Ohwhatdoyouask!AndwhatshouldIsay?Delhi’s lifewasinseveralthingsofmoment:theFort,the ChandiChowk,thedailymarketaroundtheJama Masjid,theweeklyexcursiontothebridgeoverthe Jamna, the annual fair of the flower-sellers. These five aren’ttherenow.Tellmethen,whereisDelhi?True, therewassomecityofthisnameintheIndian kingdom.51 *** IwenttowardRajghat,viathe JamaMasjidarea. FromtheJamaMasjidtothegateofRajghat--no exaggeration--avastwilderness…Nowfortheiron

49 50 Thedateandaddresseeofthisletterarenotknown.Apparentlyit waswrittenatthetimewhentherewasaproposaltohold a meetingoftheMuhammadanEducationalConferenceinDelhi. Sinceitsnamewaschangedfrom“MuhammadanEducational Congress”to“MuhammadanEducationalConference”in 1890, thislettershoulddatefromaroundthattime.Forchangeofname, seeSyedMuhammadAhmad,“SirSyedAhmadKhan,1817-1898” intheQrly. Jamia, no.95,July-Dec.1998,andIqbalHusain,pp.x, 118-119.ThechangeoverfromCongresstoConferencealmost certainlytookplaceattheAllahabadmeetingoftheCongressin December1890.Fortheletter,see Maktubat, Vol.II,p.465.Itis possiblethattheaddresseeoftheletterwasKhanBahadurMunshi IlahiBakhshaboutwhomSyedAhmadwroteinaletterdatedJuly 14,1892,asfollows:“AlthoughKhanBahadurMunshiIlahi BakhshandafewotherfriendsarepressingmeaboutDelhi,inmy opinionarrangementscannotatallbemadeinDelhi.Andasfaras Icansee,therearemanyreasonsthatindicatethatGoddoesnot willforanythingconducivetotheprogressofMuslimstobedone inDelhi.AndnonecanfightwithGod’swill.”SeeIqbalHusain,p. 153. The meeting, however did take place in Delhi.

51 Letter dated December 2, 1859 to Mir Mahdi Majruh. See Khaliq Anjum, Vol. II, p. 514.

20 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

roadway,theareafromCalcuttaGatetoKabuliGate hasbeenlevelledtotheground.....Inbrief,thecity hasbecomeawilderness….ByGod,there’snocity now.It’sacamp,acantonment.There’snocity,no Fort, no Bazaar, no water-channel.52 Butthatwas1869-60,theEnglishmilitarywasstillin occupationoftheJamaMasjidandmanyotherprestigious historicalbuildingsofDelhi.SyedAhmadKhanwrotehis letterafter1891,perhapsin1892.Butitwasn’tJavad-ud DaulahArifJangwhowaslookingatDelhithen.ItwasSir Syed Ahmad Khan Bahadur, K. C. S. I., and he never wrote a wordaboutoldbuildingsorcitiesortheircitizens,pastor present.

Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

August-October, 2006

Author’s Note AlltranslationsfromUrduandPersianhavebeenmadeby me, except where stated otherwise.

Works Cited

1. AbdulQadir,Maulavi, Hayat-eSabiq,Banaras,Iksir-e Azam Press, 1905. 2. AliAkbarDehkhoda, LughatNama, CDissuedbythe University of Tehran, [email protected] 3. AsgharAbbas,“Asar-usSanadidkaPahlaEdition”,in Ajkal, Delhi, October, 2006. 4. Azad,MuhammadHusain, Ab-eHayat (1880), translatedandeditedbyFrancesPritchettin associationwithShamsurRahmanFaruqi, Delhi, OUP, 2001. 5. Faruqi,ShamsurRahman, ThePowerPoliticsof Culture:AkbarIlahabadiandTheChangingOrder ofThings,ZakirHusainMemorialLecture, 2002,issuedasapamphletbyZakirHusain College, New Delhi, n.d. 6. Ghalib, Mirza Asadullah Khan, Kulliyat-e Ghalib, Farsi, Vol. I, Ed. Syed Murtaza Husain Fazil Lakhnavi,Lahore, MajlisTaraqqi-e Adab, 1967. 7. ______, GhalibkeKhutut,Vol. II,ed.KhaliqAnjum,NewDelhi,Ghalib Institute, 1985. 8. Hali, Khvaja Altaf Husain, Hayat-e Javed, Kanpur, Nami Press, 1901. 52 Letter dated 1860 to Mir Mahdi Majruh. See Khaliq Anjum, Vol. II, p. 524.

21 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

9. Husain, Suraiya, Sir Syed Ahmad Khan Aur Un Ka ‘Ahd, Aligarh, Educational Book House, 1993. 10. Iqbal Husain, ed., Dastavezat-e Muslim Educational Conference, 1886-1896, Aligarh Muslim University, Sir Syed Academy, 2003. 11. Javed Ali Khan, Early Urdu Historiography, Patna, Khuda Bakhsh Library, 2005. 12.Khan, Iqtidar Alam, “Aligarh Tahrik aur Tarikh Nigari”, Prof. M. Mujeeb Memorial Lecture at the Jamia Millia Islamia, University, New Delhi, 1991, published by the Centre of Advanced Studies, Dept of History, AMU, Aligarh, n.d. 13. Khan,RashidHasan, ed., BaghoBahar by MirAmman,NewDelhi,AnjumanTaraqqi-e Urdu, 1992. 14. Lelyveld,David,“Macaulay’sCurse:SirSyed andSyedMahmud”,inA.A.Ansari,ed., Sir SyedAhmadKhan:ACentenaryTribute,Delhi, Adam Publications, 2001. 15. ______, “The Mystery Mansion, SwarajBhawanandtheMythsofPatriotic Nationalism”,in TheLittleMagazine, New Delhi, Vol. IV, Issue 4, 2003. 16. Muhammad Sadiq, A History of Urdu Literature, Delhi, OUP, 1984. 17. NafisBano, TahzibulAkhlaq:Tahqiqiva TanqidiMutali’a, Aligarh,EducationalBook House, 1993. 18. Nazar,Ansarullah,“Asar-usSanadid”,inthe Qrly. FikroNazar,SpecialissueonSirSyed, Aligarh, October, 1999. 19. Pritchett,FrancesW., NetsofAwareness:Urdu PoetryandItsCritics, Berkeley,Universityof California Press, 1994. 20. Saksena,RamBabu, AHistoryof Urdu Literature, NewDelhi,IndigoBooks,2002. Orig. pub 1927. 21. ShibliNu’mani, Maqalat-eShibli, Vol.II,ed. SyedSulaimanNadvi,4th printing,Azamgarh, the Ma’arif Press, 1984. 22. Siddiqi,MuhammadAli, SirSyedAhmadKhan aur Jiddat Pasandi, Karachi, Irtiqa, 2002. 23. SyedAhmadKhan,Dr.Sir, Maqalat-eSirSyed, Vol.I,ed.,Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati, Lahore, Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1984. 24.______, Vol. II, ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1984. 25.______, Vol. X, ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1992. 26.______, Vol. XV, ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 2001.

22 From Antiquary to Social Revolutionary: Syed Ahmad Khan and the Colonial Experience, By Shamsur Rahman Faruqi

27.______, Vol. XVI, ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1965. 28. ______, Maktubat-eSirSyed, Vol.I,ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1976. 29.______, Vol. II, ed., Muhammad Isma’ilPanipati,Lahore,Majlis Taraqqi-e Adab, 1985. 30.Syed Muhammad Ahmad, “Sir Syed AhmadKhan,1817-1898”intheQrly. Jamia, no. 95, July-Dec. 1998. 31. ZafarAhmadSiddiqi, SirSyedkeAsarat (Shibli,Farahi,aurMaulanaAzadkeKhususi HavaleSe) translatedbyAbdurRahimKidwai as “Impact of Sir Syed (With Special ReferencetoShibli,Farahi,andAzad)” includedinA.A.Ansari,ed., SirSyedAhmad Khan: A Centenary Tribute, Delhi, Adam Publications, 2001. 32. Zaidi,AliJawad, AHistoryofUrduLiterature, New Delhi, Sahitya Akademi, 1993.

23