Myanmar Security Outlook: Tatmadaw Under Stress? CHAPTER 4

CHAPTER 4 Myanmar Security Outlook: Tatmadaw under Stress? Tin Maung Maung Than Introduction Myanmar entered 2014, the penultimate year before the 2015 elections, with high hopes for peace through a nationwide ceasefire agreement (NCA) with all the major ethnic armed groups (EAGs) from among the many non-state armed groups (NSAGs) seen by the ruling establishment as the most serious hard security threat of the day. The protracted armed conflict between the EAGs and Tatmadaw (Myanmar armed forces) under successive governments, since independence in 1948, have resulted in material and financial losses, stunted development of affected regions, hardship and misery to the population, and countless casualties not only of combatants but also innocent civilians. At present, as the NCA remains elusive, the unresolved conflict is challenging the legitimacy of the government and the 2008 Constitution as well as the territorial integrity of the Myanmar state formally known as the Republic of the Union of Myanmar. Tatmadaw and Myanmar’s national security: internal and external challenges The major internal security challenge which has been the concern of Tatmadaw leaders has been the insurgency problem all along. Realizing that a military solution is neither possible nor desirable in this era of democratic transition, the current leadership of the Tatmadaw has supported the peace process while keeping the option for employing force of arms when deemed necessary. Moreover, it holds on to its role of safeguarding peace, security and stability of the Myanmar state by containing communal violence, upholding the 2008 Constitution and participating in ‘national politics’ as a balancing force against polarizing tendencies of ‘party politics.’ On the other hand, the traditional challenge of foreign aggression remains an improbable potential threat which is being addressed through regional cooperation, defence diplomacy, continuing force modernization, and military professionalization 34 Security Outlook of the Asia Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector Insurgency: the military dimension Counter-insurgency remains the primary focus of Tatmadaw’s role in protecting national security and preserving the territorial integrity of the republic. It still has to contend with nearly 100,000 armed personnel affiliated with a multitude of NSAGs, the majority of whom belong to non-Bamar EAGs1. Only a small number of EAG have joined the Border Guard Force (BGF) units under Tatmadaw command and control while the majority has maintained their order of battle and many of the so- called ceasefire groups (CFGs) have flouted the rules forbidding recruitment and weapon acquisition. Even among the 23 BGF battalions thirteen “formed with the former Democratic Kayin Buddhist Army [DKBA, now known as Democratic Kayin Benevolent Army] are more or less outside of the control of the Tatmadaw2.” There are also dozens of NSAG co-opted as local militia totalling hundreds of troops that are loosely controlled by the territorial commands in the Kachin and Shan states. In dealing with the threat posed by the yet to be resolved insurgency, the Tatmadaw pursued a containment strategy towards EAGs who had not made ceasefires while refraining from launching offensive operations against them in line with the President’s directive (in December 2011) to take defensive actions only3. In fact, despite continued hostilities, the Kachin Independent Army (KIA; a major non- CFG) had joined the ceasefire negotiations conducted between the government team and the team representing the majority of CFGs (see section on peace process below). As for the CFGs, Tatmadaw leaders engaged them more or less bilaterally4 to maintain confidence and to nudge toward participation in the eventual signing of 1 See, Maung Aung Myoe, “The soldier and the state: the Tatmadaw and political liberalization in Myanmar since 2011,” Southeast Research 22, no. 2 (2014), p. 246. 2 Ibid. For details on the BGF setup, see Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar’s Post-Election Security Challenges” in Security Outlook of the Asia-Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector, NIDS Joint Research Series No. 6 (Tokyo: National Institute for Defense Studies, 2011), pp. 77-79. 3 See, e.g., Danielle Bernstein, “Burma’s President Orders Ceasefire in Kachin State,” VOA News, 13 December 2011, available at http://www.voanews.com/content/burmas-president-orders-ceasefire-in-kachin- state-135582003/168275.html; and Ba Kaung, “Stop Offensive President’s Ceasefire Order Fails to Stop Offensive,” Irrawaddy online, 28 December 2011, available at http://www.irrawaddy.org/print_article.php? art_ id+22741. However, EAGs had, all along, argued that since then fighting had erupted time and again due to Tatmadaw’s aggressive actions and offensive operations. 4 See, e.g., Nyein Nyein, “Burma Army Chief Meets Armed Group Leaders in Shan State,” Irrawaddy online, 7 April 2014, available at http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/burma-army-chief-meets-armed-group-leaders-shan- state.html; and Saw Yan Naing, “Army chief meets KNU, says he supports stalled ceasefire process,” Irrawaddy online, 1 December 2014, available at http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/burma-army-chief-meets-knu-says- supports-stalled-ceasefire-process.html Myanmar Security Outlook: Tatmadaw under Stress? 35 the NCA which has been under negotiations since 20135. Meanwhile, short sharp clashes between the Tatmadaw and EAGs occurred throughout 2014 in Kachin State (northern Myanmar) and Shan State (eastern Myanmar), whose territories include borders with China and Thailand respectively. In fact, according to monthly reports from ALTSEAN-Burma (a Thai-based confederation of NGOs) sporadic fighting broke out every month during the year6. In Kachin State, the clashes were mainly with units of the Kachin Independence Army (KIA, with a strength of nearly 10,000 fighters, the armed wing of the KIO or Kachin Independence Organization; a former CFG, but hostilities broke out in mid-2011)7. The most serious fighting among the many skirmishes which negatively affected the peace negotiations, occurred on 19 November 2014 when a “warning shot of large-calibre weapon” fell on a cadet school in Laiza (KIA headquarters), leaving 23 trainees dead and some twenty wounded8. KIA troops were also involved in fighting in the Shan State where it had joined forces with the TNLA (Ta’ang National Liberation Army, a non-CFG Palaung armed organization numbering in the hundreds) and the breakaway group (several hundred strong) from MNDAA (Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA, a Kokang CFG) in a loose alliance9. Other clashes in the Shan State were between the army and the SSPP/SSA (Shan State Progressive Party/Shan State Army; popularly known as SSA-North; a CFG that has roots in the original Shan resistance movement of the 1960s with an estimated strength of more than a thousand soldiers)10. 5 See, e.g., Aung Naing Oo, “Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement: Myanmar’s road to peace,” Myanmar Times online, 31 October 2013, available at http://www.mmtimes.com/index.php/national-news/8643-nationwide- ceasefire-agreement-myanmar-s-road-to-peace.html. 6 See “Burma Bulletin” by ALTSEAN-Burma (Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma), available at http://www. altsean.org/Reports.php. 7 See, e.g., Tin Maung Maung Than, “Myanmar’s Security Outlook and Myanmar Defence Services” in Security Outlook of the Asia-Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector, NIDS Joint Research Series No. 7 (Tokyo: National Institute for Defense Studies, 2012), p. 97; and Global New Light of Myanmar (hereafter GNLM), 25 November 2014, p. 2. 8 GNLM, 21 November 2014, p. 1; “the military explained that it was a response to multiple attacks by KIA troops against army personnel engaging in “normal activities” (ibid.). It was believed to be a 105 mm artillery round and was seen by KIA and its allies as an uncalled for provocation; see, e.g., Sai Wansai, Kachin Cadet School Shelling: Trust-building at its lowest ebb,” Shan Herald Agency for News, 24 November 2014, available at http://english.panglong.org/category/c115-opinions/. 9 See, e.g., Lawi Wong, “Fighting escalates between government, rebel alliance in Shan State,” Irrawaddy, 17 October 2014, available at http://www.irrawaddy.org/burma/fighting-escalates-govt-rebel-alliance-shan-state. html. 10 See, e.g., S.H.A.N., “Peace process in limbo, when ceasefire is a joke,” Shan Herald Agency for News, 20 October 2014, available at http://english.panglong.org/category/c115-opinions/page/5/. 36 Security Outlook of the Asia Pacific Countries and Its Implications for the Defense Sector On the other hand, fighting in the Kayin State was less frequent and occurred only in September and November involving two different Kayin CFGs. They are the KNDO (Karen National Defence Organization, a brigade-level faction of the KNLA (Karen National Liberation Army) and DKBA11. Tatmadaw faced another hard security challenge when it was announced, on 14 October 2014, that the Kawthoolei Armed Forces (KAF) was established with KNDO, DKBA, a tactical command of the KNU/KNLA-PC (also known as Karen Peace Council, or KPC, another KNLA splinter CFG) and some units of KNLA12. Though not yet an integrated force, with each member maintaining its formation, uniform and insignia, KAF’s nominal strength of over 5,000 personnel poses a credible potential military threat13. That announcement, not only created some confusion and consternation among friends and foes but also revealed

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