The Long and Bloody Spring: the Uniqueness of The
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Iraq and International Terrorism
Artur WEJKSZNER Institute of Political Science and Journalism Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznañ Iraq and international terrorism Introduction Terrorism, most generally understood as killing in order to achieve political gain, has accompanied humanity since the dawn of history.1 This simplified definition, which is only one of many, does not aim at explaining its essence. Over more than two centuries of attempts at fully explaining it, the idea has turned out to be very difficult to grasp and, to make matters worse, due to ideological reasons, has acquired contradic- tory connotations.2 To date several hundred definitions have been formulated, defini- tions which, in all cases, do not describe the phenomenon satisfactorily.3 For the sake of this article, however, it is worth making one more attempt. Terrorism is intimately con- nected with three matters: violence, terror and politics. If these elements are considered central to this phenomenon, then the definition proposed by Bruce Hoffman is fairly important and useful. According to his definition, terrorism is the conscious creation of terror and the use of violence or threats of violence when striving to attain political change. Terrorism is conceived purposefully so that it would have a long term psycho- logical impact, going considerably beyond the immediate victim. By means of public- ity, accomplished as a result of violence, terrorists hope to achieve influence and power in order to bring about changes at a local or international level.4 Across its existence, the phenomenon has gone through various evolutionary phases. One of the latest phases is the era of international terrorism. It is difficult to pre- 1 In Conor Gearty’s opinion we can read about terrorists in historical legends, among others in Flavius who wrote about the so called sykariuses (assassins with daggers).The precursors of terrorists were also assassins (an Ishmael Shiite sect), who murdered the leaders and participants of crusades to the Holy Land (C. -
City Research Online
City Research Online City, University of London Institutional Repository Citation: Davies, T. R. and Peña, A. M. (2014). Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the Workers' Party and the Origins of the World Social Forum. New Political Economy, 19(2), pp. 258-281. doi: 10.1080/13563467.2013.779651 This is the unspecified version of the paper. This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. Permanent repository link: https://openaccess.city.ac.uk/id/eprint/3628/ Link to published version: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2013.779651 Copyright: City Research Online aims to make research outputs of City, University of London available to a wider audience. Copyright and Moral Rights remain with the author(s) and/or copyright holders. URLs from City Research Online may be freely distributed and linked to. Reuse: Copies of full items can be used for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge. Provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. City Research Online: http://openaccess.city.ac.uk/ [email protected] Globalisation from Above? Corporate Social Responsibility, the Workers’ Party, and the Origins of the World Social Forum Alejandro Milcíades Peña & Thomas Richard Davies Abstract In its assessment of the origins and early development of the World Social Forum this article challenges traditional understandings of the Forum as representing ‘globalisation from below’. By tracing the intricate relations among elements of business, civil society, and the Workers’ Party in the first years of the Forum, this article reveals the major role played by a corporate movement stemming from the Brazilian democratisation process in the 1980s, and how this combined with the transformed agenda of the Workers’ Party as it gained higher political offices to constrain the Forum’s activities from the outset. -
UC Santa Barbara Dissertation Template
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Protestant Missions, Seminaries and the Academic Study of Islam in the United States A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Religious Studies by Caleb D. McCarthy Committee in charge: Professor Juan E. Campo, Chair Professor Kathleen M. Moore Professor Ann Taves June 2018 The dissertation of Caleb D. McCarthy is approved. _____________________________________________ Kathleen M. Moore _____________________________________________ Ann Taves _____________________________________________ Juan E. Campo, Committee Chair June 2018 Protestant Missions, Seminaries and the Academic Study of Islam in the United States Copyright © 2018 by Caleb D. McCarthy iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While the production of a dissertation is commonly idealized as a solitary act of scholarly virtuosity, the reality might be better expressed with slight emendation to the oft- quoted proverb, “it takes a village to write a dissertation.” This particular dissertation at least exists only in light of the significant support I have received over the years. To my dissertation committee Ann Taves, Kathleen Moore and, especially, advisor Juan Campo, I extend my thanks for their productive advice and critique along the way. They are the most prominent among many faculty members who have encouraged my scholarly development. I am also indebted to the Council on Information and Library Research of the Andrew C. Mellon Foundation, which funded the bulk of my archival research – without their support this project would not have been possible. Likewise, I am grateful to the numerous librarians and archivists who guided me through their collections – in particular, UCSB’s retired Middle East librarian Meryle Gaston, and the Near East School of Theology in Beriut’s former librarian Christine Linder. -
The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN SYRIA Name: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria Year of Origin: 1945 Founder(s): Mustafa al-Sibai Place(s) of Operation: Syria Key Leaders: • Mohammad Hekmat Walid: Comptroller general [Image: Al Jazeera] • Hussam Ghadban: Deputy Comptroller general [Image not available] • Mohammad Hatem al-Tabshi: Head of Shura Council [Image not available] • Omar Mushaweh: Head of media and communications [Image; source: Fox News via Omar Mushaweh] • Mulham Droubi: Spokesman [Image; source: Syria Mubasher] • Zuhair Salem: Spokesman [Image; source: Twitter] • Mohammad Riad al-Shaqfeh: Former comptroller general [Image: AFP/Getty Images] • Mohammad Farouk Tayfour: Former deputy comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Ali Sadreddine al-Bayanouni: Former comptroller general [Image: please take from MB entity report] • Issam al-Attar: Former comptroller general [Image: Bernd Arnold] Associated Organization(s): • Al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin1 • Syrian Ikhwan2 The Syrian Muslim Brotherhood (i.e., the Syrian Brotherhood or the Brotherhood) was formed in 1945 as an affiliate of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood.3 The Syrian Brotherhood actively participated in Syrian politics until 1963, when the incoming pan-Arab Baath party began restricting the movement before ultimately banning the party in 1964.4 In 1964, Brotherhood member Marwan Hadid formed a violent offshoot—known as the Fighting Vanguard—whose members waged numerous terror attacks against the regime in the 1970s and early ’80s. In 1982, in order to quell a Brotherhood uprising in the city of Hama, then-Syrian President Hafez al- Assad dealt a near-fatal blow to the group, killing between 10,000 and 40,000 armed 1 Raphaël Lefèvre, Ashes of Hama: The Muslim Brotherhood in Syria (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 24. -
Albert Hourani (1915-1993)
Int. J. Middle East Stud. 25 (1993), i-iv. Printed in the United States of America Leila Fawaz IN MEMORIAM: ALBERT HOURANI (1915-1993) With the death of Albert Hourani, IJMES has lost far more than a member of its Editorial Board. It has lost an inspiration, an calim, and a friend. From the time he joined the board in 1990, he served IJMES with the same dedication he gave to all his responsibilities. He was interested in the journal and followed its progress closely. His evaluations, typed on his notorious manual typewriter with faded ribbons, always came by return mail, for he broke all records when it came to reliability. Invariably, these carried the unmistakable Hourani stamp: unique combinations of measured tone and gentle understatement, forceful intellect, and masterly erudition. No one else combined generosity and kindness with such un- faltering intellectual excellence in quite the same way or to quite the same extent. He loved to read the works of promising young scholars, and he supported their writings even if they criticized his. He was the greatest critic of his own works; yet he gave others every break he could and offered detailed and thorough com- ments on how to improve their work. As John Spagnolo, in a collectively written appreciation that introduces Problems of the Modern Middle East in Historical Perspective: Essays in Honor of Albert Hourani (1992), wrote: Typically, he would begin with an encouraging "I read your chapter with enormous inter- est." Then, after some appreciative reflection, he would, with enlightening clarity, spell out the latent significance of the work in question: "thinking about your thesis, I can now dis- cern a general thread running through it ..." Finally, after tactfully suggesting the need for "a few small corrections," there followed several pages of carefully thought out and pains- takingly annotated comments. -
THE MIDDLE EAST in the PAST and FUTURE of SOCIAL SCIENCE Timothy Mitchell
THE MIDDLE EAST IN THE PAST AND FUTURE OF SOCIAL SCIENCE Timothy Mitchell The founding of the Middle East Institute in Washington D.C. in May 1946 seems a convenient event to mark the arrival of Middle Eastern area studies in the United States. In January 1947 the Institute launched The Middle East Journal, the first American quarterly devoted to the contemporary Middle East. The journal’s inaugural issue declared that the region was now “very near” the United States, both in point of time-distance and with respect to the United States’ new involvement there in “questions of power politics.” Yet the Middle East remained to all except a very few Americans “essentially terra incognita.”1 The principal purpose of the journal was not to analyze the attitudes and policies of the Western powers, which had shaped the countries of the region in the past. Its aim was to set forth and evaluate the forces shaping the region today, namely “forces and factors engendered in and among these countries themselves -- their national consciousness, urge for economic self-determination, cultural conditions, population pressures, regional understandings.”2 Since these countries shared a common Islamic heritage and experience of European expansionism, moreover, a proper understanding of one country could be acquired “only though a proper knowledge of all.” The journal would therefore present particular conditions and problems in the Middle East “as facets of the whole.”3 Fifty years later, in 1996, the Institute assessed the success of this ambition with an article in the journal entitled “The Study of Middle East Politics 1946-1996: A Stocktaking.”4 The assessment was not a positive one. -
The Rise and Fall of Fascism
The Rise and Fall of Fascism Michael Mann, Professor of Sociology, University of California at Los Angeles. E-mail: [email protected] Fascism was probably the most important political ideology created during the 20th century. In th e inter -war period it dominated half of Europe and threatened to overwhelm the other half. It also influenced many countries across the Middle East, Asia, Latin America and South Africa. In Asia, for example, its influence was probably strongest on the Chinese Kuomintang, Japanese militarists and Hindu nationalists. My book Fascists (Cambridge University Press, 2004) is based on research on fascists where they were strongest, in six European countries -- Austria, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Romania and Spain. In the book I ask the question, why did fascism rise to such prominence? And I answer it looking at the men and women who became fascists: who were they, what did they believe in, and how did they act? There are two main schools of interpretation among scholars as to the rise of fascism. An idealist school has focused on fascists' beliefs and doctrines, emphasizing their nationalist values. Most recently, some of these scholars have termed fascism a form of “political religion”. 1 A more materialist school has focused on fascism’s supposed lower -middle class or middle class (petit bourgeois or bourgeois) base and the supposed way in which fascism was used to save capitalism when it was in difficulties. The debates between them constitute yet another replay of ongoing polemics between idealism and materialism in the social sciences. Both nationalism and class were important in fascism. -
Socialism 1111
Chap 11 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 214 Socialism 1111 Here we explore socialism – an ideology that, uniquely, sprang from the industrial revolution and the experience of the class that was its product, the working class. Though a more coherent ideology than conservatism, socialism has several markedly different strands. In order to appreciate these, and the roots of socialism in a concrete historical experience, we explore its origins and devel- opment in the last two centuries in some depth, giving particular attention to the British Labour Party. We conclude with some reflections on ‘Blairism’ and the ‘Third Way’, and the possible future of socialism as an ideology. POINTS TO CONSIDER ➤ Does the assertion that socialism is the product of specific historical circumstances cast doubt on its claims to universal validity? ➤ Is utopian socialism mere daydreaming? ➤ Which is the more important of socialism’s claims: justice or efficiency? ➤ Does common ownership equate with state ownership? ➤ Do socialists mean more by equality than liberals do? ➤ Is socialism in Britain simply what the Labour Party does? ➤ Is there a future for socialism? Kevin Harrison and Tony Boyd - 9781526137951 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 10/03/2021 06:59:52PM via free access Chap 11 6/5/03 3:13 pm Page 215 Socialism 215 The general diffusion of manufacturers throughout a country generates a new character in its inhabitants; and as this character is formed upon a principle quite unfavourable to individual or general happiness, it will produce the most lamen- table and permanent evils, unless the tendency be counteracted by legislative interference and direction. -
ON SOCIALIST ENVY--Cuba Conference, 1994 David Schweickart Modern Socialism, Particularly Third World Socialism, Is Beset with A
ON SOCIALIST ENVY--Cuba Conference, 1994 David Schweickart Modern socialism, particularly Third World socialism, is beset with a difficult dilemma. On the one hand, socialist movements have been motivated by an ethical ideal--that of equality. They have been powered by a deep hatred of inequality, and have aspired to create a more egalitarian social order. On the other hand, the very passions that have been mobilized against oppressive inequality shade easily into envy, envy of a particularly destructive sort. Marx himself was quite aware of this dilemma. Consider his harsh criticism of what he called "crude communism," a communism that, in his words, "aims to destroy everything which is incapable of being possessed by everyone." This communism, Marx argues, appears to be exceedingly radical, but it is in fact the mirror image of capitalism. It is capitalism's "abstract negation" as it were, because it, like capitalism, is based on envy. Under crude communism, he says, "universal envy [sets] itself up as a power" that aims at "leveling-down on the basis of a preconceived minimum." But this envy is only a "camouflaged form of [the envy that animates capitalism], which re-establishes itself and seeks to satisfy itself in a different way." As a matter of fact, this crude communism, Marx suggests, is worse than capitalism. Under capitalism envy motivates many people to strive to raise themselves up to the level of the wealthy, whereas under crude communism, envy motivates people to pull down those who have more. Marx writes: How little this abolition of private property represents a genuine [communism] is shown by the abstract negation of the whole world of culture and civilization, and the regression to the unnatural simplicity of the poor and wantless individual who has not only not surpassed private property but has not yet even attained to it.1 Few socialist movements that have come to power have attempted to impose an egalitarianism so severe as that against which Marx warned. -
Won't You Be My Neighbor
Won’t You Be My Neighbor: Syria, Iraq and the Changing Strategic Context in the Middle East S TEVEN SIMON Council on Foreign Relations March 2009 www.usip.org Date www.usip.org UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200 Washington, DC 20036-3011 © 2009 by the United States Institute of Peace. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace, which does not advocate specific policy positions. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. This is a working draft. Comments, questions, and permission to cite should be directed to the author ([email protected]) or [email protected]. UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE – WORKING PAPER Won’t You Be My Neighbor About this Report Iraq's neighbors are playing a major role—both positive and negative—in the stabilization and reconstruction of post-Saddam Iraq. In an effort to prevent conflict across Iraq's borders and in order to promote positive international and regional engagement, USIP has initiated high-level, non-official dialogue between foreign policy and national security figures from Iraq, its neighbors and the United States. The Institute’s "Iraq and its Neighbors" project has also convened a group of leading specialists on the geopolitics of the region to assess the interests and influence of the countries surrounding Iraq and to explain the impact of these transformed relationships on U.S. -
The Jewish Discovery of Islam
The Jewish Discovery of Islam The Jewish Discovery of Islam S tudies in H onor of B er nar d Lewis edited by Martin Kramer The Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel Aviv University T el A v iv First published in 1999 in Israel by The Moshe Dayan Cotter for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel Aviv University Tel Aviv 69978, Israel [email protected] www.dayan.org Copyright O 1999 by Tel Aviv University ISBN 965-224-040-0 (hardback) ISBN 965-224-038-9 (paperback) All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Publication of this book has been made possible by a grant from the Lucius N. Littauer Foundation. Cover illustration: The Great Synagogue (const. 1854-59), Dohány Street, Budapest, Hungary, photograph by the late Gábor Hegyi, 1982. Beth Hatefiitsoth, Tel Aviv, courtesy of the Hegyi family. Cover design: Ruth Beth-Or Production: Elena Lesnick Printed in Israel on acid-free paper by A.R.T. Offset Services Ltd., Tel Aviv Contents Preface vii Introduction, Martin Kramer 1 1. Pedigree Remembered, Reconstructed, Invented: Benjamin Disraeli between East and West, Minna Rozen 49 2. ‘Jew’ and Jesuit at the Origins of Arabism: William Gifford Palgrave, Benjamin Braude 77 3. Arminius Vámbéry: Identities in Conflict, Jacob M. Landau 95 4. Abraham Geiger: A Nineteenth-Century Jewish Reformer on the Origins of Islam, Jacob Lassner 103 5. Ignaz Goldziher on Ernest Renan: From Orientalist Philology to the Study of Islam, Lawrence I.