Diphthongs in Inland Terengganu Malay: Synchrony and Diachrony

DIPHTHONGS IN INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY: SYNCHRONY AND DIACHRONY

JIANG WU LEIDEN UNIVERSITY [email protected] / [email protected]

THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL WORKSHOP ON MALAY VARIETIES TOKYO, 1ST DECEMBER 2019 1 OUTLINE

¡ Introduction v Inland Terengganu Malay (ITM) v Previous studies v Research questions v Data ¡ A synchronic account of diphthongs in the ITM phonology ¡ Diachronic development of diphthongs in ITM ¡ Summary

2 INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

¡ Malayic, Austronesian ¡ Hulu Terengganu district, Terengganu ¡ Also known as Ulu Terengganu Malay

3 INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

4 Map1: The spread of Malayic varieties (Adelaar 2005: 203) INLAND TERENGGANU MALAY

¡ Malayic, Austronesian ¡ Ulu Terengganu district, Terengganu ¡ Also known as Ulu Terengganu Malay ¡ About 150 villages in total, mostly along rivers ¡ Number of speakers? ¡ Probably endangered 5 PREVIOUS STUDIES

¡ Diphthongisation of historical high vowels *i and *u in final syllables (Collins 1983, 1986, 1996)

¡ Dialect survey of 62 villages ¡ Great diversity ¡ Most data remain unpublished

6 (Collins 1983: 45)7 (Collins 1983: 45)8 (Collins 1983: 47)

9 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

¡ Synchronically: v How many phonetically distinctive diphthongs does one particular variety have? v How many phonemic diphthongs?

10 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

¡ Synchronically: v How many phonetically distinctive diphthongs does one particular variety have? v How many phonemic diphthongs? ¡ Diachronically: v (they developed from historical high vowels *i and *u) v What were the conditions and constraints in the process of diphthongisation that generated the synchronic pattern?

11 DATA

¡ Four-week fieldwork in Ulu Terengganu from September – October 2018 ¡ Primarily in Kampung Dusun, Mukim Jenagur ¡ Coordinate: 5.0753, 102.9526 ¡ Additional data from Kampung Tanjung Baru and Payang Kayu 12 A SYNCHRONIC ACCOUNT OF DIPHTHONGS IN THE DUSUN PHONOLOGY

Diphthon Example Gloss Diphthong Example Gloss g [ɛi̯] [apɛi̯] ‘fire’ [əʊ̯] [batəʊ̯] ‘stone’ [æɛ̯] [putæɛ̯h] ‘white [ɐɔ̯] [idɐɔ̯ŋ] ‘nose’ [ɪi̯] [kulɪi̯ʔ] ‘skin’ [ɵu̯] [ikɵu̯ʔ] ‘to follow’ [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] [laŋɛ̃ɪ̯̃ʔ] ‘sky’ [ə̃ʊ̯̃] [bunə̃ʊ̯̃h] ‘to kill’

13 A SYNCHRONIC ACCOUNT OF DIPHTHONGS IN THE DUSUN PHONOLOGY

14 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ other non-nasal nasal 12 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ [ɛi̯] only occurs in open syllables, after non-nasals or ∅ (rare), e.g. [apɛi̯] ‘fire’, [mãtɛi̯] ‘to die’, [buɛi̯]~[buwɛi̯] ‘to give’.

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] nasal 16 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ [æɛ̯] only occurs in closed syllables, after non-nasals or ∅ (rare), e.g. [tasæɛ̯ʔ] ‘lake’, [kucæɛ̯ŋ] ‘cat’, [putæɛ̯h] ‘white’, and [buæɛ̯h]~[buwæɛ̯h] ‘foam’. Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal 17 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ [ɪi̯] only occurs in closed syllables, after non-nasals, e.g. [kulɪi̯ʔ] ‘skin’, [ssəkɪi̯ŋ] ‘poor’.

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯]

nasal 18 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] only occurs in closed syllables, after nasals, e.g. [kunɛ̃ɪ̯̃ŋ] ‘yellow’, [bənɛ̃ɪ̯̃h] ‘seed’.

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯]

nasal [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] 19 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

20 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

21 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯]~[i] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] ¡ [ɪi̯]~[i] e.g. [kulɪi̯ʔ]~[kuliʔ] ‘skin’

[kutɪi̯ʔ]~[kutiʔ] ‘to pinch’ 22 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

23 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

24 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

25 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

26 PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

¡ /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, → [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C# ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] → [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯]

nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

¡ Phonotactic costraint: v /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals

27 PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

¡ /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, → [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C# ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] → [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯]~[i] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

¡ Phonotactic costraint: v /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals

28 PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

¡ /ɛi/ → [ɛi̯] / __ # Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, → [æɛ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C# ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] → [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [ɪi̯]~[i] ¡ /i/ → [ɪi̯]~[i] / C __ C# nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃] → [ĩ] / C[+nasal] __ # → [i] / elsewhere ¡ Phonotactic costraint: v /ɛi/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals v /i/ does not occur in closed syllables after nasals 29 PHONEME AND ALLOPHONIC VARIATIONS

¡ /əʊ/ → [əʊ̯] / __ # Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, → [ɐɔ̯] / C[-nasal] __ C# ʔ) ∅ [əʊ̯] [ɐɔ̯̯] → [ə̃ʊ̯̃] / C[+nasal] __ C# [ɐɔ̯] other non-nasal [əʊ̯] [ɵu̯]~[u] ¡ /u/ → [ɵu̯]~[u] / C __ C# nasal – [ə̃ʊ̯̃] → [ũ] / C[+nasal] __ # → [u] / elsewhere ¡ Phonotactic costraint: v /əʊ/ does not occur in open syllables after nasals v /u/ does not occur in closed syllables after nasals 30 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

31 DISTRIBUTION OF DIPHTHONGS

Closed Open syllable syllable (h, ŋ, ʔ) ∅ [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] other non-nasal [ɛi̯] [æɛ̯] nasal – [ɛ̃ɪ̯̃]

32 HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ All diphthongs in ITM developed from historical final-syllable high vowels *i and *u ¡ Historical diphthongs were reduced: Proto Malayic *pulaw > pulɔ ‘island’ Proto Malayic *lantay > lata ‘floor’

33 HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ What determined the various outcomes of diphthongisation? ¡ Did all historical final-syllable *i and *u undergo diphthongisation? 34

HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF DIPHTHONGS

¡ Collins (1996: 34): ‘... hanya suku kata terbuka membenarkan diftongisasi. Dengan istilah suku kata terbuka dimasksudkan suka kata yang berakhir dengan [h] (daripada *q) dan [ʔ] (daripada *k) atau kesenyapan asal. Oleh itu, inovasi diftongisasi Ulu Terengganu berlaku sebelum *t dan *p berubah menjadi [ʔ] dan juga sebelum *s berubah menjadi [h]. ’

35 *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø Ø *-ʔ

-ʔ *-k *-p *-t *-ŋ -ŋ *-n *-m *-h -h *-s *-r Ø *-l 36 *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 37 *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 38 PM Dusun Gloss *dahi > dai ‘forehead ’ *baik > baiʔ ‘good’ *kait > ŋŋaiʔ ‘to knit’ *tiup > tiuʔ ‘to blow’

*tahu > tauŋ ‘year’ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM n *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *jauh > jauh ‘far’ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 39 *-l PM Dusun Gloss *air > ai ‘water’ *paŋɡil > paŋɡi ‘to call’ *ikur > iku ‘tail’ *tumpu > tupu ‘dull, blunt’ l

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r 40 i/u ? Ø *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 41 PM Dusun Gloss *api > apɛi ‘fire’ *mati > matɛi ‘to die’ *duɣiʔ > duɣɛi ‘thorn’ *batu > batəʊ ‘stone’ *kuku > kukəʊ ‘nail’

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals *da͏ɡu > daɡəʊ ‘chin’ Dusun PM *Ø ʔ ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 42 *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 43 PM Dusun Gloss *tasik > tasæɛʔ ‘lake’ *daɡiŋ > daɡæɛ ‘meat’ ŋ *putih > putæɛh ‘white’ *adiʔ > adæɛʔ ‘younger siblings’ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *dudu > dudɐɔʔ ‘to sit’ *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø k *-ʔ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ *hiduŋ > idɐɔŋ ‘nose’ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u *tujuh > tujɐɔh ‘seven’ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 44 *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 45 PM Dusun Gloss *kulit > kulɪiʔ~kuliʔ ‘skin’ *cincin > cicɪiŋ~ciciŋ ‘ring’ *nipis > nipɪiç~nipiç ‘thin’ *hidup > idɵuʔ~iduʔ ‘to live’ *jarum > jaɣɵuŋ~jaɣ ‘needle’

uŋ *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø *tikus > tikɵuh~tiku ‘rat’ ɛi/əʊ Ø h *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 46 *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 47 PM Dusun Gloss *laŋit > laŋɛ̃ɪ̃ʔ ‘sky’ *aŋin > aŋɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘wind’ *bənih > bənɛ̃ɪ̃h ‘seed’ *ɡəmu > ɡəmə̃ʊ̃ ‘fat’ k ʔ

*tənun > tənə̃ʊ̃ŋ ‘to weave’*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø *bunu > bunə̃ʊ̃h ‘to kill’ ɛi/əʊ Ø h *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 48 *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-t ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ i/u -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 49 PM Dusun Gloss *bini > binɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘wife’ *kami > kamɛ̃ɪ̃ŋ ‘1PL’ *pəɲuʔ > pəɲə̃ʊ̃ŋ ‘turtle’

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-t ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ i/u -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 50 *-l *Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 51 HOW DID THEY GET HERE?

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø 52 *-l HOW DID THEY GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

53 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

54 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Default Dusun PM result ɛi/əʊ *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

55 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Lowered Dusun PM before back *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø consonants *-ʔ *-ʔ *-k, *-ŋ, *-h æɛ/ɐɔ and some *-ʔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

56 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Raised Dusun PM before front *Ø consonants ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-p, *-t, *-n, *- æɛ/ɐɔ m and *-s -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ¡ Merging with ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i and u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

57 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Nasalised Dusun PM and *Ø neutralised ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-t æɛ/ɐɔ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

58 ONE POSSIBILITY

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Vowel Dusun PM nasalisation *Ø tends to ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ centralise vowel æɛ/ɐɔ height, i.e. -ʔ *-k *-p lowering of high ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-t vowels and æɛ/ɐɔ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ raising of non- -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u high vowels *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h (Beddor 1983, -h Beddor et al ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s 1986, Chen 59 1997, Arai 2004) BUT...

other non-nasals nasals ¡ The results of Dusun PM ‘neutralisation *Ø after nasals’ are ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ the same as the æɛ/ɐɔ default -ʔ *-k *-p outcomes ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

60 ANOTHER POSSIBILITY

or neutralisation 61 at all DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals TB PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ aɪ/aʊ -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

62 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ is still TB PM the default *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ aɪ/aʊ -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

63 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ was TB PM lowered *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø before back *-ʔ *-ʔ consonants aɪ/aʊ *-k, *-ŋ, *-h -ʔ *-k *-p and some *-ʔ ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

64 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ was not TB PM raised before *Ø front consonants ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-p, *-t, *-n, *-m aɪ/aʊ and *-s -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

65 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ was not TB PM raised before *Ø front consonants ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-p, *-t, *-n, *-m aɪ/aʊ and *-s -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ *bukit > bukɛɪʔ ‘hill’ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *lutut > lutəʊʔ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h ‘knee’ -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

66 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Nasalised TB PM and *Ø neutralised.... ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ ? aɪ/aʊ -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ *-t aɪ/aʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

67 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: TANJUNG BARU (TB)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ is the TB PM default, only *Ø lowered before ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ back aɪ/aʊ consonants *-ʔ, -ʔ *-k *-p *-k, *-ŋ and *-h ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t after non-nasals aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ (other than *h) -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m aɪ/aʊ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

68 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals PK PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

69 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ is still PK PM the default *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ *-ʔ a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

70 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ was also Dusun PM not raised *Ø before front ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ consonants *-p, a *-t, *-n, *-m and -ʔ *-k *-p *-s ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

71 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Lowered before PK PM *-ŋ *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ a daɡiŋ > daɡaɪŋ -ʔ *-k *-p ‘meat’ ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t hiduŋ > idaʊŋ aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ‘nose’ ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

72 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Reflected as a PK PM plain a before *- *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø k, *-h and some *-ʔ *-ʔ *-ʔ a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

73 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals *tasik > tasaʔ ‘lake’ PK PM *Ø *putih > putah ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ ‘white’ *-ʔ a *tujuh > tujah -ʔ *-k *-p ‘seven’ ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

74 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ a must be the PK PM result of *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø monophthongisa *-ʔ *-ʔ tion from *aɪ/ a *-k *aʊ -ʔ *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

75 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals *bənih > bənɛ̃ɪ̃h PK PM ‘seed’ *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *ɲamuk > ɲamə̃ʊ̃ʔ *-ʔ a -ʔ *-k ‘mosquito’ *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n Comparing with: ɛɪ/əʊ *-m *tasik > tasaʔ ‘lake’ a *-h -h *putih > putah ɛɪ/əʊ *-s ‘white’ 76 *tujuh > tujah ‘seven’ DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Nasalised PK PM and *Ø neutralised.... ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ ??? a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ *-t aɪ/aʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

77 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ is still the PK PM default *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

78 DATA FROM OTHER VILLAGES: PAYANG KAYU (PK)

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Nasal onsets PK PM maintained *Ø vowel height/ ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ quality a -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t aɪ/aʊ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m a *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

79 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

80 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals ¡ ɛi/əʊ is the Dusun PM default outcome *Ø of Ø *-ʔ diphthongisation in all -ʔ *-k

environments *-p ɛi/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t *-ŋ -ŋ *-n *-m *-h -h *-s

81 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Lowered Dusun PM before back *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø consonants *-ʔ *-ʔ *-k, *-ŋ, *-h æɛ/ɐɔ and some *-ʔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɛɪ/əʊ ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɛɪ/əʊ *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɛɪ/əʊ *-s

82 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

83 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Diphthongs after Dusun PM nasal onsets *Ø were left ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ unaffected æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

84 DUSUN: HOW DID IT GET HERE?

other non-nasals nasals ¡ Diphthongs after Dusun PM nasal onsets *Ø were left ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ unaffected æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t ¡ Nasal onsets æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ maintained -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u vowel height/ *-m quality æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s

85 UNEXPECTED CASES

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 86 UNEXPECTED CASES

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r i/u ? Ø *-l 87 UNEXPECTED CASES

¡ Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r88 i/u ? Ø *-l UNEXPECTED CASES

¡ Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals v buɛi ‘to give’ Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø v buæɛh ‘foam’ < PMP *buqiq *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ (PM *buhih) ? -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r89 i/u ? Ø *-l UNEXPECTED CASES

¡ Diphthongs are not expected in onsetless syllables

*Ø or *h other non-nasals nasals v buɛi ‘to give’ Dusun PM *Ø ɛi/əʊ Ø v buæɛh ‘foam’ < PMP *buqiq *-ʔ æɛ/ɐɔ (PM *buhih) ? -ʔ *-k *-p ɪi~i/ɵu~u ɛ̃ɪ̃/ə̃ʊ̃ *-t i/u æɛ/ɐɔ *-ŋ v tiuʔ ‘to blow’ < PM tiup -ŋ *-n ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-m æɛ/ɐɔ *-h -h ɪi~i/ɵu~u *-s *-r90 i/u ? Ø *-l HISTORY OF FINAL-SYLLABLE HIGH VOWELS IN ITM

Dusu Tanjung Payang n Baru Kayu Diphthongisation before non- + + + liquids and after onsets other than *Ø and *h Lowering before back + + + consonants Raising before front + – – consonants Merger with high vowels + – – Monophthongisation – – + 91 HISTORY OF FINAL-SYLLABLE HIGH VOWELS IN ITM

Dusu Tanjung Payang n Baru Kayu Diphthongisation before non- + + + liquids and after onsets other than *Ø and *h Lowering before back + + + consonants Raising before front + – – consonants Merger with high vowels + – – ¡ Only affected diphthongs after non-nasal onsets Monophthongisation – – + 92 SUMMARY

¡ Synchronically, two phonemic diphthongs /ɛi/ and /əʊ/ (alongside /i/ and /u/) can be proposed to account for the various phonetic realisations of diphthongs in Dusun; ¡ Allophonic conditions include syllable structure and nasality of onset; ¡ Diachronically, the direction of diphthongisation is the result of the interaction between the presence and the nasality of the preceding consonant, and the presence and the place/ manner of articulation of the following consonant; ¡ The nasality of the onset consonant has a special effect in maintaining vowel height/quality. 93 THANK YOU!

94 REFERENCES

¡ Adelaar, K. Alexander. 1992. Proto Malayic: The reconstruction of its phonology and parts of its lexicon and morphology. Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific Studies, The Australian National University. ¡ Adelaar, K. Alexander. 2005. Structural diversity in the Malayic group. In K. Alexander Adelaar & Nikolaus P. Himmelmann (eds.), The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar, 202–226. London/ New York: Routledge. ¡ Arai, Takayuki. 2004. Formant shift in nasalization of vowels. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 115, 2541. ¡ Beddor, Patrice S. 1983. Phonological and phonetic effects of nasalization of vowel height. University of Minnesota PhD dissertation.

¡ Beddor, Patrice Speeter, Rena Arens Krakow & Louis M. Goldstein. 95 1986. Perceptual constraints and phonological change: a study of nasal vowel height. Phonology Yearbook 3. 197–217. REFERENCES

¡ Chen, Marilyn Y. 1997. Acoustic correlates of English and French nasalized vowels. The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 102(4). 2360–2370. ¡ Collins, James T. 1983. Dialek Ulu Terengganu. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. ¡ Collins, James T. 1986. Kajian dialek Ulu Terengganu: Pemetaan dan kesimpulan awal. Antologi Kajian Dialek Melayu, 54–86. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. ¡ Collins, James T. 1996. Diftong dan diftongisasi Dialek Ulu Terengganu. Khazanah Dialek Melayu. Bangi: Penerbit Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. 96