Analysis of the Image of Russia and Belarus Formed in the Union State Print Media (And Their Electronic Analogues)
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Great Power Competition: the Changing Landscape of Global
Chapter 1 Russia’s Soft Power Projection in the Middle East Anna L. Borshchevskaya Political scientist Joseph S. Nye Jr. defined soft power as “the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments. It arises from the attraction of the country’s culture, political ideals, and policies. When our policies are seen as legitimate in the eyes of others, our soft power is enhanced.”1 For a state to be successful, according to Nye, hard power is necessary; but it is also important to shape long-term preferences of others and project values. Soft power projection helps at- tract partners and allies.2 Historically, the Kremlin always emphasized hard power. During the Soviet era, the following phrase encapsulated so many aspects of Soviet life it became a trope: “If you don’t know, we will teach you; if you don’t want to, we will force you.”3 In more recent history, Moscow has focused on hard power projection; the brutal suppression of Chechnya’s struggle for independence, the 2008 war with Georgia, the 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, and the 2015 military intervention in Syria to save Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad all highlight Moscow’s preference for hard power. Indeed, in private conversations, Western policymakers often argue that Russia has no power to attract. The Kremlin has yet to treat its own citizens well—let alone those of other countries. An oft-cited exam- ple of Moscow’s inability to attract is that generally people do not dream of immigrating to Russia; rather, they tend to dream of immigrating from Russia to developed democracies, contributing to Russia’s brain drain. -
Russia: CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 to FEBRUARY 1995
Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... Français Home Contact Us Help Search canada.gc.ca Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets Home Issue Paper RUSSIA CHRONOLOGY DECEMBER 1993 TO FEBRUARY 1995 July 1995 Disclaimer This document was prepared by the Research Directorate of the Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada on the basis of publicly available information, analysis and comment. All sources are cited. This document is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed or conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. For further information on current developments, please contact the Research Directorate. Table of Contents GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures Political Leaders 1. INTRODUCTION 2. CHRONOLOGY 1993 1994 1995 3. APPENDICES TABLE 1: SEAT DISTRIBUTION IN THE STATE DUMA TABLE 2: REPUBLICS AND REGIONS OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION MAP 1: RUSSIA 1 of 58 9/17/2013 9:13 AM Issue Papers, Extended Responses and Country Fact Sheets file:///C:/Documents and Settings/brendelt/Desktop/temp rir/CHRONO... MAP 2: THE NORTH CAUCASUS NOTES ON SELECTED SOURCES REFERENCES GLOSSARY Political Organizations and Government Structures [This glossary is included for easy reference to organizations which either appear more than once in the text of the chronology or which are known to have been formed in the period covered by the chronology. The list is not exhaustive.] All-Russia Democratic Alternative Party. Established in February 1995 by Grigorii Yavlinsky.( OMRI 15 Feb. -
Investment and Trade Policy of the Republic of Belarus
INVESTMENT AND TRADE POLICY OF THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS Igor Ugorich Head of Department, Foreign Trade Administration, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Belarus Globalisation creates a situation where the conflicts in certain regions directly affect the global state of affairs. From this perspective, developments in the 21st Century will be largely influenced by processes taking shape in the whole world. Multi-ethnic and multi-confessional Belarus has avoided the religious and ethnic conflicts so characteristic of many post-Soviet countries. Organised government management and law-enforcement systems have allowed us to ensure an adequate level of security for our society and people. The strategy of economic development, priorities and the stages of reformation of the economy of Belarus are based on the so-called “Belarusan model” of development, which is a socially orientated market economy stipulated by the Constitution and with regard to the place and the role of our state in the world community. Reformation of the Belarusan economy started in 1991 after the dissolution of the USSR. The current stage of reformation and development started in 1994-1995 and is connected with cardinal changes in the economic policy of the state carried out before. Belarus looked for its own way of development in the years of crisis, one based on a sound pragmatic and practical understanding of world experience, taking into account particular internal problems and the general situation in the world. How should one build a programme of economic development? To ensure financial stabilisation at the cost of a drastic tightening of monetary and credit policy which would limit purchasing power (i.e. -
The EU and Belarus – a Relationship with Reservations Dr
BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION EDITED BY DR. HANS-GEORG WIECK AND STEPHAN MALERIUS VILNIUS 2011 UDK 327(476+4) Be-131 BELARUS AND THE EU: FROM ISOLATION TOWARDS COOPERATION Authors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Dr. Vitali Silitski, Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann, Andrei Yahorau, Dr. Svetlana Matskevich, Valeri Fadeev, Dr. Andrei Kazakevich, Dr. Mikhail Pastukhou, Leonid Kalitenya, Alexander Chubrik Editors: Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck, Stephan Malerius This is a joint publication of the Centre for European Studies and the Konrad- Adenauer-Stiftung. This publication has received funding from the European Parliament. Sole responsibility for facts or opinions expressed in this publication rests with the authors. The Centre for European Studies, the Konrad-Adenauer- Stiftung and the European Parliament assume no responsibility either for the information contained in the publication or its subsequent use. ISBN 978-609-95320-1-1 © 2011, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung e.V., Sankt Augustin / Berlin © Front cover photo: Jan Brykczynski CONTENTS 5 | Consultancy PROJECT: BELARUS AND THE EU Dr. Hans-Georg Wieck 13 | BELARUS IN AN INTERnational CONTEXT Dr. Vitali Silitski 22 | THE EU and BELARUS – A Relationship WITH RESERvations Dr. Kai-Olaf Lang, Dr. Martin Koopmann 34 | CIVIL SOCIETY: AN analysis OF THE situation AND diRECTIONS FOR REFORM Andrei Yahorau 53 | Education IN BELARUS: REFORM AND COOPERation WITH THE EU Dr. Svetlana Matskevich 70 | State bodies, CONSTITUTIONAL REALITY AND FORMS OF RULE Valeri Fadeev 79 | JudiciaRY AND law -
Russia's 'Golden Bridge' Is Crumbling
Conflict Studies Research Centre Russi an Series 06/39 Defence Academy of the United Kingdom Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main Key Points * Russia’s current demographic crisis – with an annual loss of hundreds of thousands of people – is the most severe ever recorded in its peacetime history. If left unchecked, it could have disastrous results for the long-term viability of the state. Whilst there may be no imminent danger of a “yellow peril” in the Russian Far East or Siberia, there is a threat from a growing and locally influential non-Russian ethnic population. * The reasons for the current crisis are many and varied – some are traditional Russian vices like smoking and drinking. * Poverty is a distinct element in both contracting disease and ability to ameliorate its consequences. * Russia is on the verge of an AIDS catastrophe. * There are no “quick-fix” solutions: money may be of some help – for instance, in improving the country’s ailing health system – but is unlikely to stimulate people to have more children. * However, it is also possible that part of the reasons for the current crisis are more deeply rooted than simply in the events of the past 15 years, and reversing the decline may need to involve a significant change in the political and cultural environment. 06/39 Russia’s ‘Golden Bridge’ is Crumbling: Demographic Crisis in the Russian Federation Dr Steven J Main In April 2005, the Chairman of the Federation Council, Sergei Mironov, was interviewed by the newspaper Rossiyskaya Gazeta about the current demographic crisis facing the Russian Federation. -
Russia Macro-Politics: Political Pragmatism Or, Economic Necessity
The National Projects December 2019 Population and GDP (2020E data) The long and winding road Population 146.8 GDP, Nominal, US$ bln $1,781 Plans are worthless. Planning is essential” GDP/Capita, US$ $12,132 Dwight D. Eisenhower GDP/Capita, PPP, US$ $27,147 Source: World Bank, World-o-Meters, MA The National Projects (NP) are at the core of the Russian government’s efforts to pull the economy out of the current slump, National Projects - Spending* to create sustainable diversified long-term growth and to improve Rub, Bln US$ Bln lifestyle conditions in Russia. It is the key element of President Putin’s Human Capital 5,729 $88 effort to establish his legacy. Health 1,726 $27 Education 785 $12 We are now initiating coverage of the National Projects strategy. We Demographics 3,105 $48 will provide regular detailed updates about the progress in each of Culture 114 $2 the major project sectors, focusing especially on the opportunities Quality of Life 9,887 $152 Safer Roads 4,780 $74 for foreign investors and on the mechanisms for them to take part. Housing 1,066 $16 ▪ What is it? A US$390 billion program of public spending, designed Ecology 4,041 $62 to stimulate investment, build infrastructure and improve health Economic Growth 10,109 $156 and well-being by 2024, i.e. the end of the current presidential Science 636 $10 Small Business Development 482 $7 term. Digital Economy 1,635 $25 ▪ Is this a return to Soviet-style planning? For some of the NPs, Labour productivity 52 $1 Export Support 957 $15 especially those involving infrastructure, it certainly looks like it. -
Eurasian Union: the Real, the Imaginary and the Likely
CHAILLOT PAPER Nº 132 — September 2014 Eurasian Union: the real, the imaginary and the likely BY Nicu Popescu Chaillot Papers European Union Institute for Security Studies EU Institute for Security Studies 100, avenue de Suffren 75015 Paris http://www.iss.europa.eu Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. ISBN: 978-92-9198-247-9 ISSN: 1683-4917 QN-AA-14-002-EN-N DOI : 10.2815/42011 Published by the EU Institute for Security Studies and printed in Condé-sur-Noireau (France) by Corlet Imprimeur. Graphic design by Metropolis, Lisbon. EURASIAN UNION: THE REAL, THE IMAGINARY AND THE LIKELY Nicu Popescu CHAILLOT PAPERS September 2014 132 The author Nicu Popescu, Ph.D, is a Senior Analyst at the EUISS where he deals with EU-Russia relations and the post-Soviet space. He is the author of EU Foreign Policy and Post-Soviet Conflicts: Stealth Intervention (Routledge, 2011) and a former advisor to the Moldovan Prime Minister. European Union Institute for Security Studies Paris Director: Antonio Missiroli © EU Institute for Security Studies, 2014. Reproduction is authorised, provided the source is acknowledged, save where otherwise stated. Contents Foreword 5 Antonio Missiroli Introduction 7 The real Eurasia 9 1 Decision-making 11 Economics 11 Political commitment 13 The Russian debate 14 Russkii Mir vs Eurasia? 17 The geopolitical Eurasia 19 2 Deepening vs widening 19 The current members 20 The future members 22 The Chinese neighbour -
The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force
Denver Journal of International Law & Policy Volume 23 Number 1 Fall Article 3 May 2020 The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force Williams Paul R. Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/djilp Recommended Citation Williams Paul R., The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yogoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force, 23 Denv. J. Int'l L. & Pol'y 1 (1994). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Denver Journal of International Law & Policy by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. The Treaty Obligations of the Successor States of the Former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia: Do They Continue in Force? PAUL R. WILLIAMS* I. INTRODUCTION The United States consistently asserts that the successor states emerging from the dissolution of the former Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia are obligated to fulfill the treaty obligations of their predecessor states. The United States bases this duty on the international law of state succession with respect to treaties and on political commitments made during the process of establishing diplo- matic relations. The international law of state succession with respect to treaties, however, indicates that successor states are frequently entitled to a de novo review of the treaty commitments of the predecessor state, and they are not immediately obligated to assume all the treaties of the predecessor state. -
The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia's Modern
DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 Defense and Intelligence Projects Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.belfercenter.org/DefenseIntelligence The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Design & Layout by Andrew Facini Cover photo: Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, listens to Chief of Russia’s military’s General Staff Valery Gerasimov, right, as he observes military exercises near the Baikal Lake in Russia on Wednesday, July 17, 2013. (AP Photo/RIA Novosti, Alexei Nikolsky, Presidential Press Service) Copyright 2016, President and Fellows of Harvard College Printed in the United States of America DEFENSE AND INTELLIGENCE PROJECTS The Culture of Strategic Thought Behind Russia’s Modern Approaches to Warfare Stephen R. Covington Foreword by Kevin Ryan PAPER OCTOBER 2016 About the Author Stephen R. Covington is a Strategic Fellow with the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and has advised 10 Supreme Allied Commanders, Europe on international affairs over a 27-year period. The views in this article are the personal views of the author and do not represent the official views of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization or Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers, Europe. Table of Contents -
The European Union Vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “Integration Race 2.0”?
Przegląd Europejski vol. 2019, no. 3 doi: 10.5604/01.3001.0013.5846 The European Union vs. the Eurasian Economic Union: “integration race 2.0”? Andrey A. Kinyakin, Peoples’ Friendship University of Russia (RUDN), Universty of Potsdam ORCID ID: 0000-0003-4428-508X Svetlana Kucheriavaia, University of Warsaw ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7846-6893 Abstract One of the most remarkable features of regional development in Eurasia is the competition between the European Union (EU) and Russia within the so called “contested neighborhood”, e.g. the post- -Soviet space. Originated in the 1990s it gained the special momentum in 2000s after the beginning of the Russia-led “Eurasian integration process”, leading to the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) in 2015. That fact brought the competition between the EU and Russia to the new level, e.g. the “integration race”, which had the strong impact on the whole post-Soviet space. The most obvious outcome of that process is the outburst of the Ukrainian crisis in 2013, which on the one hand contributed to further exacerbation of the EU-Russia relations, on the other – it paved the way to elaboration of the new forms and tools of the integration activities. However, it failed to bring the “integration race” between the EU and the Russia-led EAEU to the standstill. Being in the latent “crystallisation” phase, this process goes further with the covert competition between the integration blocks. Its actors are not only the non-aligned post-Soviet states, but also the existing members of the integration structures. All the mentioned above factors makes the “new edition” of the “integration race” rather dangerous because further acceleration of such a competition can lead to the large-scale rivalry between the EU and the EAEU, which may cause unpredictable consequ- ences. -
Company News SECURITIES MARKET NEWS LETTER Weekly
SSEECCUURRIIITTIIIEESS MMAARRKKEETT NNEEWWSSLLEETTTTEERR weekly Presented by: VTB Bank, Custody February 7, 2019 Issue No. 2019/05 Company News En+ Group says finishes 1st stage of securities swap with Glencore On February 1, 2019 it was reported that En+ Group fulfilled the first stage of a securities exchange with Swiss trader Glencore. As a result, En+ Group bought a 2% stake in aluminum producer RUSAL from an affiliate of Glencore and raised its stake to 50.12%. A transfer of a 6.75% RUSAL stake to En+Group must be made automatically no later than February 2020. In April 2018, the U.S. imposed sanctions against 38 Russian tycoons, government officials and companies, including Oleg Deripaska and companies he controlled - En+ Group, RUSAL, and power producer EuroSibEnergo. In January, Deripaska transferred control over the companies, and his representatives were removed from their board of directors, and the Treasury lifted the sanctions on January 27. As a result, Deripaska owns 44.95% of En+ Group and has the right to vote with a 35% stake, VTB holds 21.68% of the shares and has the right to vote with a 7.35% stake, Citi is a nominal owner of 10.55%, which trader Glencore received in exchange for 8.75% in RUSAL; Citi owns 4.54%, but the right to vote belongs to institutional and retail investors. They also own 4.88%, and can manage a 9.42% combined stake. The members of Deripaska’s family hold 6.75%, charity fund Volnoye Delo 3.22%, other minority shareholders 3.42%. Independent managers have the right to manage the stakes. -
Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus Eric R
Hastings International and Comparative Law Review Volume 28 Article 7 Number 1 Fall 2004 1-1-2004 Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus Eric R. Reed Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/ hastings_international_comparative_law_review Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, and the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Eric R. Reed, Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus, 28 Hastings Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 147 (2004). Available at: https://repository.uchastings.edu/hastings_international_comparative_law_review/vol28/iss1/7 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Hastings International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized editor of UC Hastings Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Descent into Authoritarianism: Barriers to Constitutional Rule in Belarus By ERIC R. REED* Introduction The collapse of the Soviet Union has allowed the legal community to observe the creation and early trials of several new constitutions. One notable commentator referred to East-Central Europe as a "constitutional laboratory."' Few expected the rule of law to graft easily onto governments and peoples ruled for decades by authoritarian regimes. As expected, the progress made by these states in the last decade varies. Belarus arguably achieved least, and remains classified generally as a state reverting to authoritarianism. 2 President and former collective farm manager Alexander Lukashenka's political abuses deserve some share of blame for this backsliding. However, additional political, social, and judicial factors hinder Belarus' transition to the rule of law.