Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) - 2010 Series IV: Philology and Cultural Studies

CONSTRUCTING FEMALE IDENTITY IN SOVIET ART IN THE 1930s. A CASE STUDY: VERA MUKHINA’S

Andrada FǍTU-TUTOVEANU *

Abstract: The current paper is interested in how female identity is artificially constructed through Soviet propaganda, particularly through a new visual language and symbolism, exemplified through the most famous Soviet sculpture, ‘Worker and Collective Farm Woman (Labourer)” (Robochii i kolkhoznitsa) by Vera Mukhina (1889-1953), presented in at the International Exhibition in 1937, as opposed to German and French architectural achievements. The sculpture summarizes an entire Soviet ‘canon’ (Zhdanov’s ), the concept used both in its religious and aesthetic understanding, connecting a new artificial identity to a typical Stalinist imagery and a new visual mythology. The paper studies the female identity as a construct emerging from the connection of all these elements and how its attributes and dimensions are radically changed to adjust the Soviet political discourse.

Keywords: female identity, construction of identity, Soviet art, Vera Mukhina, sculpture.

1. Introduction which was deeply related to this artificial or “mechanical construction” of identities The attributes of the female presence in (see Morar-Vulcu, 74), transforming art the Soviet art of the 1930s are shaped by not only at the aesthetic level, but also at two important policies: the first emerged the level of its symbolism. The new female from the Leninist background, was identity as a construct, reunites all these oriented (at least at the level of discourse) elements (political, aesthetic, symbolical, towards the emancipation of women, religious), becoming a very significant become equal ‘comrades’, while, the embodiment of what the “New World” and second, the construction of ‘typical’ “New Person” wanted to appear like, as it identities (the ‘worker’, the ‘collective happened in the case of most famous farm woman – kolkhoznitsa” and so on) Soviet sculpture, ‘Worker and Collective trough political discourse and particularly Farm Woman (Labourer)” ( Robochii i visual propaganda. An interesting kolkhoznitsa) by Vera Mukhina phenomenon here is the transfer of (1889-1953), presented in Paris at the mythological and religious forms, elements International Exhibition in 1937. The and figures to new Soviet art, a process current paper is therefore interested in how

*PhD, Postdoctoral Researcher, Transilvania University of Bra ov. 250 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) – 2010 • Series IV female identity is artificially constructed from 1934 to 1948, required that Socialist through Soviet propaganda, particularly Realism should offer an educational through a new visual language and glimpse of the future perfected socialist symbolism, exemplified through Vera world, designed to operate as an Mukhina’s world-famous sculpture, as aspirational model for the consuming opposed to German and French masses. Newspapers - whatever their architectural achievements. The sculpture specialist theme - were explicitly summarizes an entire Soviet ‘canon’ positioned as propaganda sites which (Zhdanov’s Socialist Realism), the concept offered ideologically correct models to used both in its religious and aesthetic their mass readers, through carefully understanding, connecting a new artificial contrived juxtapositions of texts and identity to a typical Stalinist imagery and a image. Newspaper photographs were new visual mythology. At a larger scale, vehicles of Socialist Realism as much as the paper also studies the female identity any poster, painting or monumental as a construct emerging from the sculpture [emphasis added] ”. (Simpson, 2) connection of all these elements and how An important phenomenon, as we noted its attributes and dimensions are radically at the beginning of our study is the changed to adjust the Soviet political construction of identities or social discourse. typologies, art being the most useful instrument as its visual impact was very 2. Constructing Identities powerful, without effort, especially when speaking of monumental . There The Soviet art, based on a straight-laced are actually two levels here to discuss. The political discourse (involving as a powerful first one refers to the policy of weapon the visual propaganda, conducted ‘constructing identities’ and the second to on specific rules – those of Socialist the actual process of artistic typicalisation. Realism - as a new, well-established visual Starting with the policy, we can notice that language) was focused not on presenting a it meant creating a social complex matrix reality (in sculpture, painting and so on), and its transmission, through language but a future, ideal person or society, with (visual communication included) in order the intention of inducing it to the viewers to re-create the existing identities and and implicitly shaping the existing individuals. “First of all – C ălin Morar- identities and people to adapt the new Vulcu, one of the scholars who have ‘standards’ ( new were, in this type of studied the phenomenon - the identity is discourse, the world, the person, the aims, not essential, but constructed . […] The in a word everything, new standing in fact construction is radical. […] Secondly, not for Soviet). “Socialist Realism, established only the nation, but all group identities, at the Writers’ Union Congress in 1934 as cultural, professional, political identities and the sole method of Soviet cultural so on (classes, age groups) are imagined production, was defined by Andrei [emphasis added]. […] Thirdly, a Zhdanov, newly appointed Secretary of the fundamental role in constructing the identity Central Committee of the CPSU, as the is held by narration or by the discourse. […] representation of “reality in its All discursive actors have necessarily been revolutionary development. Zhdanov, invented.” (Morar-Vulcu, 99-100). protector of Stalinist cultural orthodoxy A.FǍTU-TUTOVEANU: Constructing Female Identity in Soviet Art… 251

“British art historian, Toby Clark, coined instead being forced to struggle to perform the term ‘political physiology’ to denote multiple (and sometimes contrasting) roles. political constructs of bodily form that The second level mentioned, the way in accorded with, and could be used to which this construction of identity takes symbolize, what was currently required place in art through building Socialist from the citizen by Soviet ideology. These Realism typologies, occupies actually the constructs related directly to an abstractly main section of the current paper, and is defined, heroic ideal of a future, perfected exemplified through Mukhina’s work. But genus of humankind, the New Soviet first, when discussing typologies, we have Person, which would combine the physical to mention the ideological background: “In characteristics of health, strength, and analytic discussions of political art in the beauty, with the mental and moral powers early 1930s, tremendous attention was to achieve the highest levels of patriotism devoted to the issue of tipazh . […] tipazh and partiinost ’ (party-mindedness) […] acquired central importance in discussions The arts were expected to provide of posters because established images of descriptions and visualizations of this class categories had disappeared. In the ideal.” (Simpson, 3). The term “ideal” is Soviet lexicon, the term tipazh implied a mentioned when speaking about this correct rendering of a particular social typologies promoted so agressively and category. The essence of tipazh was not another variant circulating in literature typicality, but typecasting or typicalization . with respect tot the topic is “fictional” [emphasis added]” (Bonnell). (Simpson, 2) identities or “imagined” as The social typologies to be presented in we already mentioned – yet, taken not as art were actually the ones projected at the such but treated as roles which were political level, the people the Soviet state imperative to fill. wanted to have through a sort of rebirth, a Identity is therefore given, even imposed process actually embodied by this consciously and unconsciously (in a typicalization and the new visual language. subliminal manner) and not assumed, built Anatolii Lunacharskii “explained in 1931 within the political discourse, in a very that the artist’s task was not to describe organized, systemised manner, even what existed in the present but to disclose hierarchies being established within these ‘the inner essence of life, which comes out identities –(Morar-Vulcu, 101). Among of proletarian goals and principles.’ Like them, gender identity was one very much the concept of socialist realism then taking studied after 1989, one major conclusion form, this prescription for artists involved being that one could observe “a a fundamental shift to a new mode of fundamental tension between the visual representation which presented only imperativeness of women’s emancipation the future, the future in the guise of the […] and a political practice oriented in a present.” (Bonnell) totally different direction than gender role reformation” (78). The woman is therefore 3. New Mythology, Religion - New imposed a new pattern, her identity was Heroes artificially and somehow aggressively changed, still she was not offered the We above mentioned the fact that the premises to embody this identity pattern, constructed artificial identity was created as a sort of ideal pattern for the Soviet 252 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) – 2010 • Series IV people, men and women, to fill. Beyond Especially through sculpture, due to its the invention or fiction of identity, it was possible dimensions and public exposure - also invested with a sort of supernatural or and here we refer to public monuments, religious features. More than new such as the most famous Soviet sculpture, standards, the pattern (or “mechanically Vera Mukhina’s ‘Worker and Collective created” identities, “imposed through Farm Woman (Labourer)” ( Robochii i public communication”, Morar-Vulcu, 74) kolkhoznitsa), 1937 (fig.1) – the idea of transmitted powerful symbols, meant to be heroes or gigantic mythical figures could religiously adopted and not questioned. be best transmitted: “The statues, as The problem of communicating a new Maurice Agulhon has remarked, involve an artistic imagery, correlated to new social entire ceremonial” (Pintilescu, 67). typologies, as forms of a new political Therefore, the proletarian heroes of the day mythology or religion, has various levels of (workers, peasants and so on) were interpretation. One of them was Zhdanov’s represented, next to the fathers of code of rules to be applied in arts, a sort of Communism, Lenin, Marx or Engels, as new ‘religious’ canon, similar to those impressive giants, supernatural figures yet orthodox religious painting imposed – with an extremely prominent proletarian establishing new attributes, new dimensions, feature (the sickle and so on). Pat Simpson new figures (heroes) to be described. speaks of “mythologisation of the female New Soviet Person” (Simpson, 2): “there were, of course many “positive” images of women “heroes”, including representations of women occupying traditionally male spaces – tractor-driving, engineering and political speaking. The function of these images was to illustrate the benefits of emancipation within the Soviet state, and the legal equality of rights” (Simpson, 7). We could call this newly born pantheon a statuary mythology, filled with strong, impressive figures, whose authors (as well as the people exposed to the works) were perfectly aware of this religious charge, as becomes apparent in the following example on colour interpretation in (this time) an image: “The woman tractor driver, who is brimming with confidence and authority, is depicted entirely in red. A red person on a red tractor was scarcely a realistic rendering of the rural scene. But viewers knew how to interpret the color

red and to appreciate its positive Fig. 1. ‘ Worker and Collective Farm Woman connotation, since red was a privileged (Robochii i kolkhoznitsa) by Vera Mukhina color in both religious and Bolshevik art. It (1889-1953) A.FǍTU-TUTOVEANU: Constructing Female Identity in Soviet Art… 253

conferred sacred status on a person or with the clothes blown by wind and object. [emphasis added]”. (Bonnell) therefore suggesting wings or flying and of Going back to Mukhina’s sculpture, the course, through their placement in an main work on which the current study architectural complex, vertically oriented focuses, it is probably one of the most in the manner of churches. “Now, though eloquent (if not the most) for this religious the building appeared as a pedestal for her investment in Soviet sculpture. “The gigantic monument, its cuboid structure monumental sculpture ‘Worker and accelerated upwards and forwards and with Collective Farm Woman ( Robochii i the sculpture formed a pyramidal, spire- kolkhoznitsa) by Vera Mukhina (1889- like tower. The charged, monumental 1953). Probably the best-known piece of conception of this new world cathedral Soviet Art in the World, it was designed faced and challenged the German pavilion for the Soviet Pavilion at the 1937 Paris (fig.2) […] Mukhina’s figures stride Exhibition. Rising above the neighbouring aerodynamically forward, profiling the exhibits in the heart of the old world, socialist faith. They look straight ahead, against the background of the Eiffel tower, specimens of serious, youthful, focused the pavilion embodied Soviet intent and decision. Hair and clothes swept achievements. Rivalry between the two back by the wind, the smith and worlds was of essence; Mukhina noted that agricultural woman, man and woman, the Statue of liberty in New York took express gender equality and specificity in eleven years to build, as opposed to six archetypal rhythmic balance and unison. months for her sculpture.” [1] (Hughes, 191). […] They are not simply heroes, they are winged angels of Soviet victory. The Worker and Collective Farm Labourer is definitive: Mukhina had created the ultimate piece of Stalinist propaganda art [emphasis added]” (Howard, 191) and, we could add, it was a deeply religious one, in the Soviet creed.

4. The Soviet Woman, new Attributes. The Kolhoznitsa

Eventually, “Worker and Collective Farm Labourer (fig.1) was to be

recognized as the symbol of the Soviet Fig. 2. International Exhibition, Paris, 1937 Union”. (Howard, 189) Mukhina’s sculpture was therefore world-wide The religious charge was obtained famous, due to its presentation at the through various elements, starting with the Exhibition in Paris, but especially because titanic dimensions of the heroes (24.5 it embodied all that Soviet art was required metres) , their union in a sort of primordial to offer: a credible, yet ideal identity couple (still recognizable for their pattern. “It was reproduced in more media proletarian tools), to the manner in which than any other work of the Soviet era, as they are interpreted and placed vertically, the ‘most vivid achievement of Socialist 254 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) – 2010 • Series IV

Realism in our figurative art’. From 1947 it fictional character of the figures). "It provided the opening image for movies represented the ‘real people’, she said “she made by studios.” (Hughes, 191). did not have to invent the pair: such young There are two interesting elements in people were all around her, bold and relation to this construction of identity, confident in their task and of their victory” especially when focusing on the female (Hughes, 191), marked by the “cheerful figure in the sculpture: one is the idea of and powerful impetus that characterizes women’s emancipation in communism, as our country”(Mukhina qtd. in Hughes, “the authority of both statues bears witness 191). It would be interested to focus on the to identifiable changes in the status of actual features of such a real woman, the women across the centuries, in terms of so-called kolkhoznitsa, as a central figure both gender iconography and the in the Soviet female imagery and therefore respective creative roles of Collot and represented in the most typical or most Mukhina. [emphasis added]” (Howard, canonical sculpture. 189). Although the main perspective is “Youth, strength, health and beauty that th e pair in Mukhina’s work is equal worthy of our great days” (Simpson, 2) are and expresses an evolution and an just a few of the clichés around the female emancipation of women, there are still typology: she must be, especially in the some perspectives that consider the figure 1930s (with the collectivization) artistic (symbol for woman and peasantry) as representations androgynous, powerful, subordinate: Another hint of women’s athletic (showing “beauty through strength”, perceived subordinacy was embodied in Howard, 188). The female image is through the gendering of symbolic representations these features closer than ever to that of the of the two basic Soviet political classes, male, fact present in visual representations the proletariat and the peasantry in the and which is also supported in the written 1930s.The proletariat, positioned as the discourse by the structures of the Russian more advanced of the two classes, was language: “while visualizations of the New commonly represented by a male image, Person could be either male or female, the construct of the New Soviet Person used while the peasantry was symbolized by a female figure. Perhaps the most powerful masculine linguistic forms ( novyi sovetskii example of this approach is provided by chelovek ) to signify ostensible gender- Vera Mukhina’s giant sculpture, The neutrality” (Simpson, 6). Industrial Worker and the Collective Farm In this phase, “the emphasis […] was Girl , that surmounted the Soviet pavilion on women's participation in agricultural at the Paris exhibition in 1937 [Fig.7]. labor. The attributes of youth, agility, and While the interlocking, upraised hammer fitness were directly linked to the labor and sickle imply the unity and solidarity of function. The new image of the peasant the two classes, the figure of the peasant woman focused attention on production, girl is smaller than that of the proletarian, not reproduction. [emphasis added]” and her stride does not reach quite so far (Bonnell). forward.” (Simpson, 9). But who actually was the kolkhoznitsa The second implication is related to the and why was she presented as a symbolic real figures it was supposed to represent or image (even a Soviet symbol in Mukhina’s at least inspire. Vera Mukhina was 1937 work)? First of all, it was a recently contesting the ideal (therefore imagined, invented identity pattern and this makes A.FǍTU-TUTOVEANU: Constructing Female Identity in Soviet Art… 255

the “mythologisation” process the more presented as an effective labourer (building interesting. Ten years before, the same Socialism together with the factory Mukhina had represented The peasant workers and raising it “Higher and woman in a totally different manner, the Higher”, if we quote Serafima Ryiangina’s so-called baba as opposed to the new “canonic” painting), but was associated kolkhoznitsa. The latter was therefore an with a powerful political role, based on a invention of the 1930s and emerged from real necessity in the countryside, where the phenomenon of collectivization, people could have been (and were) becoming very successful within media, a reluctant to collectivization. Therefore, the real “star” of the propaganda posters, propaganda posters, artistic works and paintings, sculptures and cinema (as she films depicted her as determined figure actually was “invented” by the movies, fighting for the kolkhoz, as a form of appearing for the first time in Sergei progress for the entire community. (see Eisenstein’s film Staroe i novoe ( Old and Bonnell). Even more (and this is the New , or The General Line ), released in second element we mentioned), when October 1929) [2] . becoming a kolkhoznitsa the dimensions While peasant women had been before change together with the features of the depicted as mature, maternal figures, peasant women. “Rural women […] were kolkhoznitsa was associated with a totally also represented in the larger-than-life new vision, which placed her closer the format previously reserved only for worker’s functions and the idea of paid workers and Red Army heroes. The labour, production and plan (due to magnification device had been used during collectivisation). Therefore she was no the Civil War but had receded from visual longer associated to maternity or fecundity, propaganda in the 1920s. Its reintroduction but was depicted as younger, slimmer, in the early 1930s accentuated the cheerful and energetic. The imagery importance, once again, of superhuman involves also differences in the setting, as “ Bolshevik heroes whose deeds made them the new visual language that was becoming giants among the ‘masses.’ In the system established. Young, trim women are shown of signification of political posters, in the act of working; the old class marker, perspectival distortions served to identify the sickle, has disappeared (the tractor will heroic figures. Thus, the kolkhoznitsa was take its place). Each woman wears a red now sometimes represented as a giant kerchief tied behind her head, in the style figure, towering over enemies and the of women workers, rather than under the landscape around her.[…] The formidable chin, as was formerly conventional in the peasant woman heroically resisting ‘class representation of peasant women. Details enemies ’ in the countryside became a stock of appearance, such as the style of the figure in visual propaganda of the early kerchief, conveyed the message to viewers 1930s. Never before had the peasant that the kolkhoznitsa was different from the woman been represented with this kind of baba of the past; she belonged to a new perspectival distortion, which previously breed of Homo sovieticus in the had been applied exclusively to the two countryside” (Bonnell). unambiguous heroes of the revolution. Two essential elements related to this [emphasis added] ” (Bonnell). imagery (invented in the1930s) should be The kolkhoznitsa – as portrayed in added. The kolkhoznitsa not only was Mukhina’s famous work and therefore 256 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) – 2010 • Series IV present in the most significant Soviet identity patterns we can mention on the sculpture, “Worker and Collective Farm one hand their significant number (not only Woman (Labourer)” ( Robochii i as Bonnell mentioned when speaking about kolkhoznitsa) - contained all the elements collectivisation posters) – we already typical to the phenomenon of constructing, focused on Vera Mukhina (who was assisted inventing artificial identities and social in the making of the famous sculpture again typologies. One explanation is perhaps its by two women Nina Zelenskaya and Zinaida late emergence, on the politically charged Ivanova; we also mentioned Serafima ground of collectivisation. Therefore, this Ryiangina’s “canonic” painting and the list new invention in matters of imagery can continue). Even if the construction of embodied both the construction of these symbolic patterns was not exclusively “fictional” identity patterns (by change of performed by women, they were given their features) and the phenomenon of share of participation and some of them “mythologisation”, of transformation of became ‘heroes’ like their representations. these social types in new religious figures (“Mukhina – for instance – […] was elevated (by change of dimensions). into the canon of Great World Artists. The Finally, we should mention one more Grand Hall of Shtiglits Museum in St. factor related to the emergence of this Petersburg, has a frieze installed in the figure and the construction of female 1950s, in which Mukhina’s relief portrait sits identity in Soviet art and this is the alongside plaques to sculptors as world presence of female artist themselves as renown such as Michelangelo and partial creators of this imagery. Bonnell Donatello”, (Hughes, 191). also mentions that “the emergence of a On the other hand and more importantly, new iconography can only be explained by we should mention the interesting a combination of circumstances; no single phenomenon of women involved in this factor will suffice to account for such a political “game” of constructing fictional shift in the basic pattern of visual (unnatural, “mechanical”) identities. The representation. At the outset, it is worth political involvement is obvious – noting that female poster artists achieved explicitly, women were taking part in a prominence for the first time in the early common effort and it was most natural, at 1930s, many of them concentrating the ideological level, for them to be particularly on the theme of present. Actually, it happened many times collectivization. As we have seen, some of during communism for women to be the most memorable posters on this theme present statistically in political activities in with large printings came from female order to justify and illustrate the idea/ideal artists such as Korableva. The presence of of women’s emancipation by communism. female artists certainly deserves attention, On the other hand, it was a game in which but it cannot account for the prevalence these real female-artists, female-creators and consistency of the new imagery. Many were involved and this was a game of a collectivization posters were created by pseudo-self-projection or self-creation. The male artists, who far outnumbered the new Realist Socialism ‘canon’ was women in the profession. [emphasis imposing patterns both on viewers and the added]”(Bonnell). art creators, in a double change/shaping of In relation to the idea of women taking identity. part in the artificial creation of female A.FǍTU-TUTOVEANU: Constructing Female Identity in Soviet Art… 257

5. Conclusions an ideological canon) and particularly images and (monument) sculpture, on the The policy of building artificial basis of its strong visual impact. identities and “new” social typologies, in other words imposing an artificial Acknowledgement personality and standards on something that was organic, alive, was very present This paper is supported by the Sectoral in the USSR during the 1930s, decade on Operational Programme Human Resources which we focused, especially through Development (SOP HRD), financed from Vera Mukhina’s sculpture and analysis the European Social Fund and the of the figure of kolkhoznitsa. As Simpson Romanian Government under the project notes, „the broad requirement, reinforced number ID59323.” in 1934, was for the creation of an array of fictional “types” standing for Notes ideological constructs connected with [1]The difference in duration, showed by age, sex, class and occupation, that Mukhina actually stood for something more: responded to shifting state concerns and she implied the Soviet type of proletarian Party policies” (3-4). attitude: the nine tons of steel turned into the The female identity is one of the major 24.5 metres statue were worked in three or four shifts (see Hughes, 191) issues in this process of creating ‘fictional’ [2] The centerpiece of the film is a determined identities especially because the idea of young peasant woman who helps to establish women’s emancipation was one of the a collective farm, or kolkhoz ; the villagers advantages of Communism, as political resisting collectivization ridicule her efforts propaganda never forget to mention. and label her a baba . After much difficulty, The kolkhoznitsa, a creation of the she obtains a tractor for the farm. In the final 1930s and especially of the scene of the film as originally edited by collectivisation process, is one of the Elsenstein, she is pictured triumphantly at the most relevant images in this new wheel of the tractor.” – symbol of progress, iconography, its representation being of the „new world”(Bonnell) one of the most “canonical” in Socialist Realism. As becomes obvious in References Mukhina’s gigantic sculpture, ‘Worker and Collective Farm Woman 1. Bonnell, Victoria E., "The Peasant (Labourer)” ( Robochii i kolkhoznitsa), Woman in Stalinist Political Art of the 1937, the kolkhoznitsa , the collective 1930s". American Historical Review farm woman, has heroic and even vol. 98, no. 1 (February 1993) religious or mythological attributes in Reprinted in The Aesthetic Arsenal: addition to her proletarian features, Socialist Realism Under Stalin, ed. offering the model requested in order to Miranda Banks (New York: Institute shape real women’s identity and thus for Contemporary Art, 1993), also at becoming one of the most relevant http//sociology.berkeley.edu/public.../ examples (if not the most relevant) for Bonnell this ideologically based process of 2. Howard, Jeremy. East European Art constructing artificial identities, partly 1650-1950 . Oxford and New York: by the means of art (as a subject itself to Oxford University Press, 2006. 258 Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Bra ov • Vol. 3 (52) – 2010 • Series IV

3. Hughes, Lindsay, Monuments and 6. Pintilescu, Corneliu. « Ora ul Stalin » Identity, Franklin, Simon, Emma (La Ville de Staline) 1950-1960, La Widdis (eds.), National Identity in construction politique d’une identité à : An Introduction , Bra şov, Histoire urbaine , 2009/2 (n° Cambridge University Press, 2004, 25). 171-196. 7. Simpson, Pat. 'Parading myths: 4. http://users.dickinson.edu/ Imaging New Soviet Woman on 5. Morar-Vulcu, C ălin. Republica î i Fizkulturnik's Day, July 1944', făure te oamenii . Editura Eikon: Cluj- Russian Review , vol. 63, no.2, pp.187- Napoca, 2007. 211. ISSN 0036-0341, also at https://uhra.herts.ac.uk/dspace/bitstrea m/2299/616/1/101729.pdf , 1-44