Albert Camus and the Ethics of Rebellion Author(S): James E
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A Life Worth Living
A LIFE WORTH LIVING A LIFE WORTH LIVING Albert Camus and the Quest for Meaning robert zaretsky the belknap press of harvard university press Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, En gland 2013 Copyright © 2013 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College all rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data Zaretsky, Robert, 1955– A life worth living : Albert Camus and the quest for meaning / Robert Zaretsky. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978- 0- 674- 72476- 1 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Camus, Albert, 1913– 1960. 2. Conduct of life. I. Title. B2430.C354Z37 2013 194—dc23 2013010473 CONTENTS Prologue 1 1. Absurdity 11 2. Silence 59 3. Mea sure 92 4. Fidelity 117 5. Revolt 148 Epilogue 185 Notes 199 A c k n o w l e d g m e n t s 2 2 1 Index 223 A LIFE WORTH LIVING PROLOGUE “Even my death will be contested. And yet what I desire most today is a quiet death, which would bring peace to those whom I love.”1 Albert Camus’ prediction, written in the last decade of his life, has been borne out, though perhaps not his hope. Over the past several years, contests have simmered and burst over the French Algerian writer’s legacy. Shortly after becoming France’s president, Nicolas Sarkozy made a state visit to Algeria. The visit garnered more than the usual attention, in part because Sarkozy had come to offi ce with a reputation as a bluntly spoken conservative who saw no reason for France to apologize for its role as a colonial power. -
Civil Disobedience
Civil Disobedience Henry David Toreau Civil Disobedience Henry David Toreau Foreword by Connor Boyack Libertas Institute Salt Lake City, Utah Civil Disobedience Thoreau’s essay is out of copyright and in the public domain; this version is lightly edited for modernization. Supplemental essays are copyrighted by their respective authors and included with permission. The foreword is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- ShareAlike 3.0 Unported License. LIBERTAS PRESS 770 E. MAIN STREET, SUITE 255 LEHI, UT 84043 Civil Disobedience / Henry David Toreau — 1st ed. First printing, June 2014 Cover Design by Ben Jenkins Manufactured in the United States of America For bulk orders, send inquiries to: [email protected] ISBN-13: 978-0-9892912-3-1 dedicated to Edward Snowden for doing what was right “Te most foolish notion of all is the belief that everything is just which is found in the customs or laws of nations. Would that be true, even if these laws had been enacted by tyrants?” “What of the many deadly, the many pestilential statutes which nations put in force? Tese no more deserve to be called laws than the rules a band of robbers might pass in their assembly. For if ignorant and unskillful men have prescribed deadly poisons instead of healing drugs, these cannot possibly be called physicians’ prescriptions; neither in a nation can a statute of any sort be called a law, even though the nation, in spite of being a ruinous regulation, has accepted it.” —Cicero Foreword by Connor Boyack Americans know Henry David Thoreau as the author of Walden, a narrative published in 1854 detailing the author’s life at Walden Pond, on property owned by his friend Ralph Waldo Emerson near Concord, Massachusetts. -
Albert Camus and Education
Albert Camus and Education Albert Camus and Education Aidan Hobson Unitec Institute of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand A C.I.P. record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: 978-94-6300-918-8 (paperback) ISBN: 978-94-6300-919-5 (hardback) ISBN: 978-94-6300-920-1 (e-book) Published by: Sense Publishers, P.O. Box 21858, 3001 AW Rotterdam, The Netherlands https://www.sensepublishers.com/ All chapters in this book have undergone peer review. Printed on acid-free paper All Rights Reserved © 2017 Sense Publishers No part of this work may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, microfilming, recording or otherwise, without written permission from the Publisher, with the exception of any material supplied specifically for the purpose of being entered and executed on a computer system, for exclusive use by the purchaser of the work. TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface vii Introduction xiii Chapter 1: The Myth of Sisyphus 1 The Broad and Enduring Appeal of the Camusean Absurd 1 The Emerging Educational Interest 3 The Predominant Theme: The Absurd and Pedagogy 4 The Imagery of Sisyphus and Education 8 Education and Sisyphus 10 Educative Feelings 12 Exile 13 The Absurd 14 Limits 16 Absurd Reasoning 17 Absurd Learner 18 Absurd Creation 20 Chapter 2: Exile and the Kingdom 23 Looking Back at This Article 23 The Precipice between Exile and the Kingdom 23 Empowering Relations, Revolt and Martin Buber 25 Almost Authentic – Characters on the Precipice 28 -
Freedom Quotes, May 2015 May 1. Freedom Is Not Worth Having If It
Freedom Quotes, May 2015 May 1. Freedom is not worth having if it does not include the freedom to make mistakes. Mahatma Ganhdi May 2. When a man is denied the right to live the life he believes in, he has no choice but to become an outlaw. Nelson Mandela May 3. The most important kind of freedom is to be what you really are. You trade in your reality for a role. There can’t be any large-scale revolution until there’s a personal revolution, on an individual level. It’s got to happen inside first. Jim Morrison May 4. Freedom lies in being bold. Robert Frost May 5. People demand freedom of speech as a compensation for the freedom of thought they seldom use. Soren Kierkegaard May 6. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves. Abraham Lincoln May 7. I am free, no matter what rules surround me. If I find them tolerable, I tolerate them; if I find them too obnoxious, I break them. I am free because I know that I alone am morally responsible for everything I do. Robert A. Heinlein May 8. If we don’t believe in freedom of expression for people we despise, we don’t believe in it at all. Noam Chomsky May 9. Freedom is nothing else but a chance to be better. Albert Camus May 10. ---To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others. Nelson Mandela May 11. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
A View of Rebellion and Humanism in Albert Camus’ The
A VIEW OF REBELLION AND HUMANISM IN ALBERT CAMUS’ THE PLAGUE THESIS Submitted as a Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Sarjana Degree of English Department Faculty of Arts and Humanities State Islamic University of Sunan Ampel Surabaya By: Siti Nur Aviva Reg. Number: A33213075 ENGLISH DEPARTMENT FACULTY OF ARTS AND HUMANITIES STATE ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY SUNAN AMPEL SURABAYA 2018 ABSTRACT Aviva, Siti Nur. 2018. A View of Rebellion and Humanism in Albert Camus’ The Plague. English Department, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, State Iislamic Uinversity (UIN) Sunan Ampel Surabaya. Advisor: Dr. Mohammad Kurjum, M. Ag. This thesis analyzes a philosophical novel written by the French-Algerian author namely Albert Camus, The Plague. The purpose of this thesis is to interpret an opposition in The Plague novel and with the proposition of Albert Camus's philosophical book The Rebel. This thesis uses descriptive analysis method. In that method, the first is reading novel stories. The two is collecting important sections dealing with the issues contained in The Rebel's book. The third is interpreting, which uses the hermeneutic theory of Hans-George Gadamer. The Fourth is ending with a conclusion. The results of this interpretation are; (1) the main character as a measure of rebellion; (2) a plague metaphor which means a symbol of human lust. Through the image of the citizens of Oran, human desires are seen where the state of calm, they do the habit of seeking comfort and security by searching for materialistic life, suddenly become chaotic because of epidemic; (3) humanism is a rebellious human who always appreciates life and has a noble value; (4) The rebellion is divided into two: physical rebellion and metaphysical rebellion. -
The Limits of Nonviolence in Arendt's 'Civil Disobedience'
From Resistance to Revolution: The Limits of Nonviolence in Arendt’s ‘Civil Disobedience’ Caroline Ashcroft Queen Mary University of London [email protected] Abstract: Arendt’s work on civil disobedience sets out an optimistic portrayal of the possibilities of such forms of action in re-energizing the spirit of American politics in the late twentieth century. Civil disobedience should not simply be tolerated, she argued, but incorporated into the legal structure of the American political system. Her work is usually seen to promote an idea of civil disobedience that is thus bound to existing constitutional principles and essentially nonviolent. However, by looking at Arendt’s discussion and critique of various practices of civil disobedience in 1960s and 1970s America, specifically in relation to the nonviolence movement influenced by Martin Luther King, and on the other side, the more militant Black Power movement, a different idea of civil disobedience emerges. This paper argues that whilst, for Arendt, civil disobedience within America certainly possesses the constitutionally restorative potential she assigns to it, in a broader sense – theoretically, globally, and even in terms of alternative ideologies within America – her conception of civil disobedience is in itself neither necessarily constitutional, nor nonviolent. It is, instead, a form of revolutionary action, whose limits are set only by politics itself, and specifically, Arendt’s criterion of publicity. Keywords: Hannah Arendt, Civil Disobedience, America, Publicity, Martin Luther King, James Forman 1 From Resistance to Revolution: The Limits of Nonviolence in Arendt’s ‘Civil Disobedience’ 1. The Legitimacy of Civil Disobedience Hannah Arendt famously saw in civil disobedience a means by which to reenergize the American political system: to restore to it its original spirit through the political actions of the people. -
Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler a Dissertati
Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2018 Reading Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Chair Ann Anagnost Stevan Harrell Danny Hoffman Program Authorized to Offer Degree: Anthropology ©Copyright 2018 Darren T. Byler University of Washington Abstract Spirit Breaking: Uyghur Dispossession, Culture Work and Terror Capitalism in a Chinese Global City Darren T. Byler Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Sasha Su-Ling Welland, Department of Gender, Women, and Sexuality Studies This study argues that Uyghurs, a Turkic-Muslim group in contemporary Northwest China, and the city of Ürümchi have become the object of what the study names “terror capitalism.” This argument is supported by evidence of both the way state-directed economic investment and security infrastructures (pass-book systems, webs of technological surveillance, urban cleansing processes and mass internment camps) have shaped self-representation among Uyghur migrants and Han settlers in the city. It analyzes these human engineering and urban planning projects and the way their effects are contested in new media, film, television, photography and literature. It finds that this form of capitalist production utilizes the discourse of terror to justify state investment in a wide array of policing and social engineering systems that employs millions of state security workers. The project also presents a theoretical model for understanding how Uyghurs use cultural production to both build and refuse the development of this new economic formation and accompanying forms of gendered, ethno-racial violence. -
Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed. -
An Artist in the Age of Terrorism: Camus and the Algerian Confl Ict( 1 )
四天王寺大学紀要 第 49 号(2010年 3 月) An Artist in the Age of Terrorism: Camus and the Algerian Confl ict( 1 ) Keiji OKAZAKI Whatever our[writers’]personal frailties may be, the nobility of our calling will always be rooted in two commitments difficult to observe: refusal to lie about what we know and resistance to oppression.(Camus’s Nobel Prize address of December 10, 1957)(2 ) Keywords: Camus, Algiers, Terrorism, Revolt, The Just 1. Introduction If Camus had survived the automobile accident to witness Algeria’s independence and its aftermath, the collapse of the Soviet Union, or the proliferation of terrorism, culminating in the 9.11 attack in New York, would he have remained silent as he did in the late fi fties concerning the Algerian confl ict? This, we are confi rmed, is a question requiring an urgent answer which would present a possible key to our dealing with the twin contemporary problems – justice and terrorism. David Schalk refers to Camus as ‘the wrong model for American antiwar activists during the Vietnam era...(’ 3 ) Emily Apter argues that “The failure of Camus’s cosmopolitical hybrid – a vision of French Algeria...offers a kind of object lesson for the future of globalization theory or transnational identity-formation.”( 4 ) Accordingly, we are convinced that it would not be futile, rather very rewarding and signifi cant, to re-read and re-interpret his artistic achievements to have an overview of the present world crisis and gain a deeper insight into the reality of the contemporary political situation. We are living in the age of terrorism as was Camus half a century ago. -
'Populism': Armenia's “Velvet Revolution”
The Armenian Studies Program and the Institute of Slavic, East European, and Eurasian Studies present the 42nd Educator Outreach Conference Authoritarianism, Democratization, and ‘Populism’: Armenia’s “Velvet Revolution” in Perspective Saturday, May 1, 2021 Livestream on YouTube University of California, Berkeley From end March to early May 2018, a series of peaceful protests and demonstration led to the resignation of Prime Minister (PM) Serzh Sargsyan, whom the then ruling Republican Party he chaired had newly nominated for that office. Having completed his two terms as President, from 2008 to 2018, Serzh Sargsyan’s attempt to remain in power became obvious. This attempt also made it evident that the amended 2015 Constitution, which he had promoted to invigorate democratization by shifting power from the office of the President to the Parliament and the office of the Prime Minister, was merely a ploy to extend his rule. It was also the proverbial “last straw that broke the camel’s back.” A kleptocratic, semi-authoritarian regime that appeared to control all the levers of power and of the economy suddenly, and unexpectedly, collapsed. This regime change—which the leader of the protests and incoming new prime minister, Nikol Pashinyan, referred to as a “Velvet Revolution”—was peaceful, something unusual for a post-Soviet republic. Subsequent parliamentary elections brought to power a new generation, younger deputies mostly between the ages of twenty-five to forty. A similar generation change also characterized the formation of the government. Youth, however, also means inexperience as almost none of the new deputies and ministers had held any political position in the past. -
Rebel Alliances
Rebel Alliances The means and ends 01 contemporary British anarchisms Benjamin Franks AK Pressand Dark Star 2006 Rebel Alliances The means and ends of contemporary British anarchisms Rebel Alliances ISBN: 1904859402 ISBN13: 9781904859406 The means amiemls 01 contemllOranr British anarchisms First published 2006 by: Benjamin Franks AK Press AK Press PO Box 12766 674-A 23rd Street Edinburgh Oakland Scotland CA 94612-1163 EH8 9YE www.akuk.com www.akpress.org [email protected] [email protected] Catalogue records for this book are available from the British Library and from the Library of Congress Design and layout by Euan Sutherland Printed in Great Britain by Bell & Bain Ltd., Glasgow To my parents, Susan and David Franks, with much love. Contents 2. Lenini8t Model of Class 165 3. Gorz and the Non-Class 172 4. The Processed World 175 Acknowledgements 8 5. Extension of Class: The social factory 177 6. Ethnicity, Gender and.sexuality 182 Introduction 10 7. Antagonisms and Solidarity 192 Chapter One: Histories of British Anarchism Chapter Four: Organisation Foreword 25 Introduction 196 1. Problems in Writing Anarchist Histories 26 1. Anti-Organisation 200 2. Origins 29 2. Formal Structures: Leninist organisation 212 3. The Heroic Period: A history of British anarchism up to 1914 30 3. Contemporary Anarchist Structures 219 4. Anarchism During the First World War, 1914 - 1918 45 4. Workplace Organisation 234 5. The Decline of Anarchism and the Rise of the 5. Community Organisation 247 Leninist Model, 1918 1936 46 6. Summation 258 6. Decay of Working Class Organisations: The Spani8h Civil War to the Hungarian Revolution, 1936 - 1956 49 Chapter Five: Anarchist Tactics Spring and Fall of the New Left, 7.