DOCSLIB.ORG

31295015500902.Pdf (6.441Mb)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
31295015500902.Pdf (6.441Mb) CONFLICT IN THE MIDDLE EAST: AN ANALYSIS by MOSES H. PERMAN, B.A. A THESIS IN GOVERNMENT Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Texas Technological College in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of MASTER OF ARTS Approved August, 1968 Ti /Vo. /^i" Cop. ^ CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 I. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 3 II. STRUGGLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST SINCE 1948 34 The Arab Refugee 38 The Jordan River Controversy 46 The Arab Boycott III. BIG POWERS IN THE MIDDLE EAST 60 IV. PRESENT SITUATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST 95 A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 109 ii INTRODUCTION Since the 1920's, tension has been an ever present element in Je;vish-Arab relationships. As a result of the conflict existing between the two peoples, a situation has developed in the Middle East which is virtually intolerable to the international community. There is need for an analysis of the factors contributing to this situation. To accomplish this analysis, it was necessary to examine, in detail, the nature of the Arab-Israeli disputes that have caused three wars in the past twenty years, and the relation that big powers have had to the conflict. In Chapter I, the role of big powers in the creation of the Arab-Israeli disputes is introduced. In offering conflicting promises of Palestinian territory, Great Britain laid the groundwork for much of the conflict that was to follow. As a result of the situation created externally, the two peoples went to war. After the war of 1943 failed to achieve any solutions, the conflict grew increasingly real, and between 1948 and 1957» various manifestations of the increasing tension became clear. In Chapter II, the Arab refugee issue, the Jordan River controversy, and the Arab boycott of Israel are shown to have exerted tremendous pressures on the two peoples. As a result of these internal pressures, tensions increased until the Arabs and Jews v;ere forced to go to war. 1 Chapter III portrays the increasing influence big powers have exerted in the area and illustrates their role in accelerating the conflict, once again, into war. In Chapter IV, the author offers suggestions as to viable means of re-establishing relationships in the area, and as to the problems that will certainly beset any such attempts to bring peace to the Middle East. CHAPTER I HISTORICAL BACKGROUND From its very inception, Israel has been an aggra­ vating factor in Middle Eastern instability. The product of big power involvement, Israel has, by its very existence, irritated its Arab neighbors into almost irreconcilable hostilities. The creation of a Jewish National Home in Palestine, and the concurrent problems that have been generated as a result, have led Arab poli­ ticians to express distaste for the creation of the Jewish state and the events that led up to ito For instance, President Nasser said that Palestine was a tragic creation of "Western Imperialism." During I917, the Prime Minister of Great Britain, David Lloyd-George, for a number of reasons felt that it was essential to acquire the good graces of world Jewry 2 by responding favorably to Zionist aspirations. Lloyd George was aware of the prominence of Jews in the Russian revolution, and the effect such a response might have in keeping the Russians and Germans at war. In addition. Gamul Abdul Nasser, Address at Cairo University, August 8, 1967. 2 Royal Institute of International Affairs (here­ after cited as R.I.I.A.), Great Britain and Palestine 1919-45 (London: Oxford University Press, 1946), p. l48. Lloyd George thought that an Allied pronouncement in favor of Zionism might help win over German Jewry to the Allied cause, and thus produce dissension within the Central Powers. Finally, it was desirable to have full coopera­ tion of the -United States where there was measurable support for the idea of a Jewish National Homeland. The Zionists, led by Dr. Chaim Weizman, insisted upon a British protectorate over Palestine as the best guarantee for a future Jewish Homeland.-^ In May I917, Britain's foreign secretary. Lord Arthur J. Balfour, paid a visit to the United States in order to get endorse­ ment from President Wilson before committing the British Cabinet to such a program. Although President Wilson did not formally endorse the idea of the protectorate, he did Instruct Colonel E. M. House, his chief personal advisor, to approve the pro-Zionist draft declaration proposed by the British Cabinet.4 Later, concerning Palestine, President Wilson made the following statement concerning a Jewish National Home there: As for your representations touching Palestine, I have before this expressed my personal approval of the declaration of the British Govern­ ment regarding the aspirations and historic claims of the Jewish people in regard to Palestine. I am, -^Chaim Weizman, Trial and Error (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishing Company, 1949), p. 334. ^Ibld., p. 49. 5 moreover, persuaded that the Allied Nations, with the fullest concurrence of our own government and people, are agreed that in Palestine shall be laid the foundations of a Jewish Commonwealth.5 On November 2, 1917» following acceptance by the British Cabinet of the major points of the draft. Lord Balfour addressed the following letter to the great Zionist financier. Lord Edmund de Rotschild: "Dear Lord Rothschild, "I have the great pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty's government, the following declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionism's aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved by, the Cabinet. "His Majesty's Government views with favor the establishment in Palestine of a Jewish national home, and will use their best endeavors to facili­ tate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of non-Jewish communities in Palestine, or the rights and political status enjoyed by the Jews in any other country. "I should be grateful if you would bring this declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation. "Yours sincerely, /- "Arthur James Balfour" The declaration was well timed. Shortly thereafter, December I917 and July 1918, Turkey and Germany attempted to win Jewish favor by offering the German Zionists a 7 chartered company in Palestine.' The offer, however, was %ew York Times, March 3, 1919j P. !• Great Britain, Parliament, British and Foreign State Papers, (No. I62, 1920), p. 44. "^R.I.I.A., 02. cit., p. 149. made too late to affect a general change in pro-Ally Zionist orientation. On July 24, 1922, the Council of the League of Nations approved the mandate for Palestine, declaring that . the mandatory should be responsible for putting into effect the declaration originally made on November 2, 1917> by the Government of His Britanic Majesty, and adopted by the said powers, in favor of the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people." When the news of the declaration reached Sherif Hussein of Mecca, he requested an explanation from the British authorities. The British responded to Arabia Commander D. G. Hogarth of the Arab Bureau in Cairo, who subsequently assured Hussein that Britain's determination to assist the return of the Jews to Palestine went only "so far as is compatible with the freedom of the existing population," and no mention was made of a Jewish State.-^ This oversight, when coupled with the continuing presence in Palestine of Zionist commissions-working to establish residence, caused local unrest over the popularly accepted idea of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Subsequently, Britain did start Israel on the road to existence pursuant to the Balfour Declaration of 1917> o Great Britain, Parliament, Parliamentary Papers (CMND. 1785, 1922-23), p. 11. ^R.I.I.A., 22. cit., p. 149 but a great change in policy thinking occurred between the issuance of the Balfour Declaration and Britain's final voting in the United Nations General Assembly vote in November, 1947. On N'oveinber 7, I9I8, Great Britain and France Issued a common statement to the Arabs emphasizing a complete and definite emancipation of the Arab people. Their objective was to create an independent Arab state or confederation of states which was to supplant the Ottoman Empire as a bulwark of defense for the British lifeline to India. Hussein's son. Emir Faisal, chief spokesman for the Arab cause, appeared before the Council of the League of Nations in November of I918 and insisted upon the Arab right to self determination in the matter. Faisal was induced to sign an agreement with Dr. Weizman, welcoming the Jewish people to immigrate to Palestine before imple­ mentation of the allied wartime promise. Thus the basic Arab-Jewish conflict was established by the British. The Zionist objective was to obtain not only international confirmation of the Balfour Declaration, but more important, to secure its inclusion in the text of George Lenczowski, The Middle East in V/orId- Affairs (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, I962), p. 85. 8 the peace treaties of the Paris Peace Conference. The Arabs were, as Emir Faisal indicated, insistent upon the rights of self-determination for the indigenous population. The problem was the development of means whereby Zionists, who advocated a--Jewish homeland in Palestine, and Arabs who desired self determination, might be brought together with the rest of the Arab Middle Eastern peoples into a mutual respect for the rights of all inhabitants of Palestine; i.e., the problem was in working out the consummation of their conflicting national aspirations in goodwill and unders tanding. During the interwar years, 1919-1939, Arab relations with the Jews were characterized by two diametrically opposed trends. On the one hand, conservative Arab elements accepted the Jews and desired to cooperate with them as much as possible.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Squaring the Circles in Syria's North East
    Squaring the Circles in Syria’s North East Middle East Report N°204 | 31 July 2019 Headquarters International Crisis Group Avenue Louise 149 • 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 • Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Preventing War. Shaping Peace. Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Search for Middle Ground ......................................................................................... 3 A. The U.S.: Caught between Turkey and the YPG ........................................................ 3 1. Turkey: The alienated ally .................................................................................... 4 2. “Safe zone” or dead end? The buffer debate ........................................................ 8 B. Moscow’s Missed Opportunity? ................................................................................. 11 C. The YPG and Damascus: Playing for Time ................................................................ 13 III. A War of Attrition with ISIS Remnants ........................................................................... 16 A. The SDF’s Approach to ISIS Detainees ..................................................................... 16 B. Deteriorating Relations between the SDF and Local Tribes ....................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Istiqlalis in Transjordan, 1920-1926 by Ghazi
    A Divided Camp: The Istiqlalis in Transjordan, 1920-1926 by Ghazi Jarrar Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2016 © Copyright by Ghazi Jarrar, 2016 Table of Contents Abstract........................................................................................................................................................iv Acknowledgements.................................................................................................................................v Chapter One: Introduction.................................................................................................................1 Background.....................................................................................................................................3 Historiography...........................................................................................................................11 Project Parameters and Outline..........................................................................................26 A Note on Sources.....................................................................................................................29 Chapter Two: The Militant Istiqlalis...........................................................................................31 Background..................................................................................................................................32 The Militant Istiqlalis: Part
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Independence and the Middle East
    1 Colonialism, Independence and the Middle East Intervention, Transformation, Independence MES 20 Reflections on the Middle East Prof. Hesham Issa Mohammed Abdelaal History and Conflicts 2 In this Session Colonialism ! 1.Defining Colonialism in the Middle East ! 2.Mandating, Administration and Colonialism! 3.Timeline of colonialism in the Middle east! 4.The United states and the Middle East " Independence movements ! 5.The Independence of the State of Israel. ! 6.The Independence of the State of Egypt! 7.The Independence of the state of Syria ! 8.The Independence of the TransJordan Kingdom ! 9.The Independence of Iran 3 Group Discussion Issues 1.Time Line of the Middle east from 1860-1960 ! • 1860 to WWI ! • WWI to WWII ! • WWII to 1960 " ! 2.Mandating, Administration and Colonialism! • Ottoman ! • European ! • United States " ! 3. Independence movements ! • Unity Of Faith! • Unity of Language ! • Unity of ethnicity ! • Identity Construction S05-1 .key - October 8, 2014 4 Foreign Office Which of the following is NOT true about the Balfour November 2nd, 1917 Declaration?! ! A.It agreed to a national home for Jewish people" !Dear Lord Rothschild, B.It declared protection for civil and religious rights of I have much pleasure in conveying to you, on behalf of His Majesty's Government, the following existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine" declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations which has been submitted to, and approved C.It declared protection for rights and political status by, the Cabinet. enjoyed by Jews in any other
    [Show full text]
  • Colonial Legacies in Syrian Nationality Law and the Risk of Statelessness
    COLONIAL LEGACIES IN SYRIAN NATIONALITY LAW AND THE RISK OF STATELESSNESS MALAK BENSLAMA-DABDOUB* The millions of Syrians born or living in exile as a result of the ongoing conflict has dramatically increased the number of people from Syria with no nationality. In this regard, Syrian nationality law has been criticised for containing discriminatory provisions and failing to address the risk of statelessness. Nonetheless, the responsibility of colonialism in creating such discrimination has been largely overlooked. One decade after the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, this article looks back at the colonial roots of Syrian legislation governing nationality. Through a critical legal and historical analysis, it reveals the hidden colonial legacies of Syrian citizenship, by highlighting the responsibility of European colonial powers in introducing gender-based discrimination in domestic legislation, rendering Kurds and Palestinians stateless, and creating the practice of arbitrary denationalisation. This paper ends with a call for more research on colonial legacies within citizenship and statelessness studies. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................................................... 6 Historical Context: European Colonialism and the Formation of Syria as a Modern State ........................................................................................................... 11 A The Dislocation of the Ottoman Empire and Creation of Artificial Nationalities ...............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Journal for Strategic Studies and International Relations
    Journal for Strategic Studies and International Relations Issue 1 6/2011 ▪ The Islamic Umma – their duties ▪ Contemporary History of some Countries in the Middle East ▪ Revolution and Freedom in the Arab World - and then? ▪ Analysis of improvement possibilities in the Middle East region ▪ Foundations of Western World – Social and Political Aspects ▪ Western World – Islamic World Relationship ▪ Basic principles in the relationship between the Muslim World and other people and cultures • Institute for Strategic 1 Studies and International Relations (ISSIR) • • Institute for Strategic Studies and International Relations (ISSIR) • • Karlsruhe/Germany – Ras Nhache/Lebanon • www.aecenar.com/institutes/issir Postal Address ISSIR Karlsruhe ISSIR Ras Nhache !# $ !"# – – Haid-und-Neu-Str.7, 76131 Karlsruhe, Germany !# – %&' Tel. 0049 (0)721 9658 567 Tel./Fax. 00961 (0)6 921318 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Issue 1 (English Edition) June 2011 ISSIR is a Member Institute of This Edition was in Cooperation with Editorial Board Editor: Samir Mourad, AECENAR and DIdI Authors: Samir Mourad, AECENAR and DIdI Dr. iur. Jasmin Pacic, DIdI Translators: Silvia Latifa Tertag, DIdI Moryam Heike Islam, DIdI Cover Design: Grit Amaly Hoffmann, DIdI 2 Content 1 The Islamic Umma – their duties ............................................................................................... 5 1.1 Building an Islamic society................................................................................................ 5 1.1.1 Propagation
    [Show full text]
  • The Soviet Response to the Syrian Invasion of Lebanon in 1976. Bjarte Bjørsvik
    The Soviet response to the Syrian invasion of Lebanon in 1976. Bjarte Bjørsvik HIS 350 Master thesis Department for Archaeology, History, Cultural studies and Religion University of Bergen 2018 Title page photos: Upper photo: Syrian President Hafez al-Assad and Secretary General of the Soviet Communist Party Leonid Brezhnev.1 Lower photo: President Hafez al-Assad and PLO leader Yasser Arafat.2 1 Holtland, Jenne Jan, «Hafiz al-Assad & Brezhnev. Plus ca change, plus c'est la même chose». 2 Cohen, David. «Emergence of Palestinian Identity». ii Contents Abstract ....................................................................................................................................... v Acknowledgments ........................................................................................................................vi Chapter 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 1 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 2 Limitation of time, actors and themes ................................................................................................ 2 Why is this topic important? ............................................................................................................... 3 Method: Sources and the use of sources ............................................................................................. 5 Theory: What kind
    [Show full text]
  • No. 225/13 December 2017
    Syrian Crisis United Nations Response A Weekly Update from the UN Department of Public Information No. 225/13 December 2017 UN and partners launch humanitarian appeal to help five million Syrian refugees UN agencies and partners launched on 12 December a USD 4.4 billion humanitarian appeal to support more than 5 million Syrian refugees and communities hosting them in neighboring countries. Speaking to reporters in Geneva, UN Refugee agency (UNHCR), Bureau Director for the Middle East and North Africa Amin Awad said that the crisis in Syria had forced 5.3 million people to flee the country and displaced a further 7 million. In addition, more than 500,000 people had been killed and another 10 million had been cut off from services and were in need of aid. The 2018 Regional Refugee and Resilience Plan for Syria, is designed to support Syrian refugees in Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, Lebanon and Egypt, http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/news/briefing/2017/12/5a2ffd534/un-partners-launch-plan- support-five-million-syrian-refugees-countries.html Intra-Syrian talks proceed as Government delegation returns to Geneva As the Intra-Syrian talks continued for a second week in Geneva, Deputy Spokesperson Farhan Haq said during a press briefing at Headquarters on 11 December that Special Envoy Staffan de Mistura held separate meetings that day with the Government delegation and the Syrian National Congress delegation. http://www.un.org/press/en/2017/db171211.doc.htm WHO and Handicap International call attention to needs of Syrians with disabilities An estimated 30,000 people are injured in Syria every month and more than six years into the conflict, an estimated 1.5 million people have been injured.
    [Show full text]
  • Envisioning Turco-Arab Co-Existence Between Empire and Nationalism
    WDI1570-060710.1163/15700607-00600A17versionfulltext Die Welt des IslamsInternationalArticle Journal for the Study of Mod- ern IslamWelt Islams0043-25391570-0607BrillLeiden | Boston Die Welt des Islams 61 (2021) 72-112 202001January202106120210172112CopyrightAlp Yenen 2020 by alp yenen. Envisioning Turco-Arab Co-Existence between Empire and Nationalism Alp Yenen Leiden University, Leiden, The Netherlands [email protected] Abstract The idea of a continued Turco-Arab co-existence under the Ottoman Sultanate might appear counterfactual or marginal – if not nostalgic – from the sober vantage of knowing “the end of history”. The Ottoman Empire neither survived the Great War nor made way for a multinational co-existence of Turks and Arabs. For contemporaries, however, different models of federalism and multinationalism offered solutions to save the Ottoman Empire and safeguard Turco-Arab co-existence. While the federalist ideas of Ottoman Arabs are far better known in the academic literature, in regards to Ottoman Turks, the commonplace interpretations follow the teleology of the Turkish nation-state formation. In order to correct this misperception, I will illustrate the existence of corresponding Turkish voices and visions of federalism and multinationalism. Envisioning Turco-Arab co-existence was a serious feature of policy debates, especially in the years of crisis from the Balkan Wars to the settlement of post- Ottoman nation-states in the aftermath of the First World War. Keywords Arabism – Turkism – Ottomanism – Federalism – Decentralism – Young Turks Introduction1 “My friend, this country can only survive like the Austro-Hungarian Em pire.”2 1 This article was written independently from Adam Mestyan’s forthcoming article “Austria-Hungary in Ottoman Arabic Political Thought: Ottoman Dualism, Imperial Comparison, and Ancillary History, 1867-1914”.
    [Show full text]
  • IN THIS ISSUE: Briefs
    VOLUME X, ISSUE 11 uJUNE 1, 2012 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS................................................................................................................................1 Tripoli’s ISLAMIST MILITIA LEADER TURNS TO POLITICS IN THE NEW LIBYA By Camille Tawil .......................................................................................................4 COMMUNIST INSURGENCY RAMPS UP AS MANILA REACHES SETTLEMENT WITH MUSLIM MILITANTS By Jacob Zenn ...........................................................................................................7 Abd al-Hakim Belhadj SYRIAN TRIBAL NETWORKS AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS FOR THE SYRIAN UPRISING By Carole A. O’Leary and Nicholas A. Heras............................................................9 Terrorism Monitor is a publication of The Jamestown Foundation. The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists AL-QAEDA CELL ON TRIAL AS ETHIOPIA BECOMES A RELIGIOUS yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed BATTLEGROUND within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily Ten Somalis and one Kenyan are currently under trial in Addis Ababa for their reflect those of The Jamestown alleged involvement in an al-Qaeda bombing plot after weapons and training Foundation. manuals were seized in the Bale region of southeastern Ethiopia last December. The Kenyan, Hassan Jarsoo, has admitted his role in the alleged plot, but Unauthorized reproduction or the others, who allegedly include several members of the army of Somalia’s redistribution of this or any Transitional Federal Government, have denied their involvement. Six of the Jamestown publication is strictly defendants are being tried in absentia (Walta Info Online [Addis Ababa], May prohibited by law. 20; Africa Review [Nairobi], May 22; AFP, May 18). Ethiopia is one of the earliest homes of both Christianity and Islam, with its 85 million people being roughly 60 percent Christian and 30 percent Muslim.
    [Show full text]
  • François Massoulié: Middle East Conflicts Study Guide
    Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 2003 François Massoulié: Middle East Conflicts Study Guide Steven Alan Samson Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Samson, Steven Alan, "François Massoulié: Middle East Conflicts Study Guide" (2003). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 167. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/167 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FRANÇOIS MASSOULIÉ: MIDDLE EAST CONFLICTS STUDY GUIDE, 2003 Steven Alan Samson CHAPTER ONE: THE HERITAGE OF THE PAST Background 1. The three areas of Middle East settlement were Egypt (stable, orderly, unitary civilization with three successive, long-lived pharaonic kingdoms), Fertile Crescent (Mesopotamia: unstable, rapid rise and decline of kingdoms and empires), and the Arabian peninsula (nomadic and tribal Bedouins of the interior vs. the coastal harbors and marketplaces). 2. The Arabia peninsula (a subcontinent with over a million square miles) is a continuation of the Sahara desert, just as the Red Sea is a continuation of the east African rift valleys. It is a great plateau that rises to 12,000 feet within 30 miles of the Red Sea. Its interior is barren, hot (with cold nights), dry, and studded with occasional grassy oases.
    [Show full text]
  • Deconstructing Syria Towards a Regionalized Strategy for a Confederal Country
    Deconstructing Syria Towards a regionalized strategy for a confederal country Michael O’Hanlon Center for 21st Century Security and Intelligence June 2015 Brookings recognizes that the value it provides to any supporter is in its absolute commitment to quality, independence, and impact. Activities supported by its donors reflect this commitment, and the analysis and recommendations of the Institutions’ scholars are not determined by any donation. The Brookings Institution is a private, non-profit organization. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings research are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the view of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. Cover photo courtesy of Freedom House Flickr, “Syrian rebel army patrol an area near homs,” https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/2.0/legalcode. CENTER FOR 21ST CENTURY SECURITY AND INTELLIGENCE 1 INTRODUCTION U.S. policy towards Syria since the Arab spring uprisings of 2011 has been a litany of miscalculation, frustration, and tragedy for the people of that ill-fated land. The ascendance of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) as the major element of the opposition to the Bashar al-Assad regime may not amount to an imminent threat to American security; indeed, very few Americans have died to date at the hands of ISIL or affiliates. But ISIL’s rise does place at much greater risk the security of Iraq, the future of Syria itself, and the stability of Lebanon and Jordan.1 It could jeopardize the safety of American citizens as well, given the possibility of attacks by “lone wolves” inspired in their western home by ISIL propaganda, or by westerners returning from the Syrian jihad to carry out attacks at home.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1. the Making of the Modern Middle East
    THE MAKING OF THE 1 MODERN MIDDLE EAST Michael Gasper he Modern Middle East emerged out of a variety of social, cultural, and Tpolitical transformations. The degree of changes differed from place to place, but they left distinct historical experiences, social structures, cultural norms, and political tensions in common across the region we call “the Middle East.” The early experiences of the region, combined with its nineteenth- and twentieth-century encounters with the West—that led the region to be labeled the Middle East—createddistribute a sense of identification across the region. Elements of this common identity date back to the spread of Islam in the seventh cen- tury CE. Islam spread remarkably quickly in the early period, establishingor large empires, converting populations to Islam, and spreading Arabic language and culture.1 The Abbasid, Umayyad, and later the Ottoman, Safavid, and Qajar empires extended across a vast ter- ritory, stretching from North Africa to the Gulf. These empires established a memory of “greatness,” a time of Islamic empires that rivaled the West. By the eighteenth century, the two major political entities in the Middle East, the Ottoman Empire (centered in what is today the Republic of Turkey) and Safavid/Qajar Persia (centered in what is today the Islamicpost, Republic of Iran), enjoyed relative strength and security. The Ottoman Empire was a vast multiethnic, multilingual, and multireli- gious polity that at its peak stretched from central Europe all the way to Yemen and across North Africa to Morocco. It compared favorably with the expanse of the Roman Empire at its height.
    [Show full text]