Compact City and Urban Sprawl

MULTIFUNCTIONAL URBAN LAND USE: A NEW PHENOMENON? A NEW PLANNING CHALLENGE? Compact City and Urban Sprawl

FRANS DIELEMAN and MICHAEL WEGENER

Both in Europe and North America there is a growing concern about the development of urban form, especially deconcentration of urban land use in the form of urban sprawl. This has unintentional consequences such as city centre decline, increased reliance on the use of the private car, and the loss of open space. While governments try to regulate the development of urban form, there are no easy solutions. However, policies such as ‘new urbanism’ and ‘smart growth’ in North America, and ‘compact city’ and ‘multifunctional land use’ policies in Europe, though difficult to implement, have the potential to curb urban sprawl and the further growth in car use, as the cases of Portland, Oregon and Randstad Holland in The Netherlands illustrates.

1. Introduction In Northern America the movements promoting government regulation of urban Across states and cities in Europe and North growth are referred to as ‘New Urbanism’ and America there is a growing awareness of, and ‘Smart Growth’ (Knaap, 2000; Urban Land concern about, the development of urban Institute, 1999). In some states and counties in form. Especially urban sprawl, the growth the United States smart growth policies have of urban spatial patterns with low densities, been put into action; well-known examples large outward expansion, spatially segregated are the states of Oregon and Maryland and land uses, leapfrog urban development, and Montgomery county in Virginia. Recently widespread commercial strip development, even in the state of Michigan, with Detroit as are generally considered not conducive to a one of the metropolitan areas in the United good quality of life in urban areas (Burchell States with the largest degree of urban et al., 2000). sprawl (Galster et al., 2001), and widespread A whole range of unintentional conse- opposition to regional land use planning, an quences of this type of urban growth and advisory body for land use planning has been expansion are brought forward in the litera- formed by the new governor. ture. Most prominent among these are (i) In (Northwest) Europe metropolitan plan- deinvestment in urban core areas and central ning at the regional scale has a longer tradi- city decline; (ii) reliance on the use of private tion than in the United States (Newman and cars and therefore to the growing number Thornley, 1996; Salet et al., 2003). The attempt of vehicle miles travelled, road congestion to regulate urban form usually comes under and decline of air quality; and (iii) the loss such terms as compact city policy and the of open space and scenic areas in and close promotion of multifunctional land use (Jenks to metropolitan regions (Ewing et al., 2002). et al., 1996). In The Netherlands the national Many politicians, planning practitioners and government has, for decades, tried to regulate academics believe that governments should the development of urban expansion in a try to regulate the development of urban series of national spatial plans, since the 1980s form to avoid the consequences of urban focused on compact urban growth (Dieleman sprawl often perceived as undesirable. et al., 1999). Its aims are quite comparable to

308 BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 COMPACT CITY AND URBAN SPRAWL those brought forward by the smart growth 2. Theories of Urban Sprawl policies in some parts of the United States. The concept of multifunctional land use is There is general agreement that urban sprawl part and parcel of the literature and debate is the combined effect of growing afﬂ uence, on urban form and its consequences. It can changing lifestyles and the vast advance be defined as the combination of different in personal mobility made possible by the land use functions in the same area. It private automobile. The car has shaped the recognizes that spatial functions need not dispersed form of the modern metropolis and always be examined as alternative and has caused the metropolis to depend on the mutually competing uses of scarce land, but car (Newman and Kenworthy, 1998). In order instead a merging of land use functions at to understand urban sprawl, it is therefore a certain location can lead to economies of important to review theoretical insights on synergy, save space, and be environmentally the interaction between transport and urban benign (Rodenburg et al., 2003). The concept form. This will be done in this section using of multifunctional land use is, of course, concepts from the EU TRANSLAND project directly related to the themes of compact city (Wegener and Fürst, 1999). and urban sprawl discussed in this article. Theories on the two-way interaction be- Multifunctional (urban) land use can be tween urban land use and transport address most commonly observed in high-density the locational and mobility responses of house- urban environments, especially at nodes of holds, firms and travellers to changes in the high accessibility such as railway stations urban land use and transport system at the and metro stops. In the literature mixed urban-regional level. land use locations around public transport It is common knowledge among planners modes are often referred to as Transit and the public that urban land use and Oriented Developments (TOD). On the other transport are closely inter-linked. That the hand urban sprawl can often be associated spatial separation of human activities creates with spatially segregated land uses and the need for travel and goods transport is the leapfrog urban development, the opposite of underlying principle of transport analysis multifunctional land use at one location. and forecasting. Following this principle, it is In this article we will further explore the easily understood that the suburbanization of various aspects of the debate and research cities is linked to increasing spatial division on compact cities, urban sprawl and smart of labour, and hence to ever-increasing growth, with a focus on two related themes. mobility. First, we will explore the two-way interaction However, the reverse impact from transport between transport and urban form in some to land use is less well known. We vaguely depth, because urban land use patterns and grasp that the evolution from the dense transport systems and mobility patterns are urban fabric of medieval cities (where almost so closely intertwined. Secondly we will all daily mobility took place on foot), to the review empirical research on policies to vast expansion of modern metropolitan areas, contain urban sprawl. One of the main aims with their massive volumes of intraregional frequently is to reduce the use of the private traffic, would not have been possible without car. We will draw mainly on evidence from the development of first the railway and in two prominent cases, Portland, Oregon in particular the private car. This has made the United States and the Randstad Holland every corner of the metropolitan area almost in The Netherlands, both of which have equally suitable as a place to live or work. long history of urban growth management, However, exactly how the development of that has been evaluated extensively in the the transport system influences the location literature. decisions of landlords, investors, firms and

BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 309 MULTIFUNCTIONAL URBAN LAND USE: A NEW PHENOMENON? A NEW PLANNING CHALLENGE? households is not clear even to many urban The distribution of infrastructure in the planners. transport system cre ates opportunities for The major theoretical approaches to spatial interactions and can be measured as explain this two-way interaction of land use accessi bility. and transport in metropolitan areas include The distribution of accessibility in space co- technical theories (urban mobility systems), determines location decisions and so results economic theories (cities as markets), and in changes of the land use system. social theories (society and urban space). The theories based on this paradigm start from observed regu lar i ties of parameters Technical Theories: Urban Mobility Systems of human mobility, such as trip dis tance In the technical paradigm of urban de- and travel time, and from here try to infer velopment, technical conditions determine those trip origins and destinations that best the internal organization of cities. The com- reproduce the observed frequency distri- pactness of the medieval city re sulted from bu tions. It had long been observed by the need for fortiﬁ cations and from the fact Ravenstein (1885) and Zipf (1949) that the that most trips had to be made on foot. frequency of human interactions such as When these two con straints dis ap peared in messages, trips or migrations between two the nineteenth century, urban development, locations (cities or regions) is propor tional to fol lowing this paradigm, largely became a their size, but inversely proportional to their function of transport tech nol ogy. distance. The analogy to the law of gravitation In the 1950s, first efforts were made in in physics is obvious. The gravity model was the USA to study system atically the inter- the first spatial interaction model. From the relationship between transport and the spatial spatial interaction model it is only a small de velopment of cities. Hansen (1959) de- step to its application as a location model. monstrated for Washing ton DC, that locations If it is possible to make inferences from with good accessibility had a higher chance the distribution of human activities to the of being developed, and at a higher density, spatial interactions be tween them, it is also than remote locations (‘How accessibility possible to identify the location of activities shapes land use’). The recog nition that trip giving rise to a certain trip pattern. Lowry’s and location decisions co-deter mine each (1964) Model of Metropolis essentially consists other and that therefore transport and land- of two singly constrained spatial-interaction use planning needed to be co-ordinated, location models, a residential location model quickly spread among American planners, and a service and retail em ployment location and the ‘land-use transport feed back cycle’ model, nested into each other. became a commonplace in the American The spatial interaction paradigm has led planning litera ture. The relationships implied to a better understanding of important di- by this term can be briefly sum mar ized: mensions of individual mobility and location be haviour and their interrelationships. It has The distribution of land uses, such as made it clear that daily mobility depends on residential, industrial or commercial, over the prior more long-term location decisions, and urban area determines the locations of human that these are in turn co-determined by the activities such as living, working, shop ping, daily need for travel. The spatial interaction education or lei sure. model clearly predicts that if travel costs – in The distribution of human activities in monetary costs or in time – decrease (as they space requires spatial interactions or trips in have done during the last 40 years) the result the transport system to overcome the distance will be spatial dispersal of human activities between the loca tions of activities. and longer trip distances travelled.

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Economic Theories: Cities as Markets divided by size of land. A firm with higher added value per unit of land is therefore able Economic location theory goes beyond tech- to pay a higher price than a firm with less nical theories in that location costs are taken intensive land utilization, everything else into account. In this case fi rms look for the being equal. So it is not surprising that, say, optimum constellation of size (economies of jewellers are found in the centre, where as scale) and location (agglomeration econo- trucking companies have their yards on the mies) given their specifi c mix of products, periphery. production technology and pattern of sup- As households have no cost functions pliers and customers, whereas households like firms, the trade off is between land try to match their space needs and location consumption and distance to the centre. preferences with their budget restrictions. Each household type has to divide its ex- Both fi rms and households trade off ac- penditure between land and transport costs. cessibility for space or vice versa. Households therefore maximize their com- A fundamental assumption of all spatial bined utility of land and transport within economic theories is that locations with their budget constraints. This explains why good accessibility are more attractive and high-income households occupy large sites have a higher market value than peripheral at the periphery, whereas low-income house- locations. This fundamental assumption holds frequently live in high-density housing goes back to Von Thünen (1826) and has areas near the centre. since been varied and refined in many ways Today fundamental changes in the eco- (see the extensive review by Vreeker et al. nomic environment lead to both spatial in this issue). In macroanalytic approaches polarization and spatial dispersal within spatial development is the result of spatial urban regions. Flexible production and dis tri - production functions incorporating among bution systems require extensive, low-density labour and capital such spatial factors as sites with good ac cess to the regional and agglomeration advantages, transport costs local road network, and this explains why and land prices, and it is still disputed under new manu fac tur ing firms prefer subur ban which conditions spatial equilibrium or locations. Retail facilities tend to follow their spatial polarization will occur, or whether customers to the suburbs and similarly prefer there is a cyclical sequence of agglomer ation large suburban sites with good road access. and deglomeration phases (Van den Berg High-level services, how ever, con tinue to rely et al., 1982). Microanalytic approaches, on on face-to-face contacts and, despite e-mail, the other hand, start from the locational fax and electronic data interchange, remain behav iour of individual players such as in the city centre. Castells (1996) argues that firms, landlords or households in the urban in the present network economy processes land or housing markets. Probably the most of urban deconcentration and concentration influential example of the latter kind is the operate parallel to each other. The result is the model of the urban land market by Alonso spa tial dispersal of many economic activities (1964). The basic assump tion of the Alonso except high-level services. model is that firms and households choose that location at which their bid rent, i.e. the Social Theories: Society and Urban Space land price they are wil ling to pay, equals the asking rent of the landlord, so that the land In social sciences theories of urban de- market is in equilibrium. The bid rent of velopment the spatial development of cities firms results from the cost structure of their is the result of individual or collective appro- production function, i.e. sales price minus pri ation of space. pro duction and transport costs plus profit Since the work of Durkheim and Sim mel in

BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 311 MULTIFUNCTIONAL URBAN LAND USE: A NEW PHENOMENON? A NEW PLANNING CHALLENGE? sociology traditions exist in which the city is a (ii) coupling constraints: restrictions on the funda mental dimen sion of human exist ence. coupling of activities by location and time However, only between the wars, the Chicago schedules of facilities and other individuals; School of urban sociologists looked more and (iii) institutional constraints: restrictions closely into processes of social change at the of access to facilities by public or private neighbourhood and urban levels. Based on regulations such as property, opening hours, an adaptation of evol utionist thoughts from entrance fees or prices. Only loca tions within philosophy (Spencer) and biology (Darwin), these action spaces can be considered. It is they interpreted the city as a multi-species an achievement of the ‘time geography’ ecosystem, in which social and economic of the Hagerstrand school to have drawn groups fight for ‘ecological positions’ (Park attention to the various kinds of restrictions et al., 1925; Park, 1936). of the land-use and transport system for the In spatial terms the ecological position mobility of women with children, the elderly is a territory such as a neighbourhood or a and the handicapped. region. Appropriation of space takes place On the basis of Hägerstrand’s action-space as invasion of differ ent ethnic or income theory, Zahavi (1974; 1979; Zahavi et al., 1981) groups or tertiary activ ities in a residential proposed the hypothesis that individuals neighbour hood and uses con cepts of ani mal in their daily mobility decisions do not, as and plant ecology such as ‘invasion’, ‘suc- the conventional theory of travel behaviour ces sion’ or ‘domi nance’ to describe the assumes, minimize travel time or travel cost phases of such dis placement. A number of needed to perform a given set of activities but qualitative theories of urban development instead maximize activities or opportunities that were put forward to explain the spatial can be reached within their travel time and expansion of American cities, such as the con- money budgets. He studied a large number centric (Burgess, 1925), sector (Hoyt, 1939), or of cities all over the world and found that the polycentric (Harris and Ullman, 1945) theories time and money budgets devoted to transport of city growth. Concepts from social ecology vary within urban regions as a function of continue to be useful for understanding the age, income and residential location, but that mechanisms of social change in cities beyond they showed a remarkable stability over time the economic processes on the land market. when averaged across whole urban regions. Social geography theories are related The temporal stability of time and money to social ecology concepts, but go beyond budgets for transport explain why in the their macro perspective by referring to age- past gains in travel speed have not been used , gender- or social-group specific activity for time savings (as is usually assumed in patterns which lead to charac teris tic spatio- transport cost benefit analysis) but for more temporal behaviour, and hence to perma nent and longer trips. Zahavi’s theory explains loca tion. Hägerstrand (1970) made these why acceleration and cost reduction together ideas operational by the intro duction of ‘time permit more and more people to choose budgets’, in which individuals, according residential locations at the far periphery of to their social role, income, and level of urbanized areas, without increasing their time technology (e.g. car ownership) – subject and money budgets for travel. to various types of constraints – command action spaces of different size and duration. Summary Action spaces are limited by three types of constraints: (i) capacity constraints: personal, Based on technical, economic and social non-spatial restrictions on mobility, such as theories, the most likely scenario of urban monetary budget, time budget, availability development is con tin ued spatial dispersal. of transport modes and ability to use them; The trends in socio-eco nomic contexts and

312 BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 COMPACT CITY AND URBAN SPRAWL lifestyles currently in force, such as cheap scenario only. There are other tendencies transport, rising incomes, more women potentially working in other directions. Tele- going to work, smaller households, more working and teleshopping are still in their leisure time and the conse quential changes infancy but may fundamentally change in housing preferences, will continue to daily mobility patterns and hence location create demand for more spacious living in behaviour. There is a growing diversity of attractive neighbourhoods, and this will lifestyles and housing preferences, which be easier to realize at the urban periphery, may challenge the dominance of suburban preferably in the vicinity of small towns living as the ultimate manifestation of the with attractive town centres and up-market ‘good life’. In some countries there are signs shopping facilities. Retail and service facilities of a re-appreciation of urban life and a trend will continue to follow their clients to the to return to inner cities ‘back from the edge’ suburbs, as will the new ‘clean’ industries (Gratz and Mintz, 1998). At the other end of which depend on the highly skilled middle- the spectrum, there are new ideas in urban class labour living in the suburbs. The result and landscape design towards new forms will, in the best case, be a park-like rural- of integration of housing and nature with urban continuum, and in the worst case, a an ecological perspective. And in many nondescript urban sprawl (Fishman, 1987; cities new concentrations of business and Rowe, 1991; Sieverts, 1997). financial services have developed both in From a social and environmental point some parts of the inner city as well as at of view the results of the deconcentration accessible transport nodes at the periphery process are generally con sidered to be nega- of metropolitan areas. It is at these locations tive: longer journeys to work and shopping that areas of multifunctional urban land use trips, more energy consump tion, pol lution are most likely to develop. and accidents, ex cessive land consumption Table 1 summarizes the impacts of land and prob lems of public transport provision use and transport policies on land use and in low-density areas. A dispersed settlement transport patterns from a theoretical point structure relies on access to car travel as a of view: pre re quisite for tak ing ad vantage of employment and service opportunities, and The impact of high residential density thus contributes to social segmentation. in reducing average trip length is likely Inner cities, except for the largest and most to be minimal in the absence of travel successful metropoles with a prosperous, cost increases, whereas a high density of ‘inter national’ central area, are victims of employment is positively correlated with the exodus of people and jobs, and will average trip length. Attractive neighbourhood increasingly develop as just one among facilities can be seen as a ‘pull’ factor several regional centres. Inner-city housing for reducing trip length. With regard to areas will continue to become margin al ized trip frequency little or no impact is to be as the younger and more active segments expected from land use policies according of the population leave because of the run- to Zahavi’s theory of ﬁ xed travel budgets. down housing stock, traffic noise and lack Residential and employment density as well of parking space, unless the total existing as large agglomeration size and good public population is dis placed by gentrification or transport accessibility of a location tend to be tertiarization – though these are themselves positively correlated with the modal share of signs of economic prosperity and hence occur public transport while neighbourhood design predomi nantly in suc cessful cities. and a mixture of workplaces and residences However, one should be careful not to with shorter trips are likely to have a positive draw a too bleak picture based on one impact on the share of cycling and walking.

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Table 1. Theoretically expected impacts of land use and transport policies. Direction Factor Impact on Expected impacts Land use Residential Trip length Higher residential density alone does not lead to ⇓ density shorter trips. A mixture of workplaces and Transport residen ces leads to shorter trips if at the same time travel costs are increased. Trip frequency Little impact. If destinations are shorter, trips are shorter and more trips are made. Mode choice Minimum residential densities are a prerequisite for efficient public transport. More walking and cycling trips will be made only if trips become shorter. Employment Trip length Concentration of workplaces in few employment density centres increases average trip lengths. A balance of workplaces and resi dences in an area leads to shorter work trips only if travel becomes more expensive. Trip frequency Little impact. If destinations are closer, trips are shorter and more trips are made. Mode choice Concentration of workplaces in few employment centres reduces car use if supported by efficient public transport. More walking and cycling trips will be made only if trips become shorter. Neighbourhood Trip length Attractive public spaces and a variety of shops and design services induce more local trips. Trip frequency Little impact. If destinations are closer, trips are shorter and more trips are made. Mode choice No-detour street layout with pedestrian spaces and cycling lanes lead to more walking and cycling. Transport Accessibility Residential Locations with good accessibility to workplaces, ⇓ location shops, education and leisure facilities are more Land use attractive for residential development. Improving accessibility locally changes the direction of new residential development, improving accessibility in the whole urban area results in more urban sprawl. Industrial Locations with better accessibility to motorways location and railway freight terminals are more attractive for industrial development. Improv ing accessibility locally changes the direction of new industrial development, improving accessibility in the whole urban area results in more urban sprawl. Office location Locations with better accessibility to airports, high-speed rail railway stations and motorways are more attractive for office development. Improving accessibility locally changes the direction of new office development, improving accessibility in the whole urban area results in more urban sprawl. Retail location Locations with better accessibility to customers and competing retail firms are more attractive for retail development. Improving accessibility locally changes the direction of new retail development, improv ing accessibility in the whole urban area results in more urban sprawl.

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The impact of transport on land use is gated land used; lack of signifi cant centres; mediated by a change in the accessibility of and poor street accessibility and also de- a location. Locations with good accessibility velop an overall sprawl index. New York, to workplaces, shops, education and leisure San Francisco, Boston and Portland are rela- facilities are more attractive for residential, tively compact metro areas according to industrial, offi ce or retail develop ment. Higher this index, while Atlanta, Raleigh-Durham, accessibility increases the attractiveness of a and Riverside-San Bernardino are sprawled. location for all types of land uses and so can Studies like these try to characterize urban increase the probability of the development form for whole metropolitan areas (see also of multifunctional land use areas. If, however, Bunting et al., 2002) while others focus on accessibility in the entire metropolitan area is neighbourhood characteristics (for instance increased, it will result in a more dispersed Srinivasan, 2002; Song and Knaap, 2003). settlement structure. Some studies are limited to the exercise In the next section, we will review recent of defi ning and measuring urban form, literature on empirical evidence about urban while others also try to relate urban form sprawl, its major causes and anti-sprawl characteristics quantitatively to outcomes policies applied in practice. in terms of quality of life and sustainability of metropolitan development; the most fre- 3. Empirical Evidence quent outcome studied relates to travel and travel behaviour (for instance Ewing The debate on compact cities, smart growth et al., 2002; Srinivasan, 2002; Schwanen, and urban sprawl has recently generated 2002; Dieleman et al., 2002; these studies a whole series of empirical studies and also review the extensive literature on this publications which try to defi ne and measure topic). The measurement of urban form is urban form, identify its major causes and certainly a fi eld of intense interest now, while discuss polices aimed to the reduce urban comparison of urban form across Europe is sprawl and promote smart growth. hampered by the lack of a standard defi nition of metropolitan region and data for such Measuring Sprawl units on this continent. It is easier to talk in general about urban Galster et al. (2001) and Ewing et al. (2002) form and sprawl than to ‘wrestle sprawl to point out correctly that it is important in the ground’, to defi ne and measure these the debate on urban form and sprawl to concepts as Galster et al., (2001) argue. They distinguish the measurement of the chara- distinguish and measure eight dimensions cteristics of sprawl from the causes of this of sprawl, density, continuity, concentration, phenomenon including land use policies, clustering, centrality, ‘nuclearity’, mixed uses and from the impacts of the development of and proximity. For thirteen large metropolitan urban form and sprawl such as transportation areas in the US they develop indicators for outcomes, decline of central cities, the loss of these dimensions for the pattern of residential open space etc. This distinction is not always land use. Housing sprawl is relatively mild in present in the literature and this omission cities such as New York, Chicago, Boston and therefore confuses the argument. Nor is the also Los Angeles but large in Detroit, Miami distinction between cause and consequence and Atlanta. Ewing et al. (2002) review similar always easy to make, as we have argued in studies that try to measure sprawl and also the previous section for land use patterns and develop their own methodology applied to transport and travel. Yet in this discussion we eighty-three large metropolitan areas in the will try to focus first on possible causes then US. They defi ne four (composite) dimensions on possible consequences of the development of sprawl: low development density; segre- of urban form.

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Causes of Sprawl densities for housing and employment are on average three times as high in Europe The factors that lead to deconcentrated than the US, and Stretton (1996) argues that urban land use, sometimes in the form of Australian cities average about a quarter of sprawl – low density, single use, strip and the population density of European cities. leapfrog developments – can be grouped Naturally, European cities are therefore into two categories (i) general causes relating easier to travel by foot and bike and are to the general drift of change in developed better served by public transport (Kenworthy societies, and (ii) government policy, spatial et al., 1999). Similar arguments about general planning related. Naturally changes in urban causes of changes in urban form and the form are mostly the result of general changes growth of urban sprawl can be developed for in Western societies such as the growth demographic, economic and technological of affl uence, economic and demographic change, but that is not the main focus of change, technological innovation in trans- this article. It is more relevant to review port systems, and also the history of urban briefly the literature on the influence of development. In the US, households spend political and spatial planning as a factor in on average 19 cents of every dollar on the development of urban form and sprawl, shelter and 18 cents on transportation, the because that is more at the heart of the present largest items in their household budget debate by both practitioners and academics. (Surface Transportation Policy Project, 2000). So, of course, rising affl uence is a dominant Anti-Sprawl Policies driver in the demand for spacious living and growing automobile ownership, and in their Many scholars argue that the structure turn dominant causes of the development of of the political and fi scal system has an urban deconcentration (Carruthers, 2002). In important impact on the way metropolitan the Detroit metropolitan area, for example, regions develop (see, for instance, Faludi the growth of developed urban land of 17 per and Van der Valk, 1994; Williams et al., cent between 1990 and 2000, was due mainly 2000; Dieleman et al., 1999; Salet et al., 2003; (43 pr cent) to lower density residential Abbott, 1997; Carruthers, 2002; Jacobs, 2003 development (SEMCOG, 2003). for reviews of some of this literature and European countries face similar effects in the main arguments). Jacobs (2003), in an the rise of affluence in the demand for urban interesting comparison of the Detroit and space. In The Netherlands, for instance, Nagoya automobile regions, argues that the average incomes nearly doubled between strong local autonomy, the dominance of 1960 and the present (constant €), and cer- elected local residents in the land use and tainly were instrumental in generating a zoning decisions, and the fi nancial autonomy lifestyle in which ownership and use of the of local communities are important factors in private car and more luxurious and spacious the development of urban sprawl in Detroit. housing play an important role. Local communities compete with each other Historical factors also play a role in differ- in attracting businesses, for instance, via tax ences in urban form and density. Of course, abatements of up to 50 per cent and affl uent European cities are on average much more suburban areas are frequently the winners in compact than those in the US and Australia, this game. In contrast spatial planning and because they are much older and partly tax regulations in Japan promote much more developed in an era when the streetcar interlocal co-operation and service equity, a and private car were not yet invented (see situation that also seems to apply to many also section on theories of urban sprawl). European countries (Dieleman et al., 1999; Kenworthy et al. (1998) show that urban Salet et al., 2003).

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The consistent and long term involvement less racial and socio-economic segregation, in metropolitan planning by an agency at a reduced travel demand and shorter travel higher geographical scale than local com- distances, more biking and walking, cost munities and municipalities has also been savings on infrastructure such as road, water shown to have a noticeable impact on the and sewer infrastructure, preservation of development of either urban sprawl or farm land and open space, environmental more compact urban structure. Carruthers protection and improved health. Just a (2002) has recently demonstrated that the selection of all the benefits mentioned. The involvement of the state in spatial plan-ning, Minister of Housing, Spatial Planning and the which varies widely across the US, may Environment in The Netherlands mentioned strongly curtail urban sprawl. Or if pro- all these items as arguments for compact grammes are inconsistent or weakly enforced, city policy and added a few (De Boer, they may inadvertently contribute to it. In 1997); the cultural climate of cities would be Europe regional and national governments improved, recreational opportunities would are often strongly and decisively involved in be enhanced, etc. urban growth management; in The Nether- Of course it is doubtful that all such lands for instance the binding national spatial benefits would accrue from land use planning plans certainly exert a strong influence on only. In the next section we will look at the how metropolitan areas develop spatially experience with growth management, central (Schwanen et al., 2004). city development, transport policy and the But, of course, ultimately the merits of preservation of open space in two prominent spatial planning policies like compact city examples of anti-sprawl policy, Portland, planning and most growth measures are in Oregon and the Randstad. the first place not dependent on whether or how they can or should be pursued, but 4. Two Case Studies should be evaluated more in terms of their beneficial consequences or the lack thereof. There have been many attempts to fi ght urban Ewings et al. (2002) argue that a notable sprawl by land use or transport policies or a feature of the present debate on sprawl is combination of both. The methodological the lack of attention paid to the avoidance of problem in reviewing these policies lies in the negative consequences of urban sprawl. the fact that only in few cases have systematic Some authors strongly doubt whether there before-and-after studies monitoring the are any benefits at all in terms of quality effects of these policies been conducted. But of urban life from compact city and smart even where before-and-after studies have growth planning (Breheny, 1996; Gordon and been attempted, they inevitably suffer from Richardson, 1997; O’Toole, 2000; Schwanen et the fact that urban systems are continuously al., 2004). subject to a multitude of concurrent trends Proponents of such policies usually compile and infl uences, and that it is almost never long lists of positive consequences that a possible to relate observed effects to their certain compact or other ‘smart’ urban form specifi c causes or to the policies of interest. might have (for reviews, see for instance, Nevertheless it is possible to review Knaap, 2002; Williams, 1999; Counsell, 2001; outstanding examples in which particular Ewings et al., 2002; Urban Land Institute, efforts have been undertaken. 1999). Curtailing sprawl and promoting compact cities would lead to revitalized North America: Portland urban communities, repopulation of central cities, redevelopment of brownfield areas, Seen through European eyes, urban devel- housing affordability, more social equity and opment in North America is generally con-

BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 317 MULTIFUNCTIONAL URBAN LAND USE: A NEW PHENOMENON? A NEW PLANNING CHALLENGE? sidered to be an example to be avoided. A of the following elements (i) a light-rail transport system exclusively dependent on transit (LRT) network as the backbone of cars, declining inner cities, sprawling suburbs regional public transport; (ii) a dense bus and mushrooming edge cities (Garreau, 1991) network serving as feeder to the LRT stops; is seen as a consistent expression of the lack and (iii) concentrations of jobs, services and of planning intervention under the auspices residences at the LRT stops. There are three of neo-liberal deregulation of economy and types of centre: Mixed-use centres are large society. new centres with high density and many However, that image is too simple. Despite workplaces at the main hubs of the LRT its traditionally weak position of spatial network; Urban TODs are smaller centres planning, North America has produced a with medium density and a medium share number of innovative approaches to trans- of workplaces at intermediate LRT stops; forming the metropolis into a more sus- and Neighborhood TODs are neighbourhood tainable, more compact and more mixed-use centres with predominantly housing in up to urban form. The most prominent of these two miles distance from a LRT stop with bus examples is briefly reviewed here: Portland, feeder transport. Oregon. With this concept Portland is a model Portland (population 510,000) is the largest example of what is called smart growth in the city in the US State of Oregon. Already in US today. Smart growth is not undisputed. 1973 the State of Oregon introduced an urban For its proponents smart growth includes growth boundary for Portland. The urban urban growth boundaries, park and open growth boundary defines the area inside of space programmes, transit-oriented develop- which new urban development is permitted. ment, redirection of ‘highway dollars’ to Outside the urban growth boundary, only pedestrian and bike lanes, change of taxation agricultural structures are permitted. The schemes favouring urban sprawl, user fees for urban growth boundary has to be reviewed new public facilities, urban renewal projects periodically and it should always include and ecological and disaster protection areas land for 20 years of development. (Sierra Club, 2001). Its critics see smart In 1979 the regional planning organization growth rather as an excuse by affluent com- Portland Metro was introduced by popular munities to prevent immigration of low- referendum. Metro comprises parts of income households. three counties with 24 municipalities and a The first line of the Portland LRT, the population of 1.3 million, and approximately Metropolitan Area Express (MAX), was opened covers the area of the urban growth boundary. in 1999. At the main completed and planned To date Metro is the only directly elected MAX stops multifunctional land use centres regional authority in the United States. Its with medium density and a high proportion responsibilities include among others regional of office jobs have been developed. Today land use and transport planning. Stimulated the regional transport authority Tri-Met by a powerful environmentalist lobby maintains an extended LRT and bus network organization, the 1000 Friends of Oregon, and in the three counties. strongly influenced by the emerging ideas of Although urban development is a slow the New Urbanism movement (Calthorpe, process, the first positive effects can be seen. 1993; Calthorpe and Fulton, 2001), Portland Portland grows in a more compact form developed after Sacramento and San Diego than other cities in the United Sates. The use – a new type of urban development, which of public transport has increased by 60 per is not oriented to the car as the main means cent. Traffic jams are less frequent than in of transport but on efficient public transport. other American cities. In the MAX corridors, Transit-Oriented Development (TOD) consists residences and workplaces to the value of

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2.4 billion dollars have been built or are in creasing competition between cities and the planning stage. More than a quarter of regions caused by globalization, this cannot all new construction occurs on infill sites in be achieved by voluntary co-operation only already developed areas. but requires an efficient regional authority Nevertheless, there is a lively discussion based on majority rule, such as Metro whether land use constraints imposed by (Abbott, 1997). urban growth boundaries have negative impacts on the competitiveness and social Europe: The Randstad balance of cities (Song and Knaap, 2003). One opinion is that urban growth boundaries As Portland often serves as the example lead to a scarcity of land and higher land of spatial planning efforts towards growth prices, and favour land owners inside and management in the United States, the same disadvantage land owners outside the urban is true for the Randstad Holland in Europe growth boundary (Anas, 1999). It is true that (Faludi and Van der Valk, 1994). The Randstad inner-city urban renewal projects in Portland is the densely populated western part of The are mostly directed at medium- and high- Netherlands. This is where all the large cities income households. House prices and rents of the country, Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The in Portland almost doubled in the 1990s, and Hague and Utrecht are located, along with a Portland was rated the ‘least affordable’ city substantial number of smaller cities in range in the United States in 1997 (Harmon, 1998). of 50,000–100,000 inhabitants (Dieleman, et Other analysts come to different conclusions. al. 1999). The urban region covers an area of Porter (1997) showed that land price increases roughly 80 km by 80 km and has some 6.5 in cities with growth management were million inhabitants. The urban centres are largely caused by increases in attractiveness. located in a distinctive pattern, a horseshoe Nelson and Peterman (2000) showed that form known as Randstad (‘Ring City’) en- cities with growth management on average circling a more open agricultural area the are more successful than cities without, and ‘Green Heart’. Downs (2002) demonstrated that house prices In 1966, the first concrete formulation of in Portland have not grown faster than in national spatial planning occurred in the other comparable metropolitan areas in the Second Report on Physical Planning for The United States. Netherlands (Van der Burg and Dieleman, Can Portland be a model for European 2004). It was partly a reaction to the wave cities? The preconditions for sustainable of suburbanization that occurred between urban development are much more favour- the mid-1960s and the end of the 1970s in able in European cities. Population density The Netherlands. There was a real threat in Europe is about three times as high than that urban sprawl would engulf the Green in the United States. Europeans travel 60 per Heart. The policy was mainly designed to cent less per annum than Americans, own channel urban growth into a number of 40 per cent less cars per capita and make designated growth centres (‘concentrated more than half of all trips in cities on foot deconcentration’) and to prohibit the growth or by public transport – conditions Portland of small rural settlements. These planning planners can only dream of. ideas were put into practice successfully There is one feature, however, in which in the 1970s and early 1980s. Half a million Portland certainly can serve as a model: people moved into the designated growth the way it has overcome the competition centres and urban sprawl was stopped between cities and suburban communities (Dieleman et al., 1999). for people and jobs. The Portland example Yet, in the course of the 1980s, spatial demonstrates that, under conditions of in- planning changed track and the policy of

BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 319 MULTIFUNCTIONAL URBAN LAND USE: A NEW PHENOMENON? A NEW PLANNING CHALLENGE? concentrated deconcentration was traded instrument to influence local spatial planning in for the ‘compact city’ policy. This was policies. And, thirdly, The Netherlands has a mainly because of concern about the decay very strong regulation by government of the of the old urban centres, which was partly residential development process. Housing blamed on the development of the satel-lite policy has consistently been used to support towns. Under this new policy of the com- spatial planning objectives. It is doubtful pact city, formulated by the national govern- whether these particular circumstances can ment in the Fourth Physical Planning Mem- be easily replicated elsewhere. orandum Extra in 1991, urban growth was Even with the successful implementation guided into (re)development locations within of urban growth objectives in terms of where existing cities (brownfield sites) and towards growth should go geographically, the spatial new greenfield sites directly adjacent to the planning practices of the present are now built-up areas of larger cities in the Randstad hotly debated in The Netherlands (Hajer and Holland. This policy is now being imple- Zonneveld, 2000; Van der Burg and Dieleman, mented and urban growth both in terms 2004; Schwanen et al., 2004). This is mainly of residences and employment is largely because the supposed merits of compact occurring on the urban ring of the Randstad city planning, like creating strong and where it was supposed to occur under the vibrant central cities, stimulating walking, compact city policy. biking and use of public transit, preserving Thus the implementation of both the open agricultural and environment space concentrated deconcentration and compact and guaranteeing decent housing for all city policies seem to have been successful households, are only partly forthcoming even to a large extent in the Randstad Holland, with the successful implementation of the although this is more true for the location spatial growth management objectives. The of residences than for employment (Van der main merit of the compact city policy seems Burg and Dieleman, 2004). This is remarkable to be the renewed population growth of the because administrative fragmentation of urban central cities, albeit that it is mainly due to the regions has often been a major stumbling arrival of international immigrants. The main block for the implementation of growth failure seems to be the permanent housing management. And this fragmentation is shortage, which is at least partly caused by also true for the Randstad, with the national spatial planning regulations. government, four provinces and more than 150 municipalities having a say in the 5. Conclusions spatial planning process. Probably three specific circumstances facilitated the imple- The analysis in this article has shown that mentation of spatial planning policies in The in the absence of strong planning inter- Netherlands. The first is that the national vention at the regional and local level like government has acted as the strategic plan- in Portland, Oregon and Randstad Holland, ning authority in close consultation with the the prospects point in the direction of further lower tiers of government (Faludi and Van urban deconcentration. There are presently der Valk, 1994). The second is the peculiar more tendencies towards spatial separation tax system in the country where only 17 of urban functions than spontaneous per cent of the revenue of municipalities tendencies for new forms of multifunctional, comes from local taxation and 83 per cent is mixed-use urban settlements, although channelled through the national state (Van such developments sometimes do occur as der Burg and Dieleman, 2003). This reduces illustrated for the Transit Oriented Developments competition between municipalities for urban around the stations of the Portland Metro. growth and gives the national government an The tendencies of urban deconcentration are

320 BUILT ENVIRONMENT VOL 30 NO 4 COMPACT CITY AND URBAN SPRAWL not transient phenomena but the consistent in Europe, though difficult to implement, outcome of long-range and fundamental have the potential to stem urban sprawl changes in economic conditions, modes of and further growth in car use, as the cases production and distribution, household of Portland, Oregon and the Randstad patterns and lifestyles, and transport and illustrate. communication technology. However, there is also agreement that even if urban sprawl is the result of thousands of voluntary decisions REFERENCES by ﬁ rms and households, its consequences in Abbott, C. (1997) The Portland region: where city terms of declining inner cities, loss of open and suburbs talk to each other- and often agree. space, increasing travel distances, energy Housing Policy Debate, 8, pp. 11–49. consumption and greenhouse gas emissions Alonso, W. (1964) Location and Land Use. Cam- are largely negative seen from economic, bridge, MA: Harvard University Press. social and environmental points of view. Anas, A. (1999) The cost and beneﬁ ts of Therefore policies which potentially lead fragmented metropolitan governance and the New Regionalist policies. Planning and Markets to higher urban densities than now, often 2 (http://www-pam.usc.edu/volume2/2i1a2 observed in the urban periphery and related s1.html). to multifunctional land use patterns in Berg, L. van den, Drewett, R., Klaassen, L.H., particular around transport nodes, certainly Rossi, A., and Vijverberg, C.H.T. (1982) Urban merit attention and experimentation. Europe: A Study of Growth and Decline. Oxford: The review of available theory and Pergamon Press. empirical evidence have made it clear that Boer, M. de (1997) Brief van de Minister van there are no easy solutions. Land use policies Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieubeheer aan de Voorzitter van de vaste to increase urban density or multifunctional Commissie voor Volkshuisvesting Ruimtelijke land use without accompanying measures to Ordening en Milieubeheer van de Tweede make car travel more expensive or slower Kamer der Staten Generaal inzake het have only little effect as people will continue verstedelijkingsbeleid. Den Haag: Ministerie to make long trips to maximize opportunities van VROM, 1-3, 8-11. within their travel cost and travel time Breheny, M. (1996), Centrists, decentrists and compromisers: views on the future of urban budgets. However, these policies are form, in Jenks, M., Burton, E., and Williams, important in the long run as they provide the K. (eds.) The Compact City. A Sustainable Urban preconditions for a less car-dependent urban Form? Oxford: Oxford Brookes University, pp. way of life in the future. Both in Portland 13–35. and Randstad Holland, where urban growth Bunting, T., Filion, P., Priston, H. (2002) Density management policies have been pursued for in Canadian metropolitan regions, 1971–1996: some decades, there are signs that public differential patterns of central area and suburban growth and change. Urban Studies, transit is fairly vibrant and multifunctional 39, pp. 2531–2552. land use areas develop scattered across the Burchell, R., Listokin, D. and Galley, C. (2000) metropolitan landscape. Transport policies Smart growth: more than a ghost of urban making car travel less attractive (more policy past, less than a bold new horizon. expensive or slower) are very effective in Housing Policy Debate, 11(4), pp. 821–879. achieving the goals of reduction of travel Burg, A. van der and Dieleman, F.M. (2004) Dutch distance and share of car travel. However, urbanization policies: from ‘compact city’ to they depend on a spatial organization that ‘urban network’. Journal of Economic and Social Geography, 95(1), pp. 108–116. is not too dispersed. Policies such as the Burgess, E.W. (1925) The growth of the city, in ‘new urbanism’ and ‘smart growth’ policies Park, R.E., Burgess, F.W. and MacKenzie, R.D. in North America and ‘compact city’ and (eds.) The City. Chicago: Chicago University ‘multifunctional urban land use’ policies Press, pp. 47–62.

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