BTI 2016 | Lesotho Country Report
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Press Statement by the Family of Lt General Maaparankoe Mahao on Sadc Report: 16 February 2016, Maseru, Lesotho
PRESS STATEMENT BY THE FAMILY OF LT GENERAL MAAPARANKOE MAHAO ON SADC REPORT: 16 FEBRUARY 2016, MASERU, LESOTHO Lt General Maaparankoe Mahao’s family has had the opportunity to study Justice Mphaphi Phumaphi Commission of Inquiry Report. As all of us will remember, the Commission was established by SADC to investigate the circumstances surrounding the death of General Mahao and the alleged mutiny against the current leadership of the Lesotho Defence Force (LDF). The Report was endorsed by the SADC Double Troika at its Summit held in Gaborone, Botswana on 18th January, 2016 with an injunction on the Lesotho Government to publish it and implement it. Lt General Mahao’s family once again wishes to express its gratitude to SADC for its efforts in the search for lasting peace and stability in the Kingdom of Lesotho and, in particular, to SADC’s unwavering commitment to get to the bottom of how and why Lt General Mahao was killed on 25th June, 2015. We further express our sincere appreciation of the thorough and professional work carried out by Justice Phumaphi’s Commission of Inquiry in the discharge of its mandate. We are fully aware of the very difficult conditions under which the Commission operated; especially the obstructions it encountered from some with vested interest to have the truth forever buried. Two principal objectives were at the heart of SADC’s decision to establish the Commission of Inquiry. These were the death of Lt General Mahao and the alleged mutiny within the ranks of the LDF. Around the death of Lt General Mahao, some significant progress was made in so far as the Commission ascertained certain facts which dispel and lay to rest the false claims made by the LDF with regards to why he was killed. -
Likoti, Injodemar 3
International Journal of Development and Management Review (INJODEMAR) Vol. 3 No. 1 May, 2008 215 THE CHALLENGES OF PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO: 1993-2007 LIKOTI, FAKO JOHNSON Department of Politics and Administrative Studies National University of Lesotho [email protected] Abstract Lesotho got its independence from Britain in 1960. The country experienced a coup in January 1970 while it was still fresh from colonial rule. During this period, the country's political parties were fragile and parliamentarians (MPs) were yet to acclimatise themselves with their parliamentary responsibilities. From 1970-1992, the country did not have a democratically elected parliament. It was not until early 1993 that the dawn of democracy came to Lesotho. This meant that MPs were still inexperienced and the National parliament appeared to have been confronted with myriads of challenges. This paper argues that these challenges have not only undermined the parliament but have also impacted negatively on the legitimacy and accountability of parliament. It further opines that parliamentarians in any democracy are held in high regard by the electorate and have to conduct themselves with due diligence. As MPs, they are expected to conduct themselves in parliament in a manner befitting their public status. Key Words: Democratisation, Unparliamentary practices, Opposition parties, Legislative power, Lesotho. Introduction Lesotho is a Constitutional democracy. This means that the country subscribes to constitutional rule. The concept of constitutionalism limits the arbitrariness of political power. While the concept recognises the necessity of government, it also insists upon limitations placed upon its powers. In essence, constitutionalism is an antithesis of arbitrary rule. -
The Impact of Political Parties and Party Politics On
EXPLORING THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND PARTY SYSTEMS ON DEMOCRACY IN LESOTHO by MPHO RAKHARE Student number: 2009083300 Submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the Magister Degree in Governance and Political Transformation in the Programme of Governance and Political Transformation at the University of Free State Bloemfontein February 2019 Supervisor: Dr Tania Coetzee TABLE OF CONTENTS Pages DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................... 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...................................................................................................................... 5 List of abbreviations and acronyms ................................................................................................... 6 LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................. 8 Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................................... 9 Introduction to research ....................................................................................................................... 9 1.1 Motivation ........................................................................................................................................ 9 1.2 Problem statement ..................................................................................................................... -
Crown Agents Bank's Currency Capabilities
Crown Agents Bank’s Currency Capabilities September 2020 Country Currency Code Foreign Exchange RTGS ACH Mobile Payments E/M/F Majors Australia Australian Dollar AUD ✓ ✓ - - M Canada Canadian Dollar CAD ✓ ✓ - - M Denmark Danish Krone DKK ✓ ✓ - - M Europe European Euro EUR ✓ ✓ - - M Japan Japanese Yen JPY ✓ ✓ - - M New Zealand New Zealand Dollar NZD ✓ ✓ - - M Norway Norwegian Krone NOK ✓ ✓ - - M Singapore Singapore Dollar SGD ✓ ✓ - - E Sweden Swedish Krona SEK ✓ ✓ - - M Switzerland Swiss Franc CHF ✓ ✓ - - M United Kingdom British Pound GBP ✓ ✓ - - M United States United States Dollar USD ✓ ✓ - - M Africa Angola Angolan Kwanza AOA ✓* - - - F Benin West African Franc XOF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Botswana Botswana Pula BWP ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Burkina Faso West African Franc XOF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Cameroon Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F C.A.R. Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Chad Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Cote D’Ivoire West African Franc XOF ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ F DR Congo Congolese Franc CDF ✓ - - ✓ F Congo (Republic) Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Egypt Egyptian Pound EGP ✓ ✓ - - F Equatorial Guinea Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Eswatini Swazi Lilangeni SZL ✓ ✓ - - F Ethiopia Ethiopian Birr ETB ✓ ✓ N/A - F 1 Country Currency Code Foreign Exchange RTGS ACH Mobile Payments E/M/F Africa Gabon Central African Franc XAF ✓ ✓ ✓ - F Gambia Gambian Dalasi GMD ✓ - - - F Ghana Ghanaian Cedi GHS ✓ ✓ - ✓ F Guinea Guinean Franc GNF ✓ - ✓ - F Guinea-Bissau West African Franc XOF ✓ ✓ - - F Kenya Kenyan Shilling KES ✓ ✓ ✓ ✓ F Lesotho Lesotho Loti LSL ✓ ✓ - - E Liberia Liberian -
Country Codes and Currency Codes in Research Datasets Technical Report 2020-01
Country codes and currency codes in research datasets Technical Report 2020-01 Technical Report: version 1 Deutsche Bundesbank, Research Data and Service Centre Harald Stahl Deutsche Bundesbank Research Data and Service Centre 2 Abstract We describe the country and currency codes provided in research datasets. Keywords: country, currency, iso-3166, iso-4217 Technical Report: version 1 DOI: 10.12757/BBk.CountryCodes.01.01 Citation: Stahl, H. (2020). Country codes and currency codes in research datasets: Technical Report 2020-01 – Deutsche Bundesbank, Research Data and Service Centre. 3 Contents Special cases ......................................... 4 1 Appendix: Alpha code .................................. 6 1.1 Countries sorted by code . 6 1.2 Countries sorted by description . 11 1.3 Currencies sorted by code . 17 1.4 Currencies sorted by descriptio . 23 2 Appendix: previous numeric code ............................ 30 2.1 Countries numeric by code . 30 2.2 Countries by description . 35 Deutsche Bundesbank Research Data and Service Centre 4 Special cases From 2020 on research datasets shall provide ISO-3166 two-letter code. However, there are addi- tional codes beginning with ‘X’ that are requested by the European Commission for some statistics and the breakdown of countries may vary between datasets. For bank related data it is import- ant to have separate data for Guernsey, Jersey and Isle of Man, whereas researchers of the real economy have an interest in small territories like Ceuta and Melilla that are not always covered by ISO-3166. Countries that are treated differently in different statistics are described below. These are – United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland – France – Spain – Former Yugoslavia – Serbia United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. -
Lesotho | Freedom House
Lesotho | Freedom House https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2019/lesotho A. ELECTORAL PROCESS: 10 / 12 A1. Was the current head of government or other chief national authority elected through free and fair elections? 3 / 4 Lesotho is a constitutional monarchy. King Letsie III serves as the ceremonial head of state. The prime minister is head of government; the head of the majority party or coalition automatically becomes prime minister following elections, making the prime minister’s legitimacy largely dependent on the conduct of the polls. Thomas Thabane became prime minister after his All Basotho Convention (ABC) won snap elections in 2017. Thabane, a fixture in the country’s politics, had previously served as prime minister from 2012–14, but spent two years in exile in South Africa amid instability that followed a failed 2014 coup. A2. Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 4 / 4 The lower house of Parliament, the National Assembly, has 120 seats; 80 are filled through first-past-the-post constituency votes, and the remaining 40 through proportional representation. The Senate—the upper house of Parliament—consists of 22 principal chiefs who wield considerable authority in rural areas and whose membership is hereditary, along with 11 other members appointed by the king and acting on the advice of the Council of State. Members of both chambers serve five- year terms. In 2017, the coalition government of Prime Minister Pakalitha Mosisili—head of the Democratic Congress (DC)—lost a no-confidence vote. The development triggered the third round of legislative elections held since 2012. -
ASPJ-Africa & Francophonie 3Rd Quarter 2017
ASPJ–Afrique etFrancophonie3 3e trimestre 2017 Volume 8, No. 3 e Trimestre 2017 Trimestre La vision américaine du monde post-impérial Michael Lind Faith I. Okpotor, PhD Okpotor, I. Faith A Feminist Normative Analysis of the Libyan Intervention Libyan the of Analysis Normative Feminist A Politics, and US Foreign Policy Foreign US and Politics, Maîtriser la guerre dite « hybride » Human Rights, Humanitarian Intervention, International Intervention, Humanitarian Rights, Human LTC Jyri Raitasalo, Armée finlandaise, PhD Everisto Benyera, PhD Benyera, Everisto Le modèle des systèmes de corruption et réforme anticorruption in Lesotho in La pression internationale et nationale, et stratégies des gouvernements Towards an Explanation of the Recurrence of Military Coups Coups Military of Recurrence the of Explanation an Towards pour préserver le statu quo Joseph Pozsgai, PhD Joseph Pozsgai, PhD Pozsgai, Joseph Preserve the Status Quo Status the Preserve Tentative d’explication des coups d’état à répétition au Lesotho International, Domestic Pressure, and Government Strategies to to Strategies Government and Pressure, Domestic International, Everisto Benyera, PhD A Systems Model on Corruption and Anticorruption Reform Anticorruption and Corruption on Model Systems A Droits de l’homme, intervention humanitaire, politique Lt Col Jyri Raitasalo, Finnish Army, PhD Army, Finnish Raitasalo, Jyri Col Lt internationale et politique étrangère américaine Getting a Grip on the So-Called “Hybrid Warfare” “Hybrid So-Called the on Grip a Getting Une analyse normative féministe de l’intervention en Libye Faith I. Okpotor, PhD Michael Lind Michael American Visions of a Postimperial World Postimperial a of Visions American Volume 8, No. 3 No. 8, Volume 2017 Quarter 3rd ASPJ–Africa and Francophonie 3rd Quarter 2017 Chief of Staff, US Air Force Gen David L. -
Implications for Consolidation of Democracy in Lesotho by Libuseng Malephane
Contesting and turning over power: Implications for consolidation of democracy in Lesotho By Libuseng Malephane Afrobarometer Policy Paper No. 17 | February 2015 Introduction Since its transition to electoral democracy in 1993, Lesotho has experienced a series of upheavals related to the electoral process. Election results were vehemently contested in 1998, when the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) won all but one of the country’s constituencies under a first-past-the-post electoral system, and a military intervention by the Southern African Development Community (SADC) was required to restore order. A mixed member proportional (MMP) model introduced in the run-up to the 2002 general elections resulted in more parties being represented in Parliament. The MMP model also led to the formation of informal coalitions as political parties endeavoured to maintain or increase their seats in Parliament in the 2007 elections (Kapa, 2007). Using a two-ballot system, with one ballot for constituency and another for the proportional-representation (PR) component, the elections preserved the ruling LCD’s large majority in Parliament and precipitated another protracted dispute between the ruling and opposition parties over the allocation of PR seats. Mediation efforts by the SADC and the Christian Council of Lesotho led to a review of the Constitution and Electoral Law. The resulting National Assembly Electoral Act of 2011 provides for a single-ballot system that allows voters to indicate their preferences for both constituency and PR components of the MMP system (UNDP, 2013). Meanwhile, the new All Basotho Convention (ABC), which had broken away from the LCD in 2006, became the largest opposition party in Parliament after the 2007 elections. -
Countries Codes and Currencies 2020.Xlsx
World Bank Country Code Country Name WHO Region Currency Name Currency Code Income Group (2018) AFG Afghanistan EMR Low Afghanistan Afghani AFN ALB Albania EUR Upper‐middle Albanian Lek ALL DZA Algeria AFR Upper‐middle Algerian Dinar DZD AND Andorra EUR High Euro EUR AGO Angola AFR Lower‐middle Angolan Kwanza AON ATG Antigua and Barbuda AMR High Eastern Caribbean Dollar XCD ARG Argentina AMR Upper‐middle Argentine Peso ARS ARM Armenia EUR Upper‐middle Dram AMD AUS Australia WPR High Australian Dollar AUD AUT Austria EUR High Euro EUR AZE Azerbaijan EUR Upper‐middle Manat AZN BHS Bahamas AMR High Bahamian Dollar BSD BHR Bahrain EMR High Baharaini Dinar BHD BGD Bangladesh SEAR Lower‐middle Taka BDT BRB Barbados AMR High Barbados Dollar BBD BLR Belarus EUR Upper‐middle Belarusian Ruble BYN BEL Belgium EUR High Euro EUR BLZ Belize AMR Upper‐middle Belize Dollar BZD BEN Benin AFR Low CFA Franc XOF BTN Bhutan SEAR Lower‐middle Ngultrum BTN BOL Bolivia Plurinational States of AMR Lower‐middle Boliviano BOB BIH Bosnia and Herzegovina EUR Upper‐middle Convertible Mark BAM BWA Botswana AFR Upper‐middle Botswana Pula BWP BRA Brazil AMR Upper‐middle Brazilian Real BRL BRN Brunei Darussalam WPR High Brunei Dollar BND BGR Bulgaria EUR Upper‐middle Bulgarian Lev BGL BFA Burkina Faso AFR Low CFA Franc XOF BDI Burundi AFR Low Burundi Franc BIF CPV Cabo Verde Republic of AFR Lower‐middle Cape Verde Escudo CVE KHM Cambodia WPR Lower‐middle Riel KHR CMR Cameroon AFR Lower‐middle CFA Franc XAF CAN Canada AMR High Canadian Dollar CAD CAF Central African Republic -
Sub-Saharan Africa
Sub-Saharan Africa povertydata.worldbank.org Poverty & Equity Brief Sub-Saharan Africa Angola April 2020 Between 2008-2009 and 2018-2019, the percent of people below the national poverty line changed from 37 percent to 41 percent (data source: IDR 2018-2019). During the same period, Angola experienced an increase in GDP per capita followed by a recession after 2014 when the price of oil declined. Based on the new benchmark survey (IDREA 2018-2019) and the new national poverty line, the incidence of poverty in Angola is at 32 percent nationally, 18 percent in urban areas and a staggering 54 percent in the less densely populated rural areas. In Luanda, less than 10 percent of the population is below the poverty line, whereas the provinces of Cunene (54 percent), Moxico (52 percent) and Kwanza Sul (50 percent) have much higher prevalence of poverty. Despite significant progress toward macroeconomic stability and adopting much needed structural reforms, estimates suggest that the economy remained in recession in 2019 for the fourth consecutive year. Negative growth was driven by the continuous negative performance of the oil sector whose production declined by 5.2 percent. This has not been favorable to poverty reduction. Poverty is estimated to have increased to 48.4 percent in 2019 compared to 47.6 percent in 2018 when using the US$ 1.9 per person per day (2011 PPP). COVID-19 will negatively affect labor and non-labor income. Slowdown in economic activity due to social distancing measures will lead to loss of earnings in the formal and informal sector, in particular among informal workers that cannot work remotely or whose activities were limited by Government. -
FOL Newsletter 3QTR
Metsoalle ea Lesotho Friends of Lesotho Third Quarter 2014 Newsletter Newsletter Features Clickable Links!! Download the newsletter from the FOL FOL President Appointed website www.friendsoflesotho.org and you will be able to click on all the Honorary Consul website addresses. Friends of Lesotho President Scott Rosenberg was appointed Honorary Consul by the Lesotho Embassy in Washington, DC. He will represent Lesotho in Ohio and the Midwest and help facilitate greater cooperation between the two countries to promote Lesotho’s trade, tourism, investment, and cultural activities to Ameri- cans, and he will also assume protocol responsibilities for visiting Basotho dignitaries. The current Ambassador to the US, serving in the Washington DC consulate, is Ambassador Molapi Sepetane. Scott Rosenberg (R) with Lesotho Minister of Protocol Moshuli Leteka, Summer 2014, Maseru. Photo Credit: Thabo Moseunyane Was There a Coup or Not? By Ella Kwisnek, RPCV 92-94, Lesotho Agricultural College, [email protected] A quarterly newsletter is not an ideal place for fast-breaking news, so thanks to RPCV Ella Kwis- nek for compiling this log of events that made front pages on world newspapers during August and Sept 2014. ~ Ed. What happened? On Saturday, August 30, 2014, there was a reported “coup d'état attempt by the military” in Lesotho. Soldiers reportedly disarmed police and one police officer was killed as the result of an ex- change of gunfire between soldiers and police. Prime Minister Motsoahae Thomas Thabane fled to South Africa and accused his deputy Mothetjoa Metsing Photo Credit: Linda Henry, RPCV of being behind the army's actions. Foreign Ministers of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) States met with the leaders of the three political parties that made up Lesotho’s Coalition govern- ment in an attempt to resolve the conflict. -
Alliances, Coalitions and the Political System in Lesotho 2007-2012
VOLUME 13 NO 1 93 ALLIANCES, COALITIONS AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM IN LESOTHO 2007-2012 Motlamelle Anthony Kapa and Victor Shale Dr Motlamelle Anthony Kapa is lecturer and head of the Department of Political and Administrative Studies at the National University of Lesotho e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Dr Victor Shale is EISA’s Zimbabwe Resident Director e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper assesses political party alliances and coalitions in Lesotho, focusing on their causes and their consequences for party systems, democratic consolidation, national cohesion and state governability. We agree with Kapa (2008) that formation of the pre-2007 alliances can be explained in terms of office-seeking theory in that the political elite used alliances to access and retain power. These alliances altered the country’s party system, leading to conflict between parties inside and outside Parliament, as well as effectively changing the mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral system into a parallel one, thereby violating the spirit of the system. However, the phenomenon did not change state governability; it effectively perpetuated the one-party dominance of the Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD) and threatened national cohesion. The post-2012 coalition, on the other hand, was a product of a hung parliament produced by the elections. The impact of the coalition on the party system, state governability and democratic consolidation is yet to be determined as the coalition phenomenon is still new. However, state governability has been marked by a generally very slow pace of policy implementation and the party system has been both polarised and reconfigured while national cohesion has been strengthened.