DOCSLIB.ORG

Poroshas Ekev

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Poroshas Ekev ב''ה SERMON RESOURCE FOR SHLUCHIM DISTRIBUTION DATE: TH WEDNESDAY , MARCH 27 2019 – 20 ADAR 2 5779 PARSHAS SHMINI SERMON TITLE: Making the Best of Everything A PROJECT OF THE SHLUCHIM OFFICE The author is solely responsible for the contents of this document. Shmini Making the Best of Everything Good Shabbos! When World War II broke out, the government of England was worried that German and Austrian citizens on British soil could possibly be spies for Nazi Germany, thus posing a threat to the country that at the time was at war. And so, when other European countries joined Germany in war against England, it was decided to round up all men ages 16 through 60 with German or Austrian citizenship and exile them to other countries. Canada agreed to take some of them, but the majority of them were sent to far-off Australia. And so in July of 1940, some 2,500 Austrian and German “enemy alien” men, including 2,000 Jews who had fled the Nazis (among them several who had escaped the death camps), were forced to board the HMT Dunera at the port of Liverpool. They were “suspected” of being Nazi sympathizers or worse, agents. Joining them were about 300 British soldiers and ultimately, a ship designed to carry 1,600 passengers ended up carrying nearly 3,000 souls. They didn’t know where they were headed, and many thought they were going to the United States. Shipboard conditions were awful. The entire vessel only had ten restrooms, and the lines were so long that they had a special security detail to allow everyone to get a turn. Besides the fact that there was only one towel for every ten passengers and one soap bar for every 20, some men slept on the tables or on the floor. If somebody had to answer the call of nature in the middle of the night, he would have to step on people to get there. Skin diseases were rampant. But worst of all was the fact that the British soldiers assigned to the ship acted with frightful violence towards their passengers, almost like the Nazis themselves. Passengers were locked up all the time in the ships bowels, and were only allowed up on deck ten minutes a day to air out, and under heavy guard. What’s more, the soldiers ransacked the passengers’ suitcases, stole anything of value from them and threw the rest into the sea, thus forcing the travelers to wear the same clothing throughout the long voyage. Worst of all, passengers were beaten for any deviation from orders. Some were even taken up to the deck for individual beatings so that the other passengers shouldn’t see. After 57 horrible days in that purgatory, the ship docked at Sydney, Australia. The first Australian to come aboard was a military doctor. When he saw the ship’s prevailing conditions, he was shaken. The Australian border patrol removed all the “prisoners” from the ship and put them on a train that carried them 740 kilometers to an internment camp some 30 kilometers from the 2 village of Shepparton. But fortunately, the Australians were humane to their “guests,” in complete contradistinction to the treatment they had received from the British. Now the prisoners wrote letters to their families back in England, telling them everything that had happened on the ship. The result was a huge public outcry, to the point that one year later the ship’s British officers were brought before a military court and severely punished. Prime Minister Winston Churchill himself later said that the incident was “a deplorable and regrettable mistake.” The saga was later made into a television movie called “the Dunera Boys.” Well, take a guess who was the first Jew to come and visit them in their internment camp in Australia—none other than a Chabad chasid named Moshe Feiglin. Moshe Feiglin had arrived in Australia in 1912 with his five children. At first, they settled in Melbourne, but he very quickly came to the conclusion that the city’s very small and assimilated Jewish community was no place in which to raise Chasidic kids. But then there came a suggestion from no less than the Australian government to set up a farming village. And so he and seven other families decided to move to the village of Shepparton and there set up a farm. The beginning was very tough, but they persevered and succeeded, with a lively spirit filling the atmosphere thanks to Rabbi Moshe Feiglin, who saw to it that a shul, mikvah and so on were built. But the fact is, you can’t exactly form a minyan of ten men out of eight families. And so throughout the years, they always needed to exert themselves to find someone to help them complete their minyan. Moshe Feiglin was known in town as an upright, good-hearted man who would help anyone, and Jews and non-Jews alike respected him. So when Moshe Feiglin heard that Jews from Europe had arrived and were now located not too far from him in an internment camp, he immediately hurried over. The moment the camp commander saw the distinguished face on the other side of the gate, he hurried to personally open it himself. Rabbi Feiglin immediately won his trust, becoming one of the few allowed to regularly visit the prisoners. Rabbi Feiglin overheard one of the prisoners telling another in Yiddish, “What a strange country this far-flung Australia is, where a Jew can get such good treatment from a gentile!” Among the prisoners, Rabbi Feiglin met many Jews who insisted on kosher food, even in such dire conditions, resulting in malnutrition. So Rabbi Feiglin approached the Jewish organizations in Melbourne and Sydney, and they responded by helping him provide kosher food, holy books, challah and wine for Shabbos, Haggados for Pesach and everything a Jew would need. Camp officers trusted him to the extent that whenever any prisoner wasn’t feeling well, Rabbi Feiglin was granted permission to take him to Shepparton. 3 After much effort, Rabbi Feiglin succeeded in convincing the camp commander to give several young prisoners work permits, on the condition that he would employ them in his orchards. A “hostel” had been built earlier in the courtyard of the Shepparton synagogue. But now, it came into good use. Rabbi Feiglin settled 20 young religious Jews in the hostel, having them work for him. But what was most important for him was the fact that they brought Shepparton’s small Jewish community to life. Suddenly they no longer needed to look for a tenth man for their Shabbos minyan—in fact, they now had a minyan every day, morning and night, along with Torah classes and so on! For the local kids, it was simply a miracle—suddenly, now there were young people who knew how to daven and learn, etc. In late 1941, when Japan entered the war, all the prisoners were released and given the option of returning to England or remaining in Australia. The majority returned to Great Britain. However, some 850 men stayed Down Under—and that group of 20 young men in the hostel chose to stay in Australia, where they eventually married local Jewish girls and built the Jewish community of Australia. In retrospect, it became clear that those who had been exiled to Australia were not refugees but rather, agents of G-d Himself—sent to bring Judaism to the Jewish community of Australia that flourishes to this day. And no less than the Rebbe himself defined Rabbi Moshe Feiglin, who had been the first to bring authentic Judaism to Australia, as “the Avraham Avinu of Australia.” (The Life of Rabbi Moshe Feiglin, pg. 153.) And that brings us to this week’s Torah portion. This week’s Parshah of Shmini begins by telling us about the dedication of the Mishkan, which was celebrated on Rosh Chodesh Nissan, the first of the month of Nissan. After long months of construction and weeks of “trial,” in which they assembled and dissembled the Mishkan every day, the big day finally arrived—Mishkan Dedication Day, on which G-d Himself would His Presence among the Jewish Nation. And indeed, when the Nation witnessed how that fire came down from the sky, they rejoiced greatly, as the verse states, “And they sang praises, and fell upon their faces” (Vayikra 9:24). But then, at that very moment, a great tragedy occurred. Two of Aharon’s sons, Nadav and Avihu, the ones who were supposed to the leaders of the next generation, entered the Mishkan and offered up unauthorized incense—ending their lives right there inside the Mishkan. But as a result of that tragedy, which came as a result of Aharon’s two sons wanting very much to get close to G-d, something positive emerged. The Torah here teaches us the right way for a Jew to get close to G-d—first, the Torah tells us, “Do not drink wine and beer” (Vayikra 10:9). This is the first place in the Torah we find a prohibition of alcohol consumption. 4 What the Torah is saying here is a warning to the Kohanim, the priests, to not perform the Temple services while intoxicated. Now, we’ve already learned in the Book of Bereishis what wine made Noach and Lot do. However, drinking wine is not absolutely banned in all forms—the statement against alcohol first appears in this Parshah here. As the Midrash tells us, “Why does it command regarding wine? For everyone who drinks wine, injuries and wounds, shame and humiliation come upon him and the Divine Spirit cries out, ‘Woe upon who; alas upon who? To he who injures for no reason… to those who tarry after wine” (Ecclesiastes 23; Midrash Ksav Yad).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Israel's National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict
    Leap of Faith: Israel’s National Religious and the Israeli- Palestinian Conflict Middle East Report N°147 | 21 November 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iv I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Religious Zionism: From Ascendance to Fragmentation ................................................ 5 A. 1973: A Turning Point ................................................................................................ 5 B. 1980s and 1990s: Polarisation ................................................................................... 7 C. The Gaza Disengagement and its Aftermath ............................................................. 11 III. Settling the Land .............................................................................................................. 14 A. Bargaining with the State: The Kookists ................................................................... 15 B. Defying the State: The Hilltop Youth ........................................................................ 17 IV. From the Hills to the State ..............................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Gaza and the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood by Henry Siegman
    Expert Analysis August 2014 Gaza and the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood By Henry Siegman Executive summary The slaughter of Palestinian civilians and the Dresden-like reduction to rubble of large parts of Gaza by Israel’s military forces in the name of its own citizens’ security has exposed the hypocrisy at the heart of Israel’s dealings with the Palestinians. Israel’s claim to the right of self-defense in order to prevent its victims’ emergence from under its occupation is the ultimate definition of chutzpa. Without entering the debate over whether those rocket assaults were precipitated by Israel’s own violations of truces and cease-fire accords it negotiated with Hamas, as documented by various analysts (including Amira Hass, Peter Beinart, Nathan Thrall, Sara Roy and others), Israel’s claim to self-defense is based on a glaring falsehood. An occupying power is under obligation in international law to do two things: to end the occupa- tion, and until it does so, to protect the population under its occupation. Israel is in blatant violation of both of these obligations. The security threats to its own citizens it invokes to justify its assaults which regularly result in the killing of far more Palestinian non- combatants than militants are triggered by its occupation. An occupied people told by its occupiers its subjugation is permanent, and that they will never be allowed to exercise the right to national self-determination and sovereign existence on territories recognized by the interna- tional community as their rightful patrimony, has every right to resort to resistance, including violent resistance, to achieve its freedom, for they are reacting to the violence that is keeping them illegally under occupation.
    [Show full text]
  • Republication, Copying Or Redistribution by Any Means Is
    Republication, copying or redistribution by any means is expressly prohibited without the prior written permission of The Economist The Economist April 5th 2008 A special report on Israel 1 The next generation Also in this section Fenced in Short-term safety is not providing long-term security, and sometimes works against it. Page 4 To ght, perchance to die Policing the Palestinians has eroded the soul of Israel’s people’s army. Page 6 Miracles and mirages A strong economy built on weak fundamentals. Page 7 A house of many mansions Israeli Jews are becoming more disparate but also somewhat more tolerant of each other. Page 9 Israel at 60 is as prosperous and secure as it has ever been, but its Hanging on future looks increasingly uncertain, says Gideon Licheld. Can it The settlers are regrouping from their defeat resolve its problems in time? in Gaza. Page 11 HREE years ago, in a slim volume enti- abroad, for Israel to become a fully demo- Ttled Epistle to an Israeli Jewish-Zionist cratic, non-Zionist state and grant some How the other fth lives Leader, Yehezkel Dror, a veteran Israeli form of autonomy to Arab-Israelis. The Arab-Israelis are increasingly treated as the political scientist, set out two contrasting best and brightest have emigrated, leaving enemy within. Page 12 visions of how his country might look in a waning economy. Government coali- the year 2040. tions are fractious and short-lived. The dif- In the rst, it has some 50% more peo- ferent population groups are ghettoised; A systemic problem ple, is home to two-thirds of the world’s wealth gaps yawn.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel Elections 2019 Update
    Israel Elections 2019 Update September 10, 2019 With no party succeeding in forming a government following the elections that took place in Israel in April, 2019, a brand new election will now take place next week, on September 17. JFNA is pleased to present the following backgrounder summarizing what has occurred, and what may happen in the coming weeks and months. JFNA has also prepared a background briefing on why a second round of elections are taking place – which can be seen here, as well as a paper on how Israeli elections work. Elections: Round Two Perhaps the most crucial take away from the backgrounder papers (linked above) is that in practice, Israeli elections have two “stages.” The first - the actual elections - occurs when the population elects the 120-members of Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. Those are the national elections, but once the results of these elections are known, we don’t always have a clear picture of who will lead the country. This only occurs during what we can call a “second stage” when a potential prime minister seeks to form a governing majority coalition of at least 61, from among those 120 newly elected MKs (represented through their parties). September 2019’s theme: Mergers In the months that have passed since second elections were called, there has been little, if any, debate about policy or major issues of substance; or even discussions about personality. Instead, the focus has been on tactics, strategy and coalition building. So, in many ways, the September 2019 look like a redo of the elections that took place in April.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's Do-Over Election
    Your Shabbat source of Israeli News– September 6th 2019 Israel’s Do -over Election: A Guide to All the Parties Israeli politics has been reshaped by new alliances after the entire political firmament learned a harsh lesson from the April election just five months earlier: Unity among ideological allies is crucial. Smaller parties flying solo learned the hard way that independence meant risk falling below the electoral threshold and not making it into the Knesset. By doing so, they not only hurt themselves but mortally wound their entire political camp by “wasting” votes that could help them build a bloc large enough to construct a government. With only nine parties seemingly in a position to cross the electoral threshold, the next Knesset is set to feature the fewest number of parties in Israel’s history. Here are the main contenders: • Likud: Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu - fighting a second re-election campaign under the shadow of pending corruption indictments, moved early to reinforce Likud by merging it with Finance Minister Moshe Kahlon’s party giving himself one less party to wrestle with in governing coalition negotiations. Later in the race, he convinced Moshe Feiglin, leader of the far-right Zehut party, to pull out of the elections in order to give larger right-wing parties the precious votes he was taking. In exchange, Feiglin was promised a ministry in a future Likud-led government. • Kahol Lavan: The largest of the multi-party players in the race, Kahol Lavan has continued with its four man alliance formed ahead of the April election.
    [Show full text]
  • INSTITUTE of JERUSALEM STUDIES JERUSALEM of INSTITUTE Winter 2017 Winter
    Jerusalem: Fifty Years of Occupation Nazmi al-Jubeh Ribat in Palestine Kenny Schmitt Revocation of Residency of Palestinians in Jerusalem Tamara Tawfiq Tamimi Benefactresses of Waqf and Good Deeds Şerife Eroğlu Memiş Winter 2017 Jerusalem and Bethlehem Immigrant Families to Chile Bernard Sabella Resting in Peace in No Man’s Land at the Jerusalem War Cemetery Yfaat Weiss Filastinʼs Changing Attitude toward Early Zionism Emanuel Beška The Husayni Neighborhood in Jerusalem Winter 2017 Mahdi Sabbagh How Israel Legalizes Forcible Transfer: The Case of Occupied Jerusalem Report by Jerusalem Legal Aid and Human Rights Center (JLAC) Trump vs. a Global Consensus and International Law Infographics by Visualizing Palestine www.palestine-studies.org INSTITUTE OF JERUSALEM STUDIES Editors: Salim Tamari and Issam Nassar Associate Editors: Penny Johnson and Alex Winder Managing Editor: Carol Khoury Advisory Board Yazid Anani, A. M. Qattan Foundation, Ramallah Rochelle Davis, Georgetown University, USA Beshara Doumani, Brown University, USA Michael Dumper, University of Exeter, UK Rema Hammami, Birzeit University, Birzeit George Hintlian, Christian Heritage Institute, Jerusalem Huda al-Imam, Palestine Accueil, Jerusalem Omar Imseeh Tesdell, Birzeit University, Birzeit Nazmi al-Jubeh, Birzeit University, Birzeit Hasan Khader, al-Karmel Magazine, Ramallah Rashid Khalidi, Columbia University, USA Roberto Mazza, University of Limerick, Ireland Yusuf Natsheh, al-Quds University, Jerusalem Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian, Mada al-Carmel, Haifa Tina Sherwell, International Academy of Art Palestine, Ramallah The Jerusalem Quarterly (JQ) is published by the Institute of Jerusalem Studies (IJS), an affiliate of the Institute for Palestine Studies. The journal is dedicated to providing scholarly articles on Jerusalem’s history and on the dynamics and trends currently shaping the city.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel (Includes West Bank and Gaza) 2020 International Religious Freedom Report
    ISRAEL (INCLUDES WEST BANK AND GAZA) 2020 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The country’s laws and Supreme Court rulings protect the freedoms of conscience, faith, religion, and worship, regardless of an individual’s religious affiliation. The 1992 Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty describes the country as a “Jewish and democratic state.” The 2018 Basic Law: Israel – The Nation State of the Jewish People law determines, according to the government, that “the Land of Israel is the historical homeland of the Jewish people; the State of Israel is the nation state of the Jewish People, in which it realizes its natural, cultural, religious and historical right to self-determination; and exercising the right to national self- determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish People.” In June, authorities charged Zion Cohen for carrying out attacks on May 17 on religious institutions in Petah Tikva, Ashdod, Tel Aviv, and Kfar Saba. According to his indictment, Cohen sought to stop religious institutions from providing services to secular individuals, thereby furthering his goal of separating religion and the state. He was awaiting trial at year’s end. In July, the Haifa District Court upheld the 2019 conviction and sentencing for incitement of Raed Salah, head of the prohibited Islamic Movement, for speaking publicly in favor an attack by the group in 2017 that killed two police officers at the Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount. In his defense, Salah stated that his views were religious opinions rooted in the Quran and that they did not include a direct call to violence.
    [Show full text]
  • Israel's Religious Right and the Question Of
    ISRAEL’S RELIGIOUS RIGHT AND THE QUESTION OF SETTLEMENTS Middle East Report N°89 – 20 July 2009 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. NATIONAL-RELIGIOUS FRAGMENTATION AND RADICALISATION............ 3 III. THE TIME OF THE ULTRA-ORTHODOX............................................................... 12 IV. JEWISH ACTIVIST TOOLS ........................................................................................ 17 A. RHETORIC OR REALITY? ............................................................................................................17 B. INSTITUTIONAL LEVERAGE ........................................................................................................17 1. Political representation...............................................................................................................17 2. The military................................................................................................................................20 3. Education ...................................................................................................................................24 C. A PARALLEL SYSTEM ................................................................................................................25 V. FROM CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE TO VIOLENCE ....................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Upside of Evil (Tetzave) by Rabbi Ben Tzion Spitz Moshe Feiglin On
    11 Adar Alef 5779 – Feb 16, 2019 BSD from God and cleave to divine service, God is overjoyed, and it The Upside of Evil (Tetzave) causes a divine light to spread forth. By Rabbi Ben Tzion Spitz May we always overcome our negative natural impulses and turn our inner demons into radiant light. Evil is unspectacular and always human, and Moshe Feiglin on the Latest Yisrael shares our bed and eats at our own table. -W. H. Auden Hayom Poll: ZEHUT at 5 Mandates In describing the construction plans of the Holy Tabernacle, the Torah adds a short line about the fuel needed to light the Menorah, the golden candelabrum, which was one of the special fixtures of the Tabernacle. It states as follows: “And thou shalt command the children of Israel, that they bring unto thee pure olive oil beaten for the light, to cause a lamp to burn continually.” – Exodus 27:22 The Berdichever focuses on the choice of words of “beating” the olive to get light. He compares the olive in this case to one’s evil inclination. The evil inclination is constantly enticing us to follow our base desires, to indulge in what is forbidden and to separate us from spiritual and divine service. The solution is to “beat” that desire and then elevate that very same desire, to channel it into divine service. To use that passion, that interest, that energy, in holy ventures. We need to consider that if we have some physical yearning, how much stronger should our yearning be for the infinite, for God? If we have some physical fear, how much stronger should our fear and awe of the divine be? Dear Friends, When we’ve managed to convert that evil inclination, those base Yes, this morning it looks like ZEHUT’s sun is beginning to shine, desires into spiritual energy, into holy actions, then that evil has thank God.
    [Show full text]
  • Palestine-Israel Conflict and Israeli Strategies Prof
    54 MUSLIM PERSPECTIVES Volume I, Issue 1, 2016 Palestine-Israel Conflict and Israeli Strategies Prof. Dr. Oya Akgőnenç Muğisuddin* Abstract Since its establishment in 1948, Israel has expanded its territory by waging aggressive wars beyond the UN approved limits. The West Bank has been the main area of Israeli expansion, in addition to complete occupation of Syria‘s Golan Heights and Sinai now evacuated by Israel under a peace accord. Israel has been performing guard duty for Western interests in the Middle East. The U.K. France, the United States, and other European States ignore Israel‘s territorial expansions and violation of human rights in lieu of protection of Western interests by Israel. Often Israel has exposed Arab military weaknesses by waging war on its neighbours. Dynastic, ideological, and economic diversities among Arab States have been sources of disunity of Arabs States. The Gaza Strip has been a singular target of Israel‘s military campaign because it is governed by a strong popular national group and sits on valuable natural gas stocks. Europe wants to control the energy sources, energy routes and international trade networks in the Middle East. This is the gate to Eurasia. This is the main target of all Middle East policies in the 21st century as being practiced by Western powers and their local henchmen. Within this context, the newly discovered natural gas fields in and around Gaza provides a main reason for Israel‘s insistence not to relinquish control of the Strip and if possible clear the inhabitants of the region to have full control of the drilling operation.
    [Show full text]
  • Netanyahu Can't Even Get the Settlers to Vote For
    MENU Policy Analysis / Articles & Op-Eds ‘Settler Champion’ Netanyahu Can’t Even Get the Settlers to Vote for Him by David Makovsky, Basia Rosenbaum, David Patkin Jul 3, 2019 ABOUT THE AUTHORS David Makovsky David Makovsky is the Ziegler distinguished fellow at The Washington Institute and director of the Koret Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Basia Rosenbaum Basia Rosenbaum is a research assistant in The Washington Institute’s Project on Arab-Israel Relations. David Patkin David Patkin is a research intern in The Washington Institute’s Project on Arab-Israel Relations. Articles & Testimony The prime minister delivers for West Bank settlers at great cost internationally, but election results show they don’t pay him back at the ballot box. ver since Avigdor Lieberman denied Benjamin Netanyahu the coalition he sought in late May, Israel’s prime E minister has believed he can hurt Lieberman by calling him a "leftist," which triggered a war of words between them. Yet, as Israel gears up for yet another election campaign following Netanyahu’s failure to form a government, it is worth pointing out that—despite huge efforts by both to demonstrate their right-wing bona-fides—settlers themselves aren’t voting for Netanyahu or for Lieberman. Perhaps each should draw conclusions from the last election results and look for voters elsewhere. After analyzing official election returns involving 125 settlements in the last four Knesset elections (2009, 2013, 2015, and 2019), it is clear that settlers stopped voting for Lieberman a long time ago. Today Lieberman gets less than a third of the settler vote compared to his results a decade ago in the West Bank, and his party is now essentially off the map (1.67 percent of settler votes in 2019 versus 5.66 percent in 2009).
    [Show full text]
  • In Search of a Viable Option Evaluating Outcomes to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
    Policy Report In Search of a Viable Option Evaluating Outcomes to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict A report by Dr. Shira Efron and Evan Gottesman, with a foreword by Ambassador Daniel B. Shapiro Is the two-state solution still possible? Are other frameworks better or more feasible than two states? This study seeks to answer these questions through a candid and rigorous analysis. Is there another viable outcome? While the two-state model deserves to be debated on its merits, and certainly on its viability, pronouncements of this formula’s death raise the question: if not two states, then what? About the Study The two-state solution has been widely criticized from the right and the left as an idea whose time has passed and been overtaken by facts on the ground. As a result, many other models for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict have been advanced, from one-state formulas to confederation outcomes to maintaining the status quo indefinitely. How do these proposals for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict — including the recently released Trump plan — measure up against key criteria, like keeping Israel Jewish and democratic, providing security, and ensuring feasibility? Is there a model that fits the needs of both parties while being realistic in practice? This comprehensive study of potential outcomes for the Israeli-Palestinian conflict assesses the strengths and weaknesses of different plans, and trains a critical eye on whether a two-state solution is still possible, concluding that despite the heavy lift it will take to implement, a two-state outcome is not only possible but the only implementable plan that maintains Israel as Jewish and democratic.
    [Show full text]