Liberal Nationals Since the Liberal Nationals first divided from the official Liberals and eventually merged with the Conservatives, they have often been regarded as Tory cuckoos in the Liberal nest. Nick Cott re-evaluates their role. ToryTory cuckooscuckoos inin thethe LiberalLiberal nest?nest? The case of the Liberal Nationals: a re-evaluation he Liberal Nationals under Sir John Simon This significance was enhanced after the departure Tbroke away from the Liberal Party led by from the Government of the independent Liberals Herbert Samuel in October . This followed fif- under the leadership of Herbert Samuel in . Sup- teen years of intra-party feuding within the Liberal port for Neville Chamberlain and appeasement cost Party dating back to the fall of H.H. Asquith as the Liberal Nationals influence during the period of Prime Minister in December , and the subse- Churchill’s premiership (–), and after the Sec- quent rivalry between Asquithians and supporters of ond World War, they became even more reliant on the Lloyd George which left many Liberals feeling disaf- Conservative Party for their electoral prospects. In fected. More immediately, there were concerns over , the organisations of the two parties were fused the future of Liberalism, with many aspects of the together under the Woolton–Teviot agreement (the Liberal creed having been assailed, and the desire for Liberal National party being renamed the National a National Government in the wake of the troubled Liberal party), permanently ending their independ- domestic and international scene of the early s. ence, and making them appear indistinguishable from The position taken by the Liberal Party in giving the Conservative Party. Joint associations were not Labour its general support (in return for possible formally wound up until , although by then most concessions such as electoral reform) was also being of them had disappeared anyway. questioned, due to the Labour Government’s inad- equacy in dealing with the crisis. Liberal dissatisfac- I tion was expressed in the – session, which The Liberal National party is perhaps the most inac- saw Liberal divisions over governmental legislation, curately and unfairly treated of all forces in twentieth most notably the Kings’ Speech, when a small group century British political history. Until recently, the of rebels under Sir John Simon and Sir Robert party was dismissed as a mere adjunct of the Con- Hutchison voted for a Tory amendment. The divi- servatives. This view rests on the facts that the party sive nature of Lloyd George’s policy towards the at its conception started its own organisation and in- Government came to a head in June , when Si- dividual members seemed prepared to compromise mon resigned the whip. It was clear that this position on essential aspects of Liberal identity, and in the post- commanded much support amongst the Liberal war era, the party’s ever closer relations with the Con- ranks and this provided Simon with the confidence servatives. However, such views now have to be re- to go it alone in October. evaluated since recent investigations have reached Founded to support a coalition, the Liberal Na- very different conclusions, outlining an essentially tionals were a significant part of the National Govern- Liberal basis for Liberal National politics. From my ments, –, under Ramsay MacDonald (– own research, I have detected a similarly Liberal ele- ), Stanley Baldwin (–) and Neville Cham- ment within the party, and in this article I will hope to berlain (–), fighting two elections in conjunc- add to work already done in exploring some new an- tion with Conservative and National Labour allies. gles. Discussion will focus on the origins of the party, 24 Journal of Liberal Democrat History 25: Winter 1999–2000 where I hope to show that the Liberal Liberal centrism seems to have been tionist-leaning measures were enacted Nationals can be slotted within a ‘Liberal born in the later nineteenth century, by Lloyd George during his time at the centrist’ tradition, which was essentially when high politics was dominated by a Board of Trade, where his flexibility to- pragmatic, consensual and coalitionist in fear of Britain’s relative economic and wards party dogma was displayed attitude. This suggestion will be seen to physical decline as seen through the through his patents legislation. Coop- remove from the Liberal Nationals the poor physical health of its citizens. eration with the Conservatives was charge of defection and puts their ac- These fears culminated in the desire for sought after , when new conditions tions on a much more honourable foot- National Efficiency, a movement of so- made it almost essential both for the na- ing. This article will examine other rea- cial imperialists who advocated more tional interest and the Liberal pro- sons for the split in , which will be government intervention in the gramme. The constitutional crisis of seen to lie in intra-party conflicts economy and in social welfare provi- –, precipitated by the House of stretching back at least as far as the First sion. All this impacted on the Liberal Lords’ rejection of the Budget, led World War. Party, with challenges to its social, eco- to fears of the possible imminent col- nomic and imperial policies. lapse of the constitution and more per- II Perhaps the most significant challenge sonally speaking for Lloyd George, the The origins of the Liberal National came from the imperialist and social re- collapse of his National Insurance pro- party can be traced back to a centrist former, Joseph Chamberlain, whose posals, which depended on the extra strand of thinking in Liberal high poli- casual approach to Liberal doctrine and revenue outlined in the Budget. Frus- tics, dating from the later nineteenth clashes with the Gladstonian leadership trated by the inability to reach a com- century, which was pragmatic, consen- led him and others to leave the party in promise, Lloyd George engaged in secret sual and coalitionist in orientation. to form the Liberal Unionists and coalition talks with the Conservatives. In Whilst Liberal centrists may have dis- cooperate with the Conservatives. This a memorandum he circulated to Arthur played different attitudes over time as deprived the Liberal Party of one of its Balfour and other Opposition chiefs, he political contexts changed, what re- greatest reformers, with many shattered expressed his feeling that ‘some of the mained consistent was the desire for a Liberals contemplating their future in most urgent problems awaiting settle- ‘nationalised’ politics to meet particular the party. Some of those dissatisfied ele- ment, problems which concern inti- crises facing the country which party ments did stay and grouped together as mately the happiness and the efficiency politics could not address, since it was the Liberal Imperialists in the s un- of the inhabitants of these Islands, their by nature adversarial and self-interested. der the leadership of Lord Rosebery. strength and influence can only be suc- Such sentiments were not consistently The group included H. H. Asquith, Sir cessfully coped with by active co-opera- applied by individual Liberals, since Edward Grey, R. B. Haldane and the tion of both the great parties in the National politics was often only seen to later Liberal National Walter Runciman State.’ He was also willing to consider be necessary in times of national uncer- amongst its ranks, and there were non- the fiscal question, taking the tainty, such as wartime, periods of eco- committed sympathisers such as David Roseberyite view that an inquiry should nomic decline or where there was a Lloyd George. Whilst this group cer- be conducted to examine the case. perceived threat to Britain’s parliamen- tainly had an imperialist agenda, it ex- The period – could possibly tary traditions or to its Empire. The pressed its centrist tendencies in the de- be seen as a period of triumph for Lib- theory was that during such times a se- sire for greater cooperation, calling for eral centrism, since during this time Lib- ries of reforms to avert danger could be an ‘unbroken front’. Also, there may erals cooperated with Conservatives in speedily enacted, restoring confidence have been some flexibility towards free government to win the First World War and stability, since decisions could be trade. Chamberlain’s growing accept- and then the peace. In so doing they made on a consensual basis. It follows ance of protection as a means to finance were prepared to implement protection- then, that co-operation meant depar- measures of social reform could have ist measures such as the McKenna Du- tures from orthodox viewpoints, and been influential since evidence exists ties of , the Paris Resolutions of this can be detected, particularly re- that the issue was tentatively explored. , and the Safeguarding of Industries garding the issue of trade. In theory, However, the boldness of Chamberlain’s Act , despite the fact they were alien Liberals were free traders, but even on Tar iff Reform campaign of was to orthodox Liberalism. Through pur- this issue a certain centrist flexibility beyond the acceptance of most Liberal suing a pragmatic agenda, Liberals had can be detected, although this has not Imperialists. Other ways of meeting de- now set aside one important tenet of really been characterised as a continu- sires for social reform were being con- Liberalism, although it is unclear ous element by historians. Liberal cen- sidered by Liberals which seemed just as whether such Liberals wanted