Body of Thesis (PDF, 844.59KB)
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Ingredients of Reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua
Accepted for publication in the Journal of Semantics, pre-final version, February 2007. 1 The ingredients of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua Martina Faller The University of Manchester Abstract In Cuzco Quechua reciprocity is marked by means of two verbal suffixes, one of which is a marker of reflexivity, the other of which is a marker of pluractionality. The paper develops an analysis that composes reciprocity from these more basic notions. Two further ingredients that are needed will be argued to derive from independent principles: universal quantifi- cation over parts of the reciprocal plural agent derives from plural pred- ication, as has been argued by other researchers for English reciprocity; distinctness of the participants in the reciprocal subevents derives from a semantic version of Condition B. This way of composing reciprocity is not universal, other languages have dedicated reciprocal markers or make other reciprocal ingredients overt. The compositional derivation of reciprocity is therefore a clear candidate for cross-linguistic semantic variation. 1 Introduction This paper develops a compositional analysis of reciprocity in Cuzco Quechua (CQ) with the aim of elucidating the question of how languages may differ in the compositional derivation of this complex semantic notion. In a wider sense, it is a contribution to the growing literature on the possible space of cross-linguistic semantic variation. Consider the following Quechua reciprocal sentence and its English translation. (1) Hayt’a-na-ku-n-ku. kick-pa-refl-3-pl ‘They kick each other.’ Both entail that there are at least two kicking events, that the agent and the theme of each kicking event are distinct but drawn from the same group con- sisting of at least two members (namely the group denoted by they, which serves as the antecedent for the pronominal each other), and that each of the members of this group is an agent of at least one of these events and a theme of at least another one. -
The Syntax of the Malagasy Reciprocal Construction: an Lfg Account
THE SYNTAX OF THE MALAGASY RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTION: AN LFG ACCOUNT Peter Hurst University of Melbourne Proceedings of the LFG06 Conference Universität Konstanz Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (Editors) 2006 CSLI Publications http://csli-publications.stanford.edu/ ABSTRACT The verbal reciprocal construction in Malagasy is formed by a reciprocal morpheme prefixing on the main verb with a corresponding loss of an overt argument in c-structure. Analyses of similar constructions in Chichewa and Catalan both treat the reciprocalized verb's argument structure as undergoing an alteration whereby one of its thematic roles is either suppressed or two thematic arguments are mapped to one grammatical function. In this paper I propose that the reciprocal morpheme in Malagasy creates a reciprocal pronoun in f-structure - thus maintaining its valency and leaving the argument structure of the verb unchanged, while at the same time losing an argument at the level of c-structure. 1. INTRODUCTION Malagasy is an Austronesian language and is the dominant language of Madagascar. The Malagasy sentences used in the analysis below are from the literature - in particular from a paper by Keenan and Razafimamonjy (2001) titled “Reciprocals in Malagasy” whose examples are based on the official dialect of Malagasy as spoken in and around the capital city Antananarivo. The Malagasy reciprocal construction is formed by the addition of a prefix -if- or -ifamp- to the stem of the verb accompanied by the loss of an overt argument in object position. Compare sentence (1a) below with its reciprocated equivalent (1b): (1) Malagasy a. N-an-daka an-dRabe Rakoto pst-act-kick acc.Rabe Rakoto V O S 'Rakoto kicked Rabe' b. -
Rosetta Head Well and Whaling Station Site PLACE NO.: 26454
South Australian HERITAGE COUNCIL SUMMARY OF STATE HERITAGE PLACE REGISTER ENTRY Entry in the South Australian Heritage Register in accordance with the Heritage Places Act 1993 NAME: Rosetta Head Well and Whaling Station Site PLACE NO.: 26454 ADDRESS: Franklin Parade, Encounter Bay, SA 5211 Uncovered well 23 November 2017 Site works complete June 2019 Source DEW Source DEW Cultural Safety Warning Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples should be aware that this document may contain images or names of people who have since passed away. STATEMENT OF HERITAGE SIGNIFICANCE The Rosetta Head Well and Whaling Station Site is on the lands and waters of the Ramindjeri people of the lower Fleurieu Peninsula, who are a part of the Ngarrindjeri Nation. The site represents a once significant early industry that no longer exists in South Australia. Founded by the South Australian Company in 1837 and continually operating until 1851, it was the longest-running whaling station in the State. It played an important role in the establishment of the whaling industry in South Australia as a prototype for other whaling stations and made a notable contribution to the fledgling colony’s economic development. The Rosetta Head Whaling Station is also an important contact site between European colonists and the Ramindjeri people. To Ramindjeri people, the whale is known as Kondli (a spiritual being), and due to their connection and knowledge, a number of Ramindjeri were employed at the station as labourers and boat crews. Therefore, Rosetta Head is one of the first places in South Australia where European and Aboriginal people worked side by side. -
A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec
Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session Volume 40 Article 1 1996 A backwards binding construction in Zapotec Cheryl A. Black SIL-UND Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers Part of the Linguistics Commons Recommended Citation Black, Cheryl A. (1996) "A backwards binding construction in Zapotec," Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session: Vol. 40 , Article 1. DOI: 10.31356/silwp.vol40.01 Available at: https://commons.und.edu/sil-work-papers/vol40/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Work Papers of the Summer Institute of Linguistics, University of North Dakota Session by an authorized editor of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A Backwards Binding Construction in Zapotec* Cheryl A. Black Many of the Zapotecan languages have a unique way of signalling coreference between the subject and the possessor of the object: the subject is null. Such a construction is upsidedown or backwards from commonly described anaphora con structions and its analysis is therefore problematic to current theories. This paper describes the construction and underlines the theoretical problem by arguing against any obvious alternative analyses. An analysis is proposed where it is the tail {rather than the head) of the chain of coreferent elements that is identified, suggesting that this is another place where parameterization is needed. 1. Introduction One part of Binding Theory deals with simple refl.exive constructions, such as (1) (where coindexing indicates coreference). -
Further Remarks on Reciprocal Constructions (To Appear In: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P
1 Further remarks on reciprocal constructions (to appear in: Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. (ed.) 2007. Reciprocal constructions. Amsterdam: Benjamins.) MARTIN HASPELMATH In view of the breathtaking scope of the comparative research enterprise led by Vladimir P. Nedjalkov whose results are published in these volumes, I have no choice but to select and highlight a few topics that I find particularly interesting and worthy of further comment and further study. I will focus here on conceptual and terminological issues and on some phenomena that have been discussed in the literature but are not so well represented in this work. I will also try to summarize some of the major known generalizations about reciprocals, as discussed in this work and elsewhere, in the form of twenty-six Greenberg-style numbered universals. 1. Reciprocal, mutual, symmetric Let us begin with a terminological discussion of the most basic term, reciprocal. In the present volumes, this term is used both for meanings (e.g. reciprocal situation, reciprocal event) and for forms (e.g. reciprocal construction, reciprocal marker, reciprocal predicate). In most cases, the context will disambiguate, but it seems to be a good idea to have two different terms for meanings and for forms, analogous to similar contrasts such as proposition/sentence, question/interrogative, participant/argument, time/tense, multiple/plural. Since all reciprocals express a situation with a mutual relation, I propose the term mutual for the semantic plane, reserving the term reciprocal for specialized expression patterns that code a mutual situation. A similar terminological distinction is made by König & Kokutani (2006), Evans (2007), Dimitriadis (2007), but these authors propose the term symmetric for meanings, reserving reciprocal for forms. -
Mapping Landscapes of the Mind: a Cadastral Conundrum in the Native Title Era
Mapping landscapes of the mind: A cadastral conundrum in the Native Title era Graeme Neate President, National Native Title Tribunal Presented at the UN-FIG Conference on Land Tenure and Cadastral Infrastructures for Sustainable Development, Melbourne, Australia 25-27 October 1999 ABSTRACT When the Crown progressively assumed sovereignty over different parts of Australia, groups of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples had their own laws and customs which made them traditional owners of different parts of the land. Despite more than two centuries of colonisation, traditional links to land have survived and are exercised in some places. Through the prism of their cultural heritage, traditional owners of the land see geological features and items of vegetation as instances of Dreamtime activity. The stories, the songs, the ceremonies and the language are embedded in the land but are maintained in the minds of successive generations of traditional owners. The features of the landscape can be observed by all, but their meaning and significance is known to the few. In that sense, the traditional estates of indigenous groups are landscapes of the mind. The legal recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights and interests in land, and laws providing for the recognition and protection of areas of particular significance to indigenous Australians, have generated the need to precisely describe the location and extent of indigenous interests in land. That requirement gives rise to numerous issues about how indigenous peoples’ rights are to be -
On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of Kwazulu-Natal, South Africa
Nordic Journal of African Studies 23(3): 140–161 (2014) On the Reciprocal in Ndebele Langa KHUMALO 1 University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa ABSTRACT This article presents an analysis of the reciprocal extension in the Ndebele language (S.44, ISO 639-3 nde; not to be confused with South African Ndebele, S.407, ISO 639-3nbl) using the apparatus of the Lexical Functional Grammar’s Lexical Mapping Theory. The reciprocal in Ndebele, like in most Bantu languages, is clearly marked by the verbal suffix an-. Its typical properties are that the subject NP must be plural or alternatively must be a coordinate structure and that it is an argument changing verbal extension. This article will demonstrate that in Ndebele the reciprocal verb can take the direct object. It will further show that the reciprocal in Ndebele can co-occur with the passive and finally the paper will show that the notion of transitivity is not so straightforward both at syntactic and semantic levels when viewed in the context of certain reciprocal constructions. Keywords : reciprocal, argument structure, LMT, dyadic and monadic reciprocal. 1. INTRODUCTION This article discusses the Ndebele reciprocal derivation using the Lexical Mapping Theory (henceforth LMT), which is a sub-theory of Lexical Functional Grammar (henceforth LFG). It is important to note that LFG owes its origins from the dissatisfaction with Chomsky’s early framework of linguistic analysis as espoused in the Principles and Parameter framework and Government and Binding Theory. LFG has been described as the non-transformational successor to the transformational generative forerunners of Government and Binding. -
Reclaiming the Kaurna Language: a Long and Lasting Collaboration in an Urban Setting
Vol. 8 (2014), pp. 409-429 http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/ http://hdl.handle.net/10125/4613 Series: The Role of Linguists in Indigenous Community Language Programs in Australia1 Reclaiming the Kaurna language: a long and lasting collaboration in an urban setting Rob Amery University of Adelaide A long-running collaboration between Kaurna people and linguists in South Australia be- gan in 1989 with a songbook. Following annual community workshops and the estab- lishment of teaching programs, the author embarked on a PhD to research historical sources and an emerging modern language based on these sources. In response to numer- ous requests for names, translations and information, together with Kaurna Elders Lewis O’Brien and Alitya Rigney, the author and others formed Kaurna Warra Pintyandi (KWP) in 2002. It is a monthly forum where researchers, and others interested in Kaurna lan- guage, can meet with Kaurna people to discuss their concerns. KWP, based at the Univer- sity of Adelaide, is not incorporated and attendance of meetings is voluntary. The com- mittee has gained a measure of credibility and respect from the Kaurna community, gov- ernment departments and the public and has recently signed a Memorandum of Under- standing with the University of Adelaide. However, KWP and the author sit, uneasily at times, at the intersection between the University and the community. This paper explores the nature of collaboration between Kaurna people and researchers through KWP in the context of reliance on historical documentation, much of which is open to interpretation. Linguistics provides some of the skills needed for interpretation of source materials. -
Australian Aboriginal Oral Traditions
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Missouri: MOspace Oral Tradition 1/2 (1986): 231-71 Australian Aboriginal Oral Traditions Margaret Clunies Ross 1. Aboriginal Oral Traditions A History of Research and Scholarship1 The makers of Australian songs, or of the combined songs and dances, are the poets, or bards, of the tribes, and are held in great esteem. Their names are known in the neighboring tribes, and their songs are carried from tribe to tribe, until the very meaning of the words is lost, as well as the original source of the song. It is hard to say how far and how long such a song may travel in the course of time over the Australian continent. (Howitt 1904:414) In 1988 non-Aboriginal Australians will celebrate two hundred years’ occupation of a country which had previously been home to an Aboriginal population of about 300,000 people. They probably spoke more than two hundred different languages and most individuals were multilingual (Dixon 1980). They had a rich culture, whose traditions were centrally concerned with the celebration of three basic types of religious ritual-rites of fertility, initiation, and death (Maddock 1982:105-57). In many parts of Australia, particularly in the south where white settlement was earliest and densest, Aboriginal traditional life has largely disappeared, although the memory of it has been passed down the generations. Nowadays all Aborigines, even in the most traditional parts of the north, such as Arnhem Land, are affected to a greater or lesser extent by the Australian version of Western culture, and must preserve their own traditions by a combination of holding strategies. -
South Australian Press Coverage of the Debate on the Climatic Influence of Forests: 1836-1956
13 South Australian press coverage of the debate on the climatic influence of forests: 1836-1956. Stephen Legg Introduction he origins of the notion that forests could attract rain date back to classical antiquity (Glacken T1967), but in the mid-Nineteenth century the idea became elevated almost to an article of faith among many European scientists in the fields of agriculture, botany and forestry. They were imbued with a new-found appreciation developed during the late-Eighteenth and early-Nineteenth centuries that the Earth was old yet dynamic and that environments, including climate, could change – both naturally and through human agency. The debate on the climatic influence of forests quickly spread to the New World, first in North America and later throughout Australasia particularly with the advance of the agricultural frontier and its attendant assault on the forests. Initially the focus was on the consequences of large-scale removal of trees in heavily-timbered arable lands. Later, attention turned to the possibilities of ‘climate making’ through afforestation both to redress deforestation and to extend the supposed climatic benefit of trees to grasslands. The latter seemed especially important in drought-prone Australia. More than just another scientific controversy or a commentary on contemporary environmental destruction, the notion that trees directly influenced climate also became a familiar historiographical trope in literature as diverse as history, geography and travel- writing to help explain the rise and fall of some civilizations in now arid lands in the Old World. The fledgling sciences of climatology, forestry, and ecology provided further legitimacy in the 1860s to what has been termed an ‘awakening to forest conservation’ through which the various values of forests were considerably prioritised in public policy agendas. -
The 1948 Wubarr Ceremony Performed for the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land1
20. The Forbidden Gaze: The 1948 Wubarr ceremony performed for the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land1 Murray Garde They bin make im Ubarr, everyone bin go there, make that Ubarr, and they bin look that didjeridu. ‘Hey! Ubarr alright!’ And everyone they bin know…I went in front. They tell me…‘This thing you can’t tell im kid, you can’t tell im friend, you can’t tell im anybody, even your wife. You find your son…you can’t tell im story about Ubarr, you got to tell im what I’m telling you now. This “outside” story. Anyone can listen, kid, no-matter who, but this “inside” story you can’t say. If you go in Ring-place, middle of a Ring- place, you not supposed to tell im anybody…but oh, e’s nice.’ 2 — Bill Neidjie Introduction Anthropology in Australia in the early twentieth century was dealing very much with the exploration and description of the unknown. The political and cultural underpinnings of the European project to colonise and document unknown peoples and places across the globe tell us as much about Western views of science and cultural development as they do about its colonial subjects of investigation. The unknown was in a process of being revealed, rationalised, classified and collected. In his preface to Charles Mountford’s Records of the American–Australian Scientific Expedition to Arnhem Land, the Australian Minister of State for Information, Arthur Calwell, described Arnhem Land as 1 Whilst this chapter discusses some aspects of ceremonial secrecy, it does not mention cultural information that is not in the public domain. -
Friday Essay: Who Owns a Family's Story? Why It's Time to Lift the Berndt Field Notes Embargo
31/08/2020 Friday essay: who owns a family's story? Why it's time to lift the Berndt field notes embargo Academic rigour, journalistic flair Vincent Copley senior and Vincent Copley junior at Redbanks Conservation Park, Burra, in June, 2018. They are holding Ngadjuri book, with their grandfather and great-grandfather, Barney Waria, on the cover. Photo: C.J. Taylor, Flinders University. Friday essay: who owns a family’s story? Why it’s time to lift the Berndt field notes embargo September 14, 2018 6.34am AEST Imagine your grandfather was interviewed about his life, over many hours, some 80 years Authors ago. Everything he says is written down, enough to fill more than 20 notebooks. You’ve heard that those notebooks hold stories of your grandparents and their grandparents. Stories they would tell as they sat around a fire in the winter, by a river in Claire Smith summer. There are stories about the sports they played, the food they ate, their Professor of Archaeology, College of spirituality, how they celebrated important events. Stories about their songs, dances, Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, Flinders University artworks. Stories of the events that shaped them, many of which play out even now. Then you learn that the wife of the person who wrote down your grandfather’s stories has locked the notebooks away. You and your family are not allowed to read them. Gary Jackson This is how it is for a number of Aboriginal people today, among them 81-year-old Vincent Research Associate in Archaeology, Flinders University (Vince) Copley senior, co-author of this article.