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The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-Up of Britain Historical Materialism Book Series

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The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-Up of Britain Historical Materialism Book Series The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-up of Britain Historical Materialism Book Series Editorial Board Sébastien Budgen, Paris – Steve Edwards, London Marcel van der Linden, Amsterdam – Peter Thomas, London VOLUME 51 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/hm The New Left, National Identity, and the Break-up of Britain By Wade Matthews LEIDEN • BOSTON 2013 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Matthews, Wade, 1975- The new Left, national identity, and the break-up of Britain / by Wade Matthews. pages cm. — (Historical materialism book series ; volume 51) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-22396-7 (hardback : acid-free paper) — ISBN 978-90-04-25307-0 (e-book) 1. New Left— Great Britain. 2. Socialism—Great Britain. 3. National characteristics, British. 4. Nationalism—Great Britain. 5. Great Britain—Politics and government—20th century. I. Title. HX249.M14 2013 320.53’10941—dc23 2013015610 This publication has been typeset in the multilingual “Brill” typeface. With over 5,100 characters covering Latin, IPA, Greek, and Cyrillic, this typeface is especially suitable for use in the humanities. For more information, please see www.brill.com/brill-typeface. ISSN 1570-1522 ISBN 978-90-04-22396-7 (hardback) ISBN 978-90-04-25307-0 (e-book) Copyright 2013 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill, Global Oriental, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers and Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................................... vii Preface ............................................................................................................................ ix Chapter One History and Historiography of the New Left in Britain . 1 Chapter Two Socialist Intellectuals and the National Question before 1956 ................................................................................... 27 Chapter Three E.P. Thompson in the Provinces ........................................... 59 Chapter Four Raymond Williams’s Love of Country ................................. 105 Chapter Five Stuart Hall’s Identities .............................................................. 155 Chapter Six Perry Anderson against the National Culture ................... 197 Chapter Seven Tom Nairn on Hating Britain Properly ............................... 247 Conclusion .................................................................................................................... 287 References ..................................................................................................................... 299 Index ............................................................................................................................... 319 Acknowledgements I have incurred numerous debts during the writing of this book. The book began its life as a Ph.D. thesis, although almost nothing remains from the thesis I defended in 2007. For their help with the thesis, I would like to thank Robert Stuart, whose own work on national identity and socialism provided the original impetus for the thesis, and Eileen Yeo and Hamish Fraser, who helped the thesis toward completion. Since turning the thesis into a book, I have incurred many more debts. For reading chapters of the book and offering helpful comments, I would like to thank the following: Stephen Brooke, Russell Jacoby, Raymond O’Connor, Bryan Palmer, Joan Sangster, Bill Schwarz, and Robert Stuart. I must also thank a number of institutions. In particular, I thank the University of Strathclyde, Glasgow for the award of an Andersonian scholarship, Trent Uni- versity for the award of a Canadian Research Chair Postdoctoral Fellowship, and York University where I undertook a Social Science and Humanities Research Postdoctoral Fellowship. Among the staff of these institutions, I would especially like to thank Eileen Yeo, Bryan Palmer, and Doug Hay. Most importantly, I would like to thank a number of family and friends. I thank my family, and particularly my parents, John and Jill Matthews, who have always supported my career. Many friends have sustained me through the writ- ing of this book. I thank Bryan, David, Dylan, Joan, and Simon. More recently, I thank Aryn. Finally, this book is dedicated to Jarratt Hull, Mark Allen and Paul Laffey, three friends who are no longer here, but who fired my historical and political imagination in different ways. Preface Historians are interested in ideas not only because they influence societies, but because they reveal the societies which give rise to them.1 I Historical relations between socialism and nationalism have tended towards extremes.2 Sometimes, socialists have combated nationalism and sought to overcome, rather than nurture, national difference. However, when appealing to categories that transcend nationality, such as ‘humanity’ or ‘class’, socialism has appeared bloodless and deracinated, deaf to Sigmund Freud’s warning that ‘the tradition of the race and of the people, lives in the ideologies of the super- ego . independently of economic conditions’.3 Yet, when accentuating national sentiments, socialists have mimed the affective identities of political reaction: the (majority of the) European Left’s endorsement of their own national states’ response to the outbreak of war in 1914 constitutes just one example.4 As such, socialists have been caught between abstraction and particularity: either they have sacrificed reason and equality for a celebration of particular identities and finished indistinct from their ideological opponents, or they have combated their adversary’s discourse but consigned themselves to political oblivion.5 This book investigates how socialist intellectuals in Britain negotiated this dilemma. Specifically, it will explore how socialist intellectuals connected with the New Left responded to the national question after 1956, and how their sense of imagined community exerted an influence on their response. Propelled, no doubt, by nationalist awakenings in Europe and elsewhere in the recent past, and the generalised post-socialist fetish of ethnicity, historians’ grow- ing interest in socialist approaches to the national question has generated an 1. Hill 1972, p. 17. 2. Wright 1981; Forman 1998. 3. Freud 1932, p. 67. 4. Haupt 1972. 5. Eagleton 1990, p. 34. x • Preface impressive literature.6 This has been most remarkable in relation to continental socialism. Historians of British socialism have contributed to this growth, too.7 However, in the British case, the historiography has focused almost exclusively on the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The more recent past has generally been neglected. This book aims to repair that neglect. In this book, I argue that Britain’s national and nationalist dilemmas are cru- cial to explicating the nature of New Left thought. Its focus is debates among New Left intellectuals – E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams, Stuart Hall, Perry Anderson and Tom Nairn – between the mid-1950s and the fall of communism. These debates do not just include those familiar disputes of the 1950s and 1960s around socialist humanism, classlessness, the origins of Britain’s present crisis and the nature of culture and community. These debates are covered in depth in the course of the book. But I also follow the New Left’s encounter with the national question beyond 1968. Thus the book explores New Left thinkers’ nego- tiation of European integration, separatist nationalisms, and Britishness in the 1970s and 1980s, and, moreover, their encounter with the national and national- ist implications of Thatcherism, the Cold War and the fall of communism in the 1980s and 1990s. In brief, a contestatory dialogue is established throughout the book based around different New Left perspectives on what has been called the break-up of Britain. That national questions were pivotal to debates within the New Left should come as no surprise. The New Left’s ambition was nothing less than the regeneration of socialism, not just as a British but also as an international project. It was this project that yoked together the thinkers considered in this book. They were also joined by a shared awareness of the limitations of Marxist theory. Along- side these elective affinities, the New Left was conjoined by concrete questions of Britain – a historical climate, that is, characterised by decolonisation, the migra- tion of peoples to Britain from its former empire, Britain’s ‘decline’, the evolution of European integration, the rise of separatist nationalisms in Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland and processes of capitalist globalisation. A further impulse behind this enterprise is the historical decline of socialism in Britain – both as a political project and as a picture of social reality. Both ‘socialism’ and ‘nation’ were relatively straightforward realities in 1950s
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