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Author Version MURDOCH RESEARCH REPOSITORY Wickham, G. (1984) The politics of history and the New South Wales Builders’ Labourers’ Federation. Local Consumption Occasional Paper, 2. http://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/8418/ It is posted here for your personal use. No further distribution is permitted. All reasonable attempts have been made to locate the copyright holder to request permission to make this work available. If you are the copyright holder and believe that your copyright has been infringed please contact Murdoch University’s Copyright Coordinator [email protected] ',~ ~ /,~~-""i THE POLITICS OF HISTORY AND '!HE NEW 'SOUTH WALES BUILDERS I LAEOURERS I FEDERATION Gary Wickham Sociology Research Group in Cultural and Education Studies, Department of Education, University of Melbourne, Parkville, Victoria, 3052. L , INTRODUCTION This paper has two distinct parts. In the first part I will present a short history of the New South Wales branch of the Builders' Labourers' Federation (BLF) between 1967 and 1975. It is an orthodox piece of labour history which I trust would be accepted as good labour history· in most Australian university departments and most Australian history journals. In the second part of the paper I want to use this short history to illustrate and develop some of my arguments about the politics of history. In the process I will be indirectly problematizing categories like "good history", and even the category of history itself. Briefly and simply, the arguments I want to illustrate and develop are that history is best understood as a series of constructions of the past in the present; that these constructions have definite political effects; that these political effects are best understood at the specific points where the constructions of the past are actually produced (where they are written, spoken or made) and at the specific points where they are reproduced (where it is read or used). In other words, to use the terms of some recent literary theory, history is a series of texts. The politics of these texts are not contained within them, waiting only for skilled analysts to abstract them. Rather the politics of these texts are the politics of their production under specific conditions in particular institutions and the 2 Gary Wickham, The Politics of History and the NSW BLF politics of their reading (or reproduction or use) under specific conditions in particular institutions. I will present my history of the BLF as a short history text and then examine the politics of its production as a text and the politics of some likely reproductions (or readings or uses) of it. 3 ~ i J THE NSW BLF 1967 - 1975 In the 1950's the BLF was dominated by a leadership described by one wri ter as a "rightwing standover officia1dom",(2) and by another, less politely, as " a bunch of gangsters who did not hesitate to beat up members who disliked their way of running things". (3 ) This particular leadership certainly did little in the way of protecting their members' interests. Wages remained low and on-the-job conditions during this period were appalling. As well, the leadership seemed unconcerned about recruiting or retaining members, as is evidenced by the fact that the 1950's average membership level had been increased five fold by 1973.(4) Throughout the late 1950's and early 1960's opposition to the leadership grew. The opposition manifested itself, at the official level,through the actions of a rank-and-file committee. In the early 1960's two members of this committee were elected as organizers of the union. Their .work cleared the way for a 1961 executive election free from standover tactics. A completely new executive, under the secretaryship of Mick McNamarra, won office. Under the McNamarra leadership the union regained its feet. Wages and conditions in the industry improved substantially. In 1967 McNamarra resigned because of ill health and was succeeded as secretary by Jack Mundey. At the same election Bob Pringle became president. This change of 4 Gary Wickham, The Poli tics of History and the NSW BLF c" leadership brought with it a change of direction for the un i on. ( 5) In the period from 1967 to 1970 the union tentatively lp developed a more radical approach to union action. A five n." week long stri~e in 1970 confirmed the worth of this new a approach.It found its way into the strike, which won for the ~S workers the $6.00 per week they were seeking, through the use LS of sabotage and greatly increased levels of membership )f involvement. Mundey said of the strike : 1d The strike was longer, involvement greater and direct confrontation ~S sharper ••• (A)ssaults on partially completed buildings where employers ::>r attempted to use building tradesmen or other scab labour to smash the strike was 1e a particularly new ingredient. Ld He summed up his optimism regarding the new approach by hinting at the possibility of other unions breaking out of Dn the framework of conventional union tactics: :it If a relatively small union could Ie successfully mount such an attack, what could be achieved by the more powerful ee unions with more resources if they acted in 'a similar way!(6) ed Between 1970 and 1974 the BLF made advances both within er the bounds of traditional union activity and outside those ip bounds. Within the bounds it won pay rises of up to $27.00 per week, an accident pay scheme, paid public holidays and ts improved on-the-job amenities. As well, it achieved some ed successes in stabilising a notoriously unstable industry. For ill example, it almost completely eradicated the fly-by-night he subcontractor who previously had made a regular practice of of 5 J...... Gary Wickham, The Politics of History and the NSW BLF going bankrupt before paying the workers.(8) outside the bounds of traditional action the union made advances on industrial and non-industrial fronts. On the industrial front it worked to achieve recognition of the rights of women and aborigines within the industry and acted to provide for the special needs of migrants,who made up a very large percentage of the industry's workforce. (9) The union also sought to take confrontation to the arbitration arena. It acted on its stated policy that arbitration should be avoided except in cases where "it sees a direct benefit to unionists" (10) For example, in one particular case an employer instigated proceedings to invoke penal sanctions against the BLF. When the case came up for hearing the employing body and its legal representatives were present at the arbitration court but the union was not. Such deliberate action was unexpected. The union continued to stay away and eventually the employer dropped the proceedings.(ll) The union tried to extend the limits of traditional union activity by practising and advocating varied and novel strike tactics. As well as making continued use of sabotage, the union made use (successfully) of tactics as diverse as occupying a crane at a half built Wong shopping centre for sixty-three hours, and sho~ering under a hose on the steps of the Newcastle town hall. Internal innovations instituted by the BLFduring the period in question included establishment of forums for greater participation by union members in everyday union affairs: instigation (by Mundey)of limited t.nu~~ of 'office 6 Gary Wickham, The Politics of History and the NSW BLF for union officials (Mundey stepped down from office in accordance with this rule in 1973 and was replaced as secretary by Joe Owens): the setting of union officials' wages at the level of the average membership wage: and the instigation of a policy whereby officials had their pay stopped for the duration of any strike undertaken by the union. (12) Probably the BLF's most important and widely known step outside the bounds of traditional activity was on the non­ industrial front. This was the union's activities in the environmental arena- the placing of bans on particular jobs for environmental rather than industrial reasons (green bans).The first such ban was placed on a job in the well-to­ ~ do Sydney suburb of Hunters Hill. An area of bushland known h. as Kelly's Bush was earmarked by the development company V A.V.Jennings as the site for a block of luxury home units. The local residents were incensed. They tried fighting the 1 Jennings corporation using conventional means: they formed a 1 residents' action group, wrote ~etters to the Sydney Morning Herald and attempted. to pressure the local and state S governments into stopping the development. The conventional 'iC means proved useless, and as a last-ditch measure the If residents sought the help of the BLF.The union placed a ban on any work that would lead to the destruction of Kelly's ~~ Bush. This ban, which was actively defended by the union's iI' members and supported by the Federated Engine Drivers' and m Firemen's Association, left the Jennings corporation without :~ 7 "'---- Gary Wickham, The Politics of History and the NSW BLF the neccessary labour to go ahead. The project was abandoned and the area saved. By 1975 more than forty green bans had been placed on jobs by the BLF. The bans halted building projects worth an estimated $3,000 million. All the bans were strongly supported by the BLF members. Their support was of course essential. In an industry as fragmented as the building industry the possibility of employers using scab labour to dodge union bans was a very real one. Yet the members were prepared to down tools and physically defend a ban if they received word one was threatened.
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