Tropical Forest Research
Resource Management in a Dayak Benuaq Village: Strategies, Dynamics and Prospects
A Case Study from East Kalimantan, Indonesia
Christian Gönner
Eschborn, 2000 TÖB publication number: TÖB FTWF-20e
Published by: Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Postfach 5180 D-65726 Eschborn, Germany Responsible: Begleitprogramm Tropenökologie (TÖB) Dr. Claus Baetke email: [email protected] Author: Dipl.-Biol. Christian Gönner Magnolienweg 6 88662 Überlingen, Germany Tel. + 49 (0)7551 5640 email: [email protected] Layout: Elisabeth Mausolf, Michaela Hammer ISBN: 3-933984- Nominal fee: 10,-DM Produced by: TZ Verlagsgesellschaft mbH, D-64380 Rossdorf
© 2000 All rights reserved Preface Adopted at the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development, at which 178 countries were represented, Agenda 21 includes a section devoted to forests. Together with the UNCED Forests Statement, Agenda 21 forms a basis for international cooperation on the management, conservation and sustainable development of all types of forests. The Rio resolutions also serve as the foundation for a process of national- policy modification designed to stimulate environmentally compatible sustainable development in both industrialized and emerging countries. Ideally, sustainable development builds on three primary guiding principles for all policy-related activities: economic efficiency, social equity and ecological sustainability. With regard to the management of natural resources, this means that their global utilization must not impair future generations' developmental opportunities. With their myriad functions, forests in all climate zones not only provide one of humankind's most vital needs but also help preserve biological diversity around the world. Forest resources and wooded areas must therefore be sustainably managed, preserved and developed. Otherwise, it would neither be possible to ensure the long-term generation of timber, fodder, food, medicine, fuels and other forest-based products, nor sustainably and appropriately to preserve such other important functions of forests as the prevention of erosion, the conservation of biotopes, and the collection and storage of the greenhouse gas CO2. Implemented by the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH on behalf of the German Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), the "Tropical Forest Research" project aims to improve the scientific basis of sustainable forest development and, hence, to help implement the Rio resolutions within the context of development cooperation. Application-oriented research serves to improve our understanding of tropical forest ecosystems and their reciprocity with the economic and social dimensions of human development. The project also serves to promote and encourage practice-oriented young German and local researchers as the basis for development and dissemination of ecologically, economically and socially appropriate forestry production systems. Through a series of publications, the "Tropical Forest Research" project makes the studies' results and recommendations for action available in a form that is generally comprehensible both to organizations and institutions active in the field of development cooperation and to a public interested in environmental and development-policy affairs.
I. Hoven Dr. C. v. Tuyll Head of Division: Head of Division: Environmental Policy, Protection of Natural Rural Development Resources, Forestry; CSD, GDF
German Federal Ministry for Economic Deutsche Gesellschaft für Cooperation and Development (BMZ) Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH Contents
Contents
ABBREVIATIONS...... III
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...... IV
ZUSAMMENFASSUNG...... V
1 INTRODUCTION...... 1 1.1Study Area...... 3 1.2Ethnicity & Religion...... 5 1.3Social Life in Lempunah...... 8 1.4Contacts with the Outside World...... 10 1.5Land Tenure and Conflicts...... 11
2 METHODOLOGY...... 13
3 DESCRIPTION OF THE BENUAQ'S RESOURCE MANAGEMENT...... 21 3.1Ladang Cultivation...... 22 3.2Simpukng Forest Gardens...... 29 3.3Rattan Gardens...... 32 3.4Rubber Gardens...... 37 3.5"Forest In-Between" Functions...... 38
4 VILLAGE ECONOMICS...... 43
5 RESOURCE MANAGEMENT STRATEGIES IN LEMPUNAH...... 53 5.1Has Lempunah's resource management ever been sustainable?...... 59 5.2Prospects of Lempunah's Resource Management...... 63 5.3Potential Applications...... 68
I Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... 77
BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 79
ANNEX 1: CONTRIBUTIONS ON PROJECT LEVEL (SFMP)...... 91
ANNEX 2: LIST OF EXTRACTED PLANT SPECIES...... 97
ANNEX 3: LIST OF CULTIVATED PLANTS...... 109
ANNEX 4: LIST OF BIRD SPECIES...... 115
ANNEX 5: LIST OF MAMMAL SPECIES...... 121
ANNEX 6: MAPS OF LEMPUNAH...... 125
II Executive Summary
Abbreviations app. approximately BAPPEDA Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Daerah BMZ Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development cf. cum fide DBH diameter (of trees) in breast height CSF Centre for Social Forestry, Samarinda GIS Geographic Information Systems GPS Global Positioning System GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit HTI hutan tanaman industri (industrial tree plantation) Ind. Indonesian NGO Non-Governmental Organisation pers. comm. personal communication plasma inti rakyat (plantation system owned by a PIR company/the government and local people) PRA Participatory Rural Appraisal Rupiah (during the field study 1 US $ ranged between 2,300 Rp and 17,000 Rp) RRA Rapid Rural Appraisal RT rukun tetangga (neighbourhood association) Promotion of Sustainable Forest Management Systems SFMP (Project) Tropenökologisches Begleitprogramm (Tropical Ecology TÖB Support Programme) UNMUL Universitas Mulawarman, Samarinda III Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Executive Summary
The local resource management of a Dayak Benuaq village in East Kalimantan, Indonesia, has been described in a phenomenological way. Data were collected by applying ethnological, ecological and geographical field methods. The findings were analyzed and interpreted by following the links of the revealed causal web.
Daily life in Lempunah is dominated by the agricultural cycle of upland rice farming. A settlement and cultivation history of more than 300 years has created a mosaic forest of 9,200 ha, consisting of current rice fields, fallow forest, mixed forest gardens (Simpukng), rattan gardens and small scale rubber gardens. More than 759 plant and animal taxa are cultivated or extracted, providing both a high degree of subsistence as well as substantial financial income.
Market fluctuations and other uncertainties are coped with by resource diversification and a high dynamic flexibility in switching between resources.
The analysis of decision making processes shows a more complex pattern than the theory of rational acting would suggest.
Despite its adaptable and flexible structure, Lempunah's resource system will most probably face a difficult future due to drastic changes caused by a nearby oil palm plantation, and the starting of coal mining activities.
The question as to whether the local resource management is sustainable or not is critically discussed. The results indicate that the people of Lempunah have managed their resources until now in a sustainable way.
Recommendations are made at the end regarding the further application of the results, methodology used, and the question of integrating indigenous land use strategies into future development projects.
IV Zusammenfassung
Zusammenfassung
Die lokale Ressourcennutzung eines Dayak Benuaq Dorfes in Ost-Kalimantan, Indonesien, wurde phänomenologisch beschrieben. Die Daten wurden unter Verwendung ethnologischer, ökologischer und geographischer Feldfor- schungsmethoden erhoben. Die Ergebnisse wurden den Verknüpfungen des vorgefundenen Kausalnetzes folgend interpretiert und analysiert.
Das tägliche Leben in Lempunah wird vom Agrarzyklus rund um den Regen- feldbau (Reis) geprägt. Eine Siedlungs- und Kulturgeschichte von über 300 Jahren schuf einen 9.200 ha großen Mosaikwald, der aus aktuellen Reisfeldern, Brachewald, gemischten Waldgärten (Simpukng), Rattan- und Gummigärten besteht. Mehr als 759 Pflanzen- und Tiertaxa werden angebaut und gesammelt. Hierdurch wird sowohl ein hoher Grad an Subsistenz gewährleistet als auch ein nicht unerhebliches Einkommen garantiert.
Marktinstabilitäten sowie anderen Unsicherheiten werden durch eine Diversi- fizierung der Ressourcen sowie die hohe, dynamische Flexibilität im Wechsel zwischen diesen abgepuffert.
Die Analyse von Entscheidungsprozessen ergibt ein komplizierteres Bild, als man es der Theorie des Rationalen Handelns zufolge erwarten würde.
Trotz seiner anpassungsfähigen und flexiblen Struktur dürfte sich Lempunahs Ressourcensystem auf Grund einer benachbarten Ölpalmplantage sowie be- ginnender Kohleförderung einer schwierigen Zukunft ausgesetzt sehen.
Die Frage, in wie weit die lokale Ressourcennutzung nachhaltig ist, wurde kritisch diskutiert. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass die Bewohner Lem- punahs ihre Ressourcen bisher nachhaltig bewirtschaftet haben.
Abschließend werden Empfehlungen für die weitere Anwendung der Ergeb- nisse, der Methodik sowie die Einbindung indigener Landnutzungsstrategien in die EZ ausgesprochen.
V Introduction
1 Introduction
This study describes and analyses the land use of a Dayak Benuaq community in the interior of East Kalimantan over four years (1995/96 - 1998/99). The main emphasis is on the indigenous strategies1, the dynamic changes, and the future prospects of this resource system2. The field work was done during 28 months between January 1996 and May 1999 under the auspices of SFMP (Promotion of Sustainable Forest Management Systems), and funded by TÖB.
A major reason why Dr. H.W. von Haugwitz, the former SFMP team leader, gave me the chance to work in East Kalimantan was to have someone in the field who could provide the project with first-hand information about the situation in the villages, even if they were not inside the project's operation area. Lempunah was chosen as my research site because I knew the village from four earlier visits. Between 1988 and 1993 I had spent eight months in the area, studying birds and religious ceremonies, and learning as much as possible about the Benuaq culture. This preliminary knowledge was the starting point for my recent research. However, beside my scientific goals, it was also the close friendship with my host families in Lempunah and Tanjung Isuy which finally brought me back to Kalimantan.
1 "Strategies" might be applied in both ways, consciously or unconsciously, perhaps influenced by habituation and potentially cultural knowledge. This issue is further discussed on page 62-67. 2 I will use the term "system" in a broad sense throughout this study. This usage does not refer to systems theory. 1 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Traditional land use systems in Borneo have received increasing attention during the last two decades (e.g. COLFER 1997; DOVE 1981, 1985, 1993, 1994;
FRIED 1995; GODOY 1990; GROSSMANN 1997; INOUE & LAHJIE 1990; JESSUP
& PELUSO 1986; KRAIENHORST 1989; LAHJIE 1996; LAWRENCE 1996;
LAWRENCE et al. 1995, 1998; MAYER 1989; PADOCH 1985; PADOCH et al.
1998; PELUSO 1995; PELUSO & PADOCH 1996; POFFENBERGER 1990,
SARDJONO 1990; SASAKI 1997; WEINSTOCK 1983b).
However, most of these studies focus on specific elements of the respective land use, such as swidden agriculture, rattan, fruits, rubber, or non-timber forest products in general. With the exception of COLFER (1997) there is no comprehensive documentation of the whole resource management of an indigenous community. As my priority was to examine the interacting elements of a resource system, I have tried to describe all the land use forms in a phenomenological way (see SCHÜTZ & LUCKMANN 1994, PSATHAS 1977), and analysed them by applying elements of systems theory (e.g. BOSSEL 1989,
LANG 1992, TAYLOR & GARCIA-BARRÍOS 1995) and the concept of contextualization (VAYDA 1983, VAYDA 1996).
In the context of development cooperation, the major questions were:
Ø What are the general resource management strategies?
Ø Are they sustainable?
Ø How can they be integrated on a project level?
Recommendations based on the answers to these questions are made in the last chapter.
2 Introduction
1.1 Study Area
This case study was carried out in Lempunah, a Dayak Benuaq village in East- Kalimantan, Indonesia. Some additional data from the neighbouring villages of Tanjung Isuy, Mancong Muara Tae and Perigiq have been included. Lempunah's geographical position is about 200 km west of the provincial capital Samarinda, at 0° 34.433' S and 116° 5.112' E. The village area covers 9,200 ha of managed secondary forest. It is situated on the small Ohong river. The area is flat and dominated by lowland dipterocarp forests as well as alluvial freshwater swamp forests.
Map 1: Borneo, East Kalimantan (grey), and the research area.
3 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
For more detailed maps about village boundaries, rivers and land use, see map 2 in annex 6.
The village consists of three administrative parts. Two parts form the main village (RT I, RT II), while the third part (RT III) contains two small and remote dwellings, which are six kilometers away (see map 1).
Lempunah's official population is about 400 persons living in 100 households, although a census revealed 41 households in RT I, 18 households in RT II, and 19 households in RT III with a total population of about 350 people3. According to two former village chiefs, the overall population remained relatively constant between 1940 and 1995, although a few people had migrated to Tenggarong and Samarinda.
The population is predominantly Dayak Benuaq with a minority of only two Dayak Tunjung, two Javanese and one Banjarese. According to village statistics, 54% are Catholic, 43% are members of Protestant Churches, and 3% are Moslems.
There is an elementary school in the village, which covers the first six years of education.
The village was partially connected to the sub-district grid in late 1998; before that there was only occasionally electricity during the evening hours, provided by a single generator.
3 The difference is mainly due to people who had recently moved to neighbouring villages, but are still counted in order to keep the village status, which requires a certain minimum population. 4 Introduction
Three small shops provide the villagers with non-cultivated necessities such as soap, tooth paste and brushes, canned food, sugar, cooking oil, bottled drinks, spices, onions, etc.
All households, including the few professional specialists (a black-smith, a wood-carver and a carpenter, and 3 teachers), cultivate rice on swiddens.
Officially, Lempunah is regarded as a village below the poverty line.
1.2 Ethnicity & Religion
According to MALLINCKRODT (1927:579-85, 1928:28-30) and WEINSTOCK (1983a) the Benuaq are a subgroup of the Luangan, who belong to the Barito
Language Family (HUDSON 1967) together with the Ngadju, Ot Danum and Maanyan. The Luangan live in the south-eastern part of Borneo. As in many other areas of Borneo, ethnicity and the concept of belonging to a specific tribal group (above village or river level) are quite low among the Luangan. Like the ethnonyms Iban, Land Dayak, or Ngadju, the name Luangan was locally never used in the sense ethnographers use it today (see SILLANDER 1995:72, 76). It is therefore more a concept ordering indigenous groups along a cultural and linguistic scale to stress the socio-cultural differences from other groups (although there is always some kind of overlap).
The total population of Benuaq is estimated at 20,000 (WEINSTOCK 1983a:205). However, especially among the Benuaq, the term Luangan is rarely used as an ethnonym. Most Benuaq perceive themselves as being Dayak (distinguishing themselves from Moslems), Benuaq (distinguishing themselves from other Dayak groups) or, more precisely, as Benuaq Ohong (residents of the Ohong river) or Akas (residents of Lempunah). Common identity in daily
5 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village life usually only refers to the village level.
The main reason to put the Benuaq into the Luangan group is (besides linguistic relations) their belief system. In Central Kalimantan this is called
Kaharingan (see WEINSTOCK 1983a), another term that the Benuaq Ohong do not use or even do not know.
Nevertheless, the concept of Kaharingan (including secondary mortuary rites and shamanistic curing rituals) is found among all the Barito speaking Dayak of south-east Borneo.
Today most of the Benuaq have mainly converted to Christianity. However, in contrast to most parts of Borneo, the traditional shamanistic religion is still present in daily life. Several shamans practise curing rituals (Belian), purifying rituals (Tota Timui, Nular, Guguq) or secondary mortuary rites (Kwangkai) throughout the year. Being situated between the influence spheres of Islam (coastal areas and Lower Mahakam) and Christianity (Apo Kayan and Upper Mahakam), the area around Tanjung Isuy and Lempunah was a kind of religious buffer zone. The first permanent missionary (from Nusa Tenggara Timur, East Indonesia) came to Tanjung Isuy as late as 1978, 72 years after the Catholic Church had started its mission in Laham (1906) on the Upper Mahakam.
Another reason for the survival of the Benuaq religion is its open and adaptable character, which has always incorporated new elements originating from other belief systems, including the supreme deity Lantalah. According to Weinstock (1983a:24-5) Lantalah is an exogenous concept probably influenced by Islam (Allah Ta’ala) and Hinduism (maha = great).
6 Introduction
It is possible that this openness avoided direct conflicts in the past with other religions by assimilating parts of them rather than clashing with them.
The living world is occupied by human beings, animals, plants, as well as a vast pantheon of spirits and deities. Most of these spirits dwell in the forest, where they have to be treated in an appropriate way. Otherwise, they pose a constant threat of disease and misfortune. Rituals to appease forest spirits at the start of a new agricultural season are still common (Melas Tautn).
Major Rituals in Lempunah
Belian Sentiu curing rite, performed by one or more healers; showing several elements of shamanism
Belian Turaatn older than B. Sentiu; part of curing and purifying rites; except drum beating, no shamanistic elements
Tota Timui purifying rite (after birth or death)
Bekeleeu curing ritual, lasting 8-16 nights, including several forms of Belian; often carried out after the sick person has already recovered
Guguq largest ritual for the living world, often covering several aspects, such as curing (Nalitn Rotatn), purifying (Melas Tautn), or generally as a ritual preparation for the new agricultural cycle
Kwangkai secondary mortuary rites, where the two immortal souls are accompanied to their final destination
7 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Besides their ritual part, including the nightly recitation of myths (Temputn4), the Guguq Tautn and the Kwangkai are great social events, especially as the final sacrifice of at least one water-buffalo approaches, when hundreds of guests gather around the gambling places (Tongkok) and cock-fighting yards (Saukng Piaq) or watch competitions of traditional martial arts (Behempas). Young people finds their mates, the elderly can meet again, and much of the previous year's income is redistributed.
But the smaller Belian ceremonies are also of major social importance. Generally, these rituals are managed by an extended family, including close friends. Gambling does not take place during the smaller rituals, but the long nights are an excellent opportunity to discuss other issues, as well as the respective disease.
1.3 Social Life in Lempunah
Traditionally the Benuaq society was differentiated into three social strata: Mantiiq (the nobleman, generally extended to his core family), Merentika (commoners) and Ripatn (slaves). Slaves were caught in wartime or bought. Indebted commoners became occasionally Olui Belangui Tabaas, a status similar to slaves.
The stratification of Benuaq society was less strict compared to that of
Kenyah (WHITTIER 1973) or Kayan (ROUSSEAU 1978), but more elaborate than in more egalitarian societies like the Iban (FREEMAN 1992).
Today, the individual descendency is said to be only of minor importance, but it is well remembered and occasionally used as an argument in the election of
4 An excellent collection of Temputn myths was compiled by HOPES et al. 1997. 8 Introduction village chiefs. The original leadership of the Mantiiq was divided by the Indonesian government into a dual system consisting of a political leader (Kepala Desa) and a traditional leader (Kepala Adat). Decisions of public interest are generally made in village meetings (Berinuq), where a consensus is sought in long discussions. Nevertheless, conflicts are common in all villages, sometimes reflecting the rivalry between the Kepala Desa and the Kepala Adat.
Social group building follows mainly family ties, but also includes close friends or strategic allies. The groups are not necessarily fixed, and individuals often choose their side depending on the issue under discussion. A rather constant pattern, however, are the ongoing conflicts between the latest village chiefs and their predecessors.
The economic unit is the nuclear family, which is regarded here as a "household", following the administrative definition. A household consists of parents and their children. Interviews of women past child-bearing age indicate an average number of 3 children surviving infancy, and 1-2 dead children, whereas the generation before had 4-5 surviving children and probably 2-4 dead ones.
In most families two or three generations live together, which shows close economic cooperation. In fact, most activities are organised on the household or family level.
Labour is shared among genders and age groups, although there is much overlapping, and only a few tasks are exclusively done by women (e.g. Doyo5 weaving, stitching, sewing, large-scale laundry, midwifery, insemination,
5 Doyo fabrics are woven with the dried and dyed fibres of the Doyo palm (Curculigo spp.). 9 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village several ritual tasks). There is some mutual help and cooperation during agricultural activities among neighbours (usually relatives, but also close friends), but it was commonly stated that mutual help and public cooperation (Ind. gotong royong) is decreasing due to an increasingly individual lifestyle.
Economically, there is a significant difference between RT I/II and RT III, which is probably caused by the closer market distance of RT I/II, road access, and its larger size, all of which offer more income opportunities. In both village parts a few families are regarded as "rich ones" by the others, while the rest are relatively equal. Social status is not openly ascribed to the economically most successful people, while traditional leadership is not necessarily reflected in an economic sense (several families of Mantiiq descendency belong to the economically weaker groups).
Until the 1960s the people of Lempunah lived in a single longhouse. Regarding longhouse settlements as primitive or even communistic, the Indonesian government then asked Dayak communities to move into individual houses. A few families still lived in the old 70 m long house in 1999. Apart from this, it is still collectively used for the performance of major rituals (Bekeleeu, Guguq, Kwangkai).
Sites of at least 9 former longhouses (revealing a settlement history of more than 300 years) are scattered over the village area.
1.4 Contacts with the Outside World
According to the oral tradition a centuries-long contact with the Sultan of Kutai, who was regarded as a kind of supreme chief despite his different religion, was maintained. Forest products, canoes and woven fabric were
10 Introduction traded with the sultanate as well as with Chinese traders, who travelled upriver.
Today, the trade is linked to a regional market economy via Tanjung Isuy, the sub-district capital. A 13 km long road was constructed in the early 1990s, which can now be used in all weather conditions. Before this, the small Ohong river was the major transportation route.
Since the late 1970s up to 2,000 tourists annually visit the Jempang sub- district. Although only a few make it to Lempunah, several people sell handicrafts to relatives in Tanjung Isuy, where the tourists usually shop. The larger proportion of handicrafts (Doyo fabrics, blow pipes, Mandau swords, wooden statues) is bought by traders, who sell the items to Java, Bali and Malaysia.
Information is generally received via radio, TV and personal contacts.
Since 1993 there has been a constant exchange with several Samarinda based NGOs, who assist the Benuaq mainly in land rights conflicts.
1.5 Land Tenure and Conflicts
Land tenure in Lempunah is individual. The first person who clears a piece of primary forest owns it for future use. It is inherited, and the land of a person is equally divided among the children. After more than 300 years of settlement around today's Lempunah, most of the village forest area is owned individually according to the traditional adat law.
However, this traditional land tenure is not recognized by Indonesian law. In 1967 the Indonesian government declared 75% of the country as state forest,
11 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village including the forest of Lempunah (see WENTZEL & VON GEMMINGEN 1999), and distibuted it to logging concessions.
Commercial logging started in Lempunah in the 1970s, when a logging company cut most of the valuable trees around Lempunah. As many local workers were employed by the company and farmers were allowed to use the logged-over areas for rice cultivation, the villagers did not particularly complain.
This situation changed in 1993, when the same company cleared dozens of forest gardens in order to prepare a tree plantation (HTI, which was supposed to be run with the help of Javanese transmigrants (HTI-Trans). The destruction of graves, rattan and other forest gardens upset the villagers, who sought legal help in Samarinda (NGOs, legal consultants). Until 1999 no financial compensation had been paid despite many promises. The company, however, lost its license in 1996, and field operations stopped in 1997. The already- constructed transmigration village was abandoned in 1997/98.
The latest conflict about land rights started in early 1996, when an oil palm company entered the area and asked for more than 30,000 ha of mainly forested land in the Jempang sub-district. This conflict is discussed in more detail on page (73-76).
12 Methodology
2 Methodology
The theoretical frame for this descriptive section follows a phenomenological approach, mainly referring to the life-world ("Lebenswelt") concept of
HUSSERL (1905-20), as well as to BERGER & LUCKMANN (1977) and SCHÜTZ
& LUCKMANN (1994). The starting point is an observable everyday world, which I have tried to assess and intrepret. No metaphysical assumptions about the world's structure are made. However, it is assumed that the investigated life-world consists of observable elements (objects, living beings, ideas, etc.), which can be causally interrelated in time, space or meaning. In this sense I partially follow the dictates of systems theory (see BOSSEL 1989, LANG 1992,
TAYLOR & GARCIA-BARRÍOS 1995), although I do not postulate that the
"system's" structure remains constant, nor do I define any system boundaries. In fact, I believe that the structure, including the state and meaning of the elements, as well as the quality of the connecting interrelations, is permanently changing. Hence, I try to combine a "soft" and open systems approach with a phenomenological one. The revealed causal web is then analysed and interpreted following the causal chains suggested by VAYDA (1983, 1996).
After more than eight months of preliminary studies in Dayak Benuaq villages6, I started my TÖB-funded field work in early 1996. The first step was to describe the local resource management in a comprehensive way, which could later be analyzed with regards to more specific questions. Based on my former research I mainly applied ethnological field methods in collecting my data,
6 This included obtaining a basic knowledge of the local Dayak language. The eco-cultural setting was studied by using an eco-cultural checklist, compiled by one of my supervisors (SEELAND, unpublished). 13 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village such as participant observation, semi-structured interviews and interviews of key informants (for these methods see SPRADLEY 1979, SPRADLEY 1980,
FISCHER 1985, FISCHER 1992).
Once the main patterns seemed to become clear I continued with more focused research on the strategies, dynamics and future perspectives of the local resource management.
During this second phase I applied different mapping methods to analyze the spatial patterns of forest gardens and rice fields (see box 1). Aspects of biodiversity (i.e. in this case birds), were assessed using a methodology I had developed earlier (GÖNNER 1991, GÖNNER 1998b, see box 2 and annex 4).
Socio-economic data were collected in annually-repeated semi-structured household interviews, covering four years from 1995 until 1998 (methodology see box 3).
A principal problem in investigating social questions is the strong interdependency between the observer and the observed. Figure 1 (next page) is meant to illustrate the different perception and interpretation filters during the research process.
The interpretative character of ethnographic studies has been extensively discussed during the post-modern critique of Ethnology (see MARCUS &
FISCHER 1986 or STELLRECHT 1993), and this shows what cognitive ethnologists often neglect: it is impossible to represent someone else's reality without also interpreting it. Even if so called "emic" approaches are chosen (i.e. approaches claiming to represent the inside view), the results always reflect the researcher's interpretations. However, this does not mean that intersubjective studies are useless: it must merely not be forgotten that the
14 Methodology produced results have been shaped by several intersubjective and intercultural filters and interpretations. The findings and their interpretation have to be questioned in a critical way like any other research results. Nevertheless, they remain valid until better interpretations supercede them.
P
I
own observations PI
bibliography
R
PR (I)
Figure 1: Transitions between a phenomenon and different observers. I: informant, R: researcher, P: phenomenon, PI: phenomenon interpreted by I, PR (I): PI interpreted by R
15 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Box 1: Mapping of Rice Fields (Ladangs) and Forest Gardens
The position of every Ladang in the village area between 1995/96 and 1998/99 was confirmed using GPS (Global Positioning System). The area of twenty Ladangs was measured in 1996 using a compass and tape measure.
About 1,000 forest gardens (rattan, rubber and Simpukng gardens) were mapped by villagers. The gardens were entered into a 1:50,000 river map, obtained from the provincial planning bureau (BAPPEDA), and amplified by photocopying to 1:10,000. Rivers and creeks were identified and marked by a small group of informants, who also added forest trails to the map, while GPS positions of recent Ladang fields were marked for further orientation.
In an initial meeting the purpose of the mapping programme and its methodology was explained, and land right issues were discussed in detail.
Gardens were usually mapped by small groups of neighbouring farmers during evening hours. The scale (1 square = 1x1 km) was explained, and referential questions (How many minutes from river x? How far from farmer y?) had to be repeatedly asked.
Different kinds of locally-defined forest gardens, in addition to former longhouse places, graveyards and sacral rocks, were marked with different symbols and different colours. All gardens were coded and filed in a database with their exact geographic position.
After 80% of all households had mapped their gardens, a new map was produced with typewritten code numbers. Four copies of this map (consisting of three sheets) were handed over to the villagers in April 1998.
The accuracy of the mapped gardens was cross-checked along two 3,000 m transects by using a compass and a 50 m tape measure.
16 Methodology
Box 2: Assessment of Avian Species’ Richness
Bird species (not individuals) were counted along two 1,500 m transects, one cutting through a typical mosaic of different forest gardens and fallows, the other representing an old part of mainly undisturbed lowland dipterocarp forest. Each transect was visited 24 times for 2 hours each between August 1997 and April 1998. The assessment was done in a strictly standardised way: 12 morning walks (7-9 a.m.), 12 afternoon walks (4-6 p.m.) with constant walking speed and alternating walking direction.
75-90% of all species were identified by their calls and songs, the rest by sight.
The repetitions were necessary due to rather low individual densities, seasonal effects and substantial variations in weather and observation conditions.
For each transect the 24 counts were then arranged in 8 different randomized orders, and species numbers accumulated. The average species accumulation curve (now free of biases caused by weather or varying observation conditions) was used as the "census" reference to optimize an observation probability simulation model. This model estimates the overall species number along a transect in a conservative way.
Observation frequencies have been calculated for every species and grouped into four clusters: birds with an observation frequency of less than 25%; then those with 25-50%; 50-75%; and finally with more than 75%. The number and average frequency of the three higher clusters were taken as parameters, while the number and the frequency of the cluster with less than 25% were iteratively optimized in order to yield a best fit to the "census" reference curve.
17 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
a1×t a2 ×t a3×t a4 ×t n(t) = n1 × 1- e + n2 × 1- e + n3 × 1- e + n4 × 1- e
ln×(1- p ) a = i , i 2
pi is the average observation frequency of the ith cluster
ni is the number of bird species within the ith cluster
nt is the simulated total number of bird species on a transect
For more details see GÖNNER 1998b.
18 Methodology
Box 3: Socio-economic Survey In 1996 I interviewed 95-100% of the households regarding their subsistence strategies and sources of income as well as their expenses. In 1997, 1998 and 1999 a representative part (ca. 95% of RT III and 30% of RT I/II, each sample consisting of 18 households) was restudied to document temporal changes. Most interviews lasted between 30 minutes and one hour per household. The selection of the 30% sample was a weighted random selection: i.e. initially 30% of all households were selected randomly. Then the result was de-biased regarding family relations and wealth (5 households with close family relations and similar resource strategies had been in the random sample; therefore 3 of them were replaced by other randomly-selected households). The representativeness of the 30% sample was positively cross-checked with regards to several questions (daily expenses, sources of financial income, field size, age of fallow forest, etc.) with the 100% sample of 1996, with no significant differences detected. The interviews covered the following aspects:
Ø Rice Cultivation: amount of seeds, rice varieties, quantity of previous harvest, rice availability during the last 12 months, number of rice fields during the last five years, location, type of soil and forest, ownership, labour sharing, use of chainsaws, problems, pests Ø Other Crops: grown vegetable and fruit varieties; cultivated rattans, rubber trees Ø Sources of Income: ranked sources of financial income with examples Ø Daily Expenses: estimated daily expenses for rice, sugar, cigarettes, cooking oil, onions, salt, gas, soap, tooth paste (later personally ranked) Ø Major Expenses: annual major expenses, such as new motor bikes, rituals, etc. In addition, more detailed information was collected by interviewing key informants about resource management strategies.
19 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
3 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
The various land-use sub-systems as well as their interdependencies are described in this chapter. The nomenclature of forest succession stages (see figure 2) follows the local classifications.
Old Forest
Bengkar Primary or Old Secondary Forest Payaq Swamp Forest
Annual Swidden
Umaq swidden in 1st year Babar swidden after 1 year Kwakoq swidden after 2-10 years
Forest Gardens Fallow Forest
Simpukng mixed forest garden Uraaq general expression for fallow Kebotn Ue rattan garden also fallow after 10-30 years Kebotn Getah rubber gardens Kerengkakng fallow older than 30 years
Figure 2: Fallow succession and temporal interrelation between local resource systems. The strength of the lines expresses the likelihood of the respective transition.
21 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
3.1 Ladang Cultivation
The cultivation of rainfed upland rice on annual swiddens (Ladang) is the centre of life in Lempunah. A survey among villagers of their most important goal in life revealed that the successful management of a Ladang and securing food supply were the most common answers. Despite a substantial demand for financial income to supplement food (mainly cooking oil and sugar; in some months additional rice), cigarettes, medication, education fees or items available in nearby shops or towns (cloths, chainsaws, TVs, boat engines, motor bikes, etc.), most labour is still allocated so as to secure subsistence. The annual cycle of rice cultivation dominates village activities and sets the frame for additional attempts to create income.
The agricultural cycle used to be linked to a celestial calendar based on several star constellations (see HOPES 1997). However, nowadays most people in Lempunah tend to refer to the modern system of 12 months than to the stars, which are often not even correctly remembered any more. An exception is Beramanuq (Sirius), a star signalling the last chance to plant rice.
Rituals associated with agricultural activities are also vanishing. Traditionally Benuaq farmers used to carry out a ritual to identify a suitable Ladang site
(see SUMUAL 1998). This ritual is no longer observed in Lempunah, although farmers still obey certain religious restrictions when they chose a field site. However, the choice is nowadays more based on several pragmatic aspects, such as: distance and accessibility from the village, age and condition of the fallow or forest (and hence the potential fertility), availability of a chainsaw,
22 Description of the Benuaq's resource management type of soil (depending on expected rain fall and available varieties)7, or site selection by relatives or friends.
Several ritual plants are planted to protect the crops by pleasing the rice spirit (Lolakng Luikng); others, which might indeed work as pest repellents, are later added to the rice store8.
After selecting a Ladang site (on average 1.5 ha per household), the forest is generally cleared in July and August, although the wide use of chainsaws has led to greater flexibility, as a site can now be cleared within a few days, whereas before it used to take up to several weeks. The cleared vegetation is then left to dry for a few weeks, before being burned (in September or October).
A few days after the burning several varieties of rice are inseminated. This is generally done with mutual help between different (nuclear) families. While the men stab the holes with long ironwood-tipped sticks, the women inseminate
7 The two major soil types, Tana Lemit (alluvial soils, see ANSYAHARI et al. 1984) and Oneeq Metapm (organic soils, see ibid.) were in each of the years studied rather equally distributed, suggesting that there was no common opinion about the expected rainfall. This uncertainty was also stressed by the farmers, although some still tried to predict rainfall referring to the previous year (if that was dry, the new one might be wet). A ritually randomized site selection was also reported by DOVE (1985) for the Kantu' of West Kalimantan. He stresses that a randomized selection has the advantage that at least some fields might fit the actual weather conditions, whilst a decision based on determinated weather predictions might bear a higher risk of failure. 8 The use of citronella grass (Cymbopogon nardus (L.) Rendle) for preserving newly harvested rice seems to be well known all over SE Asia. 23 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village the seeds9. On average 3-4 common (Pare) and 2-3 glutinous (Pulut) rice varieties10 are cultivated per field, while between 1995 and 1998 at least 71 common and 35 glutinous varieties were used in Lempunah.
The overlap of rice varieties between neighbouring fields (1995/96) was only about 25% for both Pare and Pulut. Hence, diversity of varieties was not greatly decreased by common preferences of neighbours (generally relatives), which might lead to more instability in the face of pests and unforeseen weather conditions. Asked whether farmers co-ordinated variety selection on neighbouring fields, they said that decisions were made independently. In fact, the individual selection of varieties is rather based on personal preferences than ecological adaptations to specific micro sites11. It is not clear whether the heterogenous planting patterns have a conscious origin, which was over the course of time transformed into a non-reflected, cultural knowledge. Even if the advantages were perhaps never consciously known, the management pattern was simply successful and stable. Nevertheless, the ecological
9 This labour division is a general pattern in SE Asia, reflecting the close relation of rice, fertility and sexuality. This relation is also expressed by lewd jokes during the insemination phase, as well as a detailed typology of 10 stages of maturing rice corresponding to different stages in pregnancy. 10 Glutinous rice is mainly used during rituals for preparing offerings as well as for snacks, such as rice cake.
11 An individual preference is also reported by SETYAWATI for the Dayak farmers of Apau Ping in the Apo Kayan of East Kalimantan (in press). In Lempunah many farmers stated that certain varieties suit their personality. Hence, they kept them as regular ones, while they still experimented additionally with other sorts. Since the use of varieties is rather conservative, a stable heterogeneity is ensured.
24 Description of the Benuaq's resource management requirements of different rice varieties is common knowledge, based on a broad typology differentiating between swamp fields, dry upland fields, fast growing varieties and usual ones.
Much work has to be spent on weeding during the following months before the rice is harvested (late January until early April). An estimation of labour allocation is given in the following table12:
Working Step Estimated Person Days site selection (eraakng) 1 house making 4 - 36 clearing of scrubs (nokap) 6 - 8 felling of trees (noong) 2 - 14 burning (nyuru) 1 - 2 re-burning (mongkakng) 0 - 4 sowing (ngasaq) 10 - 12 weeding (ngecikut) 0 - 40 guarding (durukng umaaq) 2 - 10 harvesting (ngotapm) 25 - 45 carrying 6 - 12 total 57 - 184
The range of these figures is similar to other Bornean case studies. LAHJIE (1996) calculates a labour demand of 104 to 220 person days, depending on market distance, population density, field size and forest age, while DOVE (1985) notes 88 to 170 person days, also depending on specific site conditions.
12 The figures were estimated by several key informants and cross-checked by the author’s own observations. 25 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Necessary labour input and yield depend very much on the impact of several factors, such as forest age, soil fertility, pests, weeds, rainfall, distance (regarding frequency of weeding and guarding), assistance of relatives, health, and the age of the farmer. On average, Ladangs yield 20 to 25 times the quantity of the planted seeds. Hence, a typical Ladang would yield about 600- 650 kg of threshed and hulled rice (Boyas). Using the average local rice price of 1998 (4,000 Rp/kg), the yield typically equals 2.5 million Rupiah or a daily revenue of 12-34,000 Rp, not regarding other farm produce such as vegetables.
However, this number is certainly over-optimistic, as the high rice price of 1998 reflected also a poor harvest. In fact, most people had no harvest at all. But even with the lower price of 1995/96 (1,100 Rp/kg) an equivalent of 3,500- 9,400 Rp of daily income could be achieved. This substantial "invisible" income is further enlarged by other activities (e.g. rubber tapping, rattan collecting, hunting, etc.) during the less labour-intensive stages (e.g. guarding).
Partly due to an increased demand during rituals, the average rice supply generally lasts only 8-9 months (1995, 1996, 1997).
In most years rice yields are further decreased by a wide range of pests. Figure 3 illustrates these constraints for two years:
26 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
3
2,5 1995/96
2
1,5
Ranked Value 1
0,5
0 Weeds Monkeys Wild Boar Insects Dear Rats
3
2,5 1998/99
2
1,5
Ranked Value 1
0,5
0 Rats Locusts Bugs Monkeys Wild Boar Birds
Figure 3: Locally-perceived Ladang problems in 1995/96 vs. 1998/99. The values were calculated by means of ascribed ranks between 0 (no impact) and 3 (strong impact), as perceived by the interviewed farmers.
RT I/II
RT III
27 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
The great variation between the two years was mainly caused by the prolonged drought of 1997/98 and the forest fires. An increased rat problem was also observed after the 1982/83 fires (see Mayer 1989). Such Ladang problems are generally coped with using traps (against pigs and deer), poison (against rats, mice and monkeys) or rituals (against insects or drought). Nevertheless, in 1998/99 most farmers lost 50-75% of their harvest despite their efforts.
When the first young rice is brought in, the rice spirit Lolakng Luikng is ritually accompanied from her place in the "centre of the water" (pusat air) back to the rice field. During this rather private ritual protection is sought for family members, and a successful harvest is prayed for.
After the harvest it is still common to carry out a large Guguq Tautn ceremony. The Guguq Tautn, in the past wrongly classified as a thanksgiving ritual (WEINSTOCK 1983a), can last up to three (or even more) months. Its major purpose is to purify the land and forests surrounding the village for the new agricultural cycle. The ritual setting depicts many aspects of the Benuaq's agroforestry activities, and all spirits are invited in order to assure a successful new season13.
Besides rice, more than 150 kinds of vegetables are grown in small quantities interspersed on the Ladangs, such as cassava (20 varieties), sweet potatoes (15), bananas (26), sugar cane (17), cucumbers (9), ginger (4), chili (11) and more than 48 other cultivated taxa, including fruit trees (see annex 3).
Most Ladangs are only used one year for rice cultivation due to a rapidly declining fertility and increasing weed problems. They can then be used for a
13 In fact, completeness is essential, as ignored spirits would become angry and could harm the Pembeliatn shamans or the whole community. 28 Description of the Benuaq's resource management few more years as gardens (bananas, cassava, cucumbers, etc.), or become enriched with fruit trees, rattan or rubber. These enrichment plantings grow with the fallow forest, until they become forest gardens (see figure 2).
By enriching their Ladangs, Lempunah's farmers have created 1,500 to 1,600 forest gardens during the last 80 years14, scattered all over the entire village area of 9,200 ha (see map 3 in annex 6).
Conflicts about the ownership of a Ladang fallow often arise when Ladangs are lent to other people, who plant perennials. Despite the original ownership of the first farmer, these fallows, which have become forest gardens in due time, are generally claimed by the new farmers. When forest gardens were cleared and partially financially compensated by the oil palm company, these conflicts became increasingly serious, as both sides demanded compensation.
3.2 Simpukng Forest Gardens
Simpukng or lembo (Ind.) forest gardens are a traditional and important part of the Benuaq’s resource system. Their size in Lempunah is on average 0.1 ha (n=26)15, and they consist of fruit trees, Tanyut “honey trees”16, and other
14 Cross-checking revealed that most cognitively mapped forest gardens (see box 1) are not older. However, they might be situated at places where older gardens have been before. 15 In Barong Tongkok (Dayak Benuaq and Tunjung) the average size ranges between 0.1 ha and 2 ha (SARDJONO 1990:65). 16 The tree does not produce honey itself, but several tree species, such as Koompassia excelsa, are preferred by bees for hives. These trees are owned individually and usufruct is restricted to the owner. Old trees might provide up to 50 or 60 hives, each containing 5-25 l of honey. Hence, 500 l or more can be collected annually from one tree. The local market price for honey was 5,000 Rp per litre in 1996/97, while the official compensation paid by plantation companies for a felled Tanyut tree was a mere 10,000 - 25,000 Rp. 29 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village useful plants. Simpukng can be established in at least two different ways: a Ladang planted with fruit trees can become a Simpukng in due time17, or a Simpukng might be claimed if someone finds fruit or Tanyut trees in the forest which are not owned by anyone else. Since most Simpukng are established according to the first method, today’s Simpukng are generally traces of former Ladangs, revealing interesting spatial aspects of a managed forest landscape. Most families own between one and 30 Simpukng, and a recent resource mapping project revealed that there might be as many as 1,000 in Lempunah’s forests. Their spatial distribution is illustrated in map 4 (annex 6).
Ownership of Simpukng is usually individual and inherited, passed from parents to children18. If someone wants to sell a Simpukng, he or she has to discuss the issue with other family members holding land rights. In recent cases this was often neglected, leading to many conflicts within families, whereas formerly Simpukng were hardly ever sold. Unlike other areas
(SARDJONO 1990), Lempunah has no more communally-owned Simpukng19.
Most Simpukng are mainly used in mast fruiting years, when they become a kind of open access area with usufruct for anyone who wants to eat fruit.
17 Fruit is not planted on every Ladang. It depends on the availability of seeds or seedlings and the ownership of the Ladang. In some cases people planted fruit trees on borrowed Ladang land, which has become a frequent cause of land tenure disputes, as compensation for land conversion (by commercial or by government projects) is so far only paid for cultivated plants, not regarding the traditional ownership of the person who first cleared the respective part of the forest. 18 All inherited Simpukng should be equally divided among the children. In cases of divorce, gardens of the first marriage are divided among the children of the first marriage, and gardens of the second among the children of the second. 19 A former longhouse Simpukng burned down many years ago. 30 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
However, it is not allowed to collect fruit in someone else’s garden in order to sell them.
Superficially, a Simpukng looks like the surrounding forest. The useful trees form an indistinct island with dynamic borders within the fallow forest.
Figure 4 shows the spatial distribution of planted and wild trees with a DBH of at least 10 cm within a 250 m2 plot containing a Simpukng. The garden’s vague shape stresses how difficult it is to recognize it20. This is exacerbated by the fact that Simpukng are hardly tended outside fruiting seasons.
50
40
30
20 metres
10
0 0 10 20 30 40 50 metres
Figure 4: Spatial structure of planted (black) and wild growing (white) trees in a Simpukng.
20 The difficulty of recognizing a Simpukng has added to land rights problems: several Simpukng were cleared between 1996 and 1998 by external plantation workers, who (at least in some cases) might not have noticed what they were destroying. 31 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
176 trees (with a DBH of more than 10 cm), bamboos and rattans were found in the sample plot. 4 tree species, 1 bamboo species and 1 rattan species had been planted some forty years ago. Because of poor soil fertility21, many trees have remained rather small, including several planted species which have not reached a DBH of 10 cm. The total number of useful species within the Simpukng includes 43 tree species, 5 rattan species, and 1 bamboo species. A minimum of 93 tree species, 8 rattan and 1 bamboo species were found in four
50 x 50 m plots, including the illustrated plot (additional data from BASUKI in prep.). These figures are similar to the findings of SARDJONO (1990:67), who describes a minimum of 127 woody plant species covering 35 plant families which are regarded as usable in the Simpukng of Barong Tongkok area (about 60 km north-west of Lempunah). 55% of these plants grow wild, 23% are semi-cultivated, and 22% are cultivated.
Based on my interviews I have compiled a list of 163 plant species that are planted or plantable in Simpukng. Besides this, at least another 239 plant species can be extracted, both from Simpukng as well as from fallow forest (see annex 2).
3.3 Rattan Gardens
People in Lempunah use 28 rattan species (see annex 2). Twenty of them grow wild, while three (Calamus caesius, Daemonorops crinita, Calamus
21 This was stated by the farmer who owned the Simpukng. However, no soil analysis was carried out. 32 Description of the Benuaq's resource management trachycoleus22) are also cultivated in special rattan gardens. A fourth species (Calamus manan) is only occasionally planted within Simpukng gardens.
Most families in Lempunah own several or more (1-20) rattan gardens, mainly consisting of Sokaq or Jepukng23, and averaging 0.25 ha in size (n=15). Rattan gardens are usually established on Ladangs or as enrichment plantings in the forest. Sites are selected fitting the ecological requirements of the respective species24. The gardens are owned individually and passed from parents to children.
The map in annex 6 illustrates the scattered distribution of rattan gardens, mainly due to the spatial pattern of former activities (Ladangs, temporary extraction activities, or temporary dwelling in remote forest areas).
Rattan is generally collected by men, who often spend several weeks in the forest until a certain area is completely harvested25. The harvest is brought to the village in bundles of 70-100 kg on foot or by boat. If further processing (i.e. washing and sulphurising) needs to be done in the village, women are involved in the cleaning and drying stages.
22 Calamus trachycoleus is only rarely planted in Lempunah, although it is commonly cultivated in Central Kalimantan (YUDHI, pers. comm.). 23 Since these two species have different ecological demands, a garden generally consists of only one of them. 24 A detailed TÖB sponsored study of rattan gardens is currently being conducted by Paulus Matius. 25 An exception was the rushed harvest of Jepukng (Daemonorops crinita) in late 1997, when gardens were threatened by forest fires, and many women joined in the harvest, despite a low price of only 1,000 Rp/kg. 33 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
While rattans are frequently used in daily life (for construction, sleeping mats, fishing traps, baskets and other containers, etc.), several species occasionally gain an important market value26. The first boom occurred between 1986 and 1988, when farm-gate prices of unprocessed Calamus caesius (Ind. Sega) reached 750 Rp per kg. At that time this was equivalent to almost 2 kg of rice. The price dropped in 1989 to less than 400 Rp and remained low until 1998, when one kg only equalled 100 g of rice. Mainly induced by the devaluation of the Rupiah and lowered export restrictions27, farm-gate prices started to increase again, reaching a temporary maximum of 800-1,000 Rp per kg in October 199828.
The Rattan Crisis 1989-1998
Until 1989 Indonesian rattan farmers and collectors profited from strong export demand, especially after competing countries like Malaysia, Thailand and the Philippines had banned the export of unprocessed rattan in order to increase downstream processing. Although the Indonesian government had discussed a similar step for many years, export of raw material was still possible until 1986, even though the export of unwashed rattan had been already prohibited since 1979. This led to a high income at the farm-gate but also to overexploitation and a local invasion by external collectors who did not recognize traditional land rights.
26 In most cases unprocessed canes are sold to middlemen, who transport them to Tanjung Isuy or directly to Samarinda, where they are washed and sulphurised, before they are shipped to Java or Malaysia (the latter illegally until 1998). 27 A reduction of export and administrative fees was one objective of SFMP's activities designed to increase the income of local farmers (see HAURY & SARAGIH 1997). 28 Since then, prices have fallen to 500 Rp (equalling 200 g of rice), probably caused by a re- strengthening Rupiah. 34 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
Then, in 1986, a government ban was imposed on the export of unprocessed rattan. In addition, subsidies were given to processing industries, which started to appear in Java. At that time another ban was announced: the export ban of semi-finished products (webbing and sulphurised rattan). An export duty of 20% was already being levied from 1979 onwards. This duty was increased to 30% in 1986, before the export of semi-finished products was banned in September 1988. In the meantime processing industries in South Kalimantan (“lampit” mats) and Java (furniture) had been set up. Nevertheless, farmgate prices dropped drastically (28%-70%) between 1989 and 1991. This was caused by several factors:
The mat industry (lampit) in South Kalimantan had collapsed because of several reasons not directly linked to the export ban. The lampit market was almost entirely restricted to Japan (90%), where rattan mats had been sold for low prices in the period 1988-90. Japanese buyers stockpiled lampit during this period until the demand decreased, also because of low quality standards and the declining Japanese economy (SASAKI 1997). Lampit was also partially replaced by cheaper bamboo mats from China (BELCHER, pers. comm.). In order to increase quality standards and (probably) to control exports, Indonesian exporters were restricted by the Indonesian government, and only 24 out of more than 200 companies were given export permits in 1990/91. Thus the lampit industry broke down only a few years after it had started to boom. In Banjarmasin and Banjarbaru this effect was called “bom lampit”, or the ‘lampit bomb’.
Another factor was the collapse of the "webbing" market. Since the ban on webbing export came unannounced (until then webbing was considered to be a finished product), Indonesian furniture industries were not prepared to take over the supply of webbing, which is mainly used for chairs and decoration. This led to a sharp drop in prices in Central and East Kalimantan, which were the main suppliers of raw material.
35 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
In addition, over-harvesting had reduced rattan stocks in many parts of East Kalimantan. In 1989 people in Lempunah said that their rattan resources had been exhausted by the big demand in previous years. In general, rattan supply was still higher than demand, so over-exploited areas could not compete any more, especially since the quality of raw material had declined (plants which were not mature had been harvested).
Since East Kalimantan had sold most of its rattan to the South Kalimantan- based webbing and mat industries, their breakdown hit the farmers severely. Locally (as in Lempunah) the effect was exacerbated by over-harvesting and a decline in quality standards. Therefore rattan ceased to be of significant cash importance for Lempunah in 1989.
Between 1989 and 1997 Sokaq (Ind. Sega, Calamus caesius) was only of marginal use as a cash crop. During this time the once-exploited stocks recovered and would have been plentiful, if the devasting forest fires had not destroyed more than 80% of the village's rattan gardens in 1997/98 (see
GÖNNER 1999b).
The second regularly cultivated species, Jepukng (Ind. Pulut Merah, Daemonorops crinita) has shown a much more stable economic pattern over the last two decades. Since its distribution seems to be limited to the Middle
Mahakam area and South Sumatra (DRANSFIELD & MANOKARAN 1994), and demand from abroad29 was constant over the years with prices ranging between 1,000 and 2,000 Rp/kg (equalling 0.5-1 kg of rice), farmers’ gardens yielded a regular substantial income in this period. After fires had destroyed
29 According to rattan traders in Sabah (Malaysia) Daemonorops crinita is usually directly exported to Singapore, Europe and the United States, while Calamus caesius is traded to Java and nearby Malaysia. It appears that Daemonorops crinita is mainly used for outdoor cafe furniture (HAURY, pers. comm.). 36 Description of the Benuaq's resource management most of the gardens and the value of the Indonesian Rupiah had fallen in 1998, farm-gate prices increased to more than 5,000 Rp/kg (equalling 2 kg of rice) in early 1999. However, most farmers in Lempunah had no more rattan left and could not profit from this.
3.4 Rubber Gardens
Rubber (Hevea brasiliensis) was first introduced to Lempunah in the 1930s. However, it remained an occasional crop until well into the 1950s, when small- scale monocropping started. The clones used in Lempunah still derive from the original seeds, although there was some (failed) efforts by the agricultural extension service to introduce improved clones. Trees are usually planted on Ladangs30, but some people have also cleared fallow forest to establish a rubber garden. The decision whether to plant rubber strongly depends on current farm-gate prices. If rubber prices are good, people will plant more new trees than if prices are low31.
Most families own a few (1-8) rubber gardens with an average size of 0.5 ha per garden (n = 21). The gardens generally consist of 300-500 trees planted close together, rather randomly. Maintenance is kept to a minimum (weeding done if necessary), and the trees are tapped irregularly, mainly depending on
30 Because of predation by wild boar (Sus barbatus) and deer (Tragulus spp., Muntiacus spp.), a rather high proportion of newly-planted trees die. Hence, it is unlikely that all Ladangs will subsequently be converted into rubber gardens. 31 In 1996, when the rubber price was around 1,500-2,000 Rp, about 50% of the interviewed farmers had planted new trees, whereas in 1998, when prices soared to more than 3,000 Rp, almost 100% had planted rubber. 37 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village rain fall and the farm-gate price32, alternative sources of income and other activities, such as rice cultivation or the performance of important rituals. Tapping is done by both men and women, although it is primarily women's work when men harvest rattan or extract ironwood far from the village. Since the trees are tapped in the early morning hours (due to the high turgor) other work can still be done afterwards, which makes rubber a suitable integrational part in the Benuaq's resource system.
The gardens - usually close to the village (on average less than 4 km) - provide 4-5 kg of semi-dried rubber33 per day. Farm-gate prices ranged during the research period between 1,000-3,500 Rp (equalling 0.5-1 kg of rice). The sheets are sold to local traders or transported to Tanjung Isuy, where they yield a slightly better price. If prices fall, the sheets can be stored up to several months or even years without losing quality34.
Although the fires of 1997/98 destroyed on average 100-200 productive rubber trees per household, many trees affected by the drought and the fires recovered quickly and could be tapped again only a few weeks after the disaster.
3.5 "Forest In-Between" Functions
The function and use of the forest between forest gardens (i.e. fallow forest) has to be emphasized, since it is sometimes locally considered as hutan
32 The threshhold seems to be 1,000 Rp. When prices fell below this in 1997, most people stopped tapping rubber, saying it was not even paying for their cigarettes any more. 33 The rubber sheets were only flattened with a bottle, but neither pressed nor smoked. 34 The sheets might require some watering before they are finally sold, as they get drier in time. 38 Description of the Benuaq's resource management kosong ("empty forest") or hutan bebas ("free forest"), which refer to traditional land tenure. However, these terms are misleading, especially if parts of the forest are demanded by commercial or governmental projects. Indeed, all of Lempunah's forest is used, although not at the same time and not with the same intensity. Hence, it is necessary to explain the use of non-cultivated forest areas.
Due to at least 300 years of local settlement more than 90% of Lempunah's 9,200 ha of forest are secondary forest in different fallow stages (generally between 1 and 50 years old). As the average number of Ladangs between 1995 and 1998 was about 60-80, with a mean size of 1.5 ha and a fallow age of 20-30 years, it can be concluded that up to 3,000 ha are under cyclical Ladang cultivation, while the remaining 6,200 ha consist of cultivated forest gardens (300-400 ha), older fallows (> 85%), swamp forest (app. 300 ha) and logged-over forest (app. 200 ha).
The mapping revealed the following distribution of land use:
mapped estimated Rice Fields (Ladang) 80 (1995/96) 65 (1996/97) 20 (1997/98) 95 (1998/99) Simpukng 461 app. 750 Rattan Gardens 339 app. 550 Rubber Gardens 189 app. 260
Taking the average Ladangs and field size into account, the forest area under permanent use can be calculated as follows.
39 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Land use estimated area Ladang 120 ha 25 yr fallow 3,000 ha Simpukng 75 ha rattan gardens 150 ha rubber gardens 130 ha total cultivation area 3,475 ha
Compared to a village area of 9,200 ha, 38% are under permanent cultivation or in direct fallow35. The remaining 62%, however, are important because they provide the villagers with a wide range of extracted forest products, such as medicinal plants, rattans, bamboos, timber, fish and game, and they include forest wells and sacred sites (former longhouses, sacrificial sites, graveyards, rocks, hills and trees). Besides this, the uncultivated forest is an important buffer for future land use as well as in cases of natural disasters. The swamp forest, which was hitherto of limited use, provided villagers with fish and turtles after the drought of 1997/98, while parts of it were used in 1998 for Ladang cultivation.
Although only a few resources are used commercially, the subsistence value in terms of economic, health and religious aspects should not be underestimated36.
35 Not all gardens are within the village's boundaries, while some people from other villages have gardens in Lempunah. 36 Estimating subsistence values in monetary figures is extremely difficult, as most estimates work with potential rather than actual market prices (see PETERS et al. 1989), or neglect health or religious aspects, which are even harder to evaluate. 40 Description of the Benuaq's resource management
Despite the frequent and generally preferred use of modern medication, all interviewed households still apply traditional medicinal plants37. A more obvious use, however, is the one of ritual plants, which are used in the frequent Belian curing rites38.
The extraction of ironwood (Eusideroxylon zwageri) is important in terms of subsistence (for construction) as well as commercially. 4 m blocks (10 cm x 10 cm) and shingles are a frequent source of income, although the timber species has become increasingly scarce, and villagers have to travel at least 20- 30 km to find remaining stocks. Extracting blocks requires a chainsaw, but can yield between 100,000 and 200,000 Rp per day (the equivalent of an impressive 30-80 kg of rice), while shingling (done with a Mandau sword) brings some 18,000 to 30,000 Rp per day (equalling 5-10 kg of rice). This work is exclusively done by men, who often stay in the forest for several days or even weeks. The produce is sold to merchants in Tanjung Isuy, who provide transportation by truck and trade the blocks and shingles in Muara Muntai or Samarinda, where it is used locally or further traded to Java and Sabah (Malaysia).
Besides the extraction of useful plants and timber, a wide variety of animals are hunted in the surrounding forests39, with wild boar (Sus barbatus) and deer (Tragulus spp., Muntiacus spp., Cervus unicolor) particularly preferred.
37 The knowledge of medicinal and ritual plants is not evenly distributed. Although most people have a certain basic knowledge (women usually more than men), more specific knowledge remains mainly with traditional healers (male and female). 38 In some villages (e.g. Tanjung Isuy) deforestation has forced people to search for ritual plants as far as 15-20 km from their village. 39 Hunting is not restricted to the village area, but extends into neighbouring areas. 41 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
These are hunted using traps, spears or self-made rifles. Dogs are generally used during day hunts, while at night hunters prefer to hunt alone or in pairs. There are several hunting specialists in Lempunah, who claim to hunt some 150-200 pigs per year. The meat is partially sold locally or in Tanjung Isuy, and is the major source of income for at least one family.
Other animals, especially birds like the Hill Myna (Gracula religiosa), are caught with glue-sticks during the fruiting season or during droughts, when the occurrence of bird flocks at fruit trees or fresh water wells is easy to predict. Hill Mynas achieve prices between 15,000 and 60,000 Rp per bird, depending on its age, as juveniles are more capable of imitating the human voice than adult ones (see also JEPSON ET AL. 1998).
A new market for captured animals developed in late 1997, when Banjarese traders bought freshwater turtles (Testudines) at good prices, and sold them to Samarinda and Banjarmasin, from where they were exported to Singapore,
Hong Kong and Taiwan (see MOMBERG ET AL. 1998). The turtles achieved prices between 1,000 and more than 25,000 Rp per kg, depending on species and size. During the drought of 1997/98 an estimated 1,500 animals at the very least were extracted from swamp forests around Lempunah, providing an important additional income during a difficult time of failed harvests and increased living costs.
Fish is caught with traps or rod and line from the Ohong river, small creeks and swampy forest parts. It is generally used as a daily dish (often dried and salted), but it became a traded commodity in early 1999, when large amounts of catfish (Siluriformes) were caught, sometimes by applying electric shocks with car batteries. A daily catch was sold at between 10,000 and 20,000 Rp (equalling 5-10 kg of rice), but yields had already declined by late April 1999.
42 Village Economics
4 Village Economics
Trading forest products is not new to the Dayak people. Commercial links to
Chinese traders date back to the seventh century A.D. (MACKINNON ET AL. 1996:59). While NTFPs were formerly exchanged with ceramics, fabrics, salt or iron, the Benuaq of Lempunah are nowadays fully integrated into a market economy, extending partially into the world market.
garden owner, collector
processing in Lempunah handicrafts local use
middlemen
local industry in Samarinda tourists middlemen
industry in Java
illegal export export of furniture, mats etc. shops in Samarinda, Bali, Java (to Malaysia) and abroad (Malaysia)
Figure 5: Marketing chain for rattan Calamus caesius.
43 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
The need for additional food, cigarettes, clothes, boat engines, motor cycles, TVs, as well as the mere availability of these items, has created a constant demand for cash income. The following table shows some examples of this income. As most activities are only temporary, either because of fluctuating prices, other activities or lack of demand, it is not useful to extrapolate these figure to a monthly or an annual figure. In fact, there is hardly anyone in the village (with the exception of a few specialists), who had a constant source of income during my field study. occupation income per day remarks rubber tapping 5,400 - 13,500 Rp app. 20 days per month wage work on plantation 5,000 - 6,250 Rp app. 6-8 hours forest clearing for plantation 3,300 - 20,000 Rp only in 1996/97 doyo weaving 1,350 - 2,000 Rp done at home blow pipes (souvenirs) 9,000 - 50,000 Rp done at home bamboo collecting 5,000 - 10,000 Rp only temporary market rattan collecting 15,000 - 90,000 Rp only temporarily ironwood shingles 10,000 - 25,000 Rp far from the village ironwood timber 50,000 - 100,000 Rp chainsaw required hunting 40,000 - 100,000 Rp less than 10 x per month daily rice demand 1,600 - 7,500 Rp per household
A review of the most important sources of income for the two village parts (between 1995 and 1998) reveals the following dynamics, as illustrated in figure 6.
44 Village Economics
RT I/II RT III
40
30 There are no data for
1995 20 RT III in 1995.
10
0 Doyo Game Trade Plants Rubber Ironwood Plantation Handicraft
40 40
30 30
20
1996 20
10 10
0 0 Doyo Doyo Game Trade Game Trade Plants Plants Rubber Rubber Ironwood Plantation Ironwood Plantation Handicraft Handicraft
40 40
30 30
1997 20 20
10 10
0 0 Doyo Doyo Game Trade Game Trade Plants Plants Rubber Rubber Ironwood Plantation Ironwood Plantation Handicraft Handicraft
40 40 30 30 20
1998 20
10 10
0 0 Doyo Doyo Game Trade Plants Game Trade Plants Rubber Rubber Ironwood Plantation Ironwood Plantation Handicraft Handicraft
Figure 6: Ascribed importance of income sources. The values on the ordinate are relative weights of importance ranging between 0 and 3 per household (n=18).
45 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
The values on the y-axis are the sum of 18 household answers, each ranked between 0 (not important) and 3 (very important).
While these sources of income covered the financial needs of Lempunah in most years, funds were supplemented in 1996/97 with a government- sponsored poverty programme40, and by selling gold jewellery in 1998.
The temporary importance of paid labour on the oil palm plantation (including forest clearing, weeding, planting, and maintenance work in the nursery) is the most prominent pattern which figure 6 reveals. It is further worth noting how the dynamic regarding plantation labour of RT III follows that of RT I/II with a delay of several months. This income opportunity stopped in early 1998 due to the Indonesian financial crisis and the drought, events which had also hit the oil palm company. It did not start again because of the unsolved land rights conflict between the villages and the company, which led to the occupation of two base camps by the villagers (see page 73-74).
The changing importance of these income sources depends mainly on market prices (e.g. rubber, rattan, turtles), availability (rattan, animals, Doyo fibres) and alternatives (e.g. rubber versus labour).
The major daily expenses included additional rice, cooking oil, sugar, cigarettes, onions, salt, gas, soap and toothpaste. The figures were de- quantified to ranges despite exact quantitative answers, in order to avoid an impression that is more exact than the fluctuations of real life.
46 Village Economics
RT I/II RT III 16,000 16,000
12,000 12,000
8,000 8,000
4,000 4,000
0 0 1995 1997 1998 1997 1998
Figure 7: Ranges of average daily household expenses. No interviews were carried in 1996, as living costs did not differ from 1995 (no data for RT III).
While the increase from 1997 to 1998 was caused by the Indonesian monetary crisis and a failed rice harvest, the differences between RT I/II and RT III are due to a greater distance from shops (6-8 km), as well as a higher degree of subsistence in the latter part of the village.
Besides regular daily expenses, money is needed throughout the year for rituals, educational fees, health, household equipment, chainsaws, motorcycles, and other acquisitions. The average annual non-ritual expenses (of households with these kind of expenses) are listed in figure 8.
40 The so-called IDT (Inpres Desa Tertinggal) programme was intended as a zero-interest credit system. Villages under the official poverty line received 30 million Rp over a period of 3 years. This budget was to be invested by the villagers. However, as information about the purpose and the implementation of this aid programme did not reach villagers in Lempunah, most of the money was immediately spent on buying rice due to a poor harvest in 1995. 47 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
5,000.000 5.000.000
4,000.000 4.000.000
3,000.000 3.000.000
2,000.000 2.000.000
1,000.000 1.000.000
0 0 1996 1997 1998 1996 1997 1998
Figure 8: Major irregular non-ritual expenses in Lempunah. Grey column: Mean expenses of households with this kind of expenses. Grey plus white column: Maximum expenses of a household.
The significant increase in expenses in RT I/II in 1998, despite the financial crisis, is due to a large amount of gold 41 sold at favourable prices. According to a gold trader in Tanjung Isuy, most households in RT I/II sold between 10 and 300 g of gold at an average price of 100,000 Rp/g. Hence, several families largely reinvested the money into the connection to the electric grid (costs per household 400,000-500,000 Rp). If the two richest households (one bought a new house, the other a new expensive motorcycle) are excluded, the average expenses for non-ritual purposes is in the range of the two preceding years.
The high percentage of RT I/II households purchasing expensive items in 1998 (89 % compared to 33-39 % in other years) reflects the possibility of grid connection together with the favourable gold price (whereas RT III is too remote for a connection).
41 Gold jewellery is an important way to invest and save cash money in remote areas without access to banks. 48 Village Economics
The peak in RT III during 1997 was caused by three families purchasing chainsaws in order to join the clearing activities of the oil palm plantation. Otherwise, households in RT III were visibly poorer than those in RT I/II, who generally had more opportunities for creating income due to a much better market access and a larger population size.
Besides major expenses on material items, a substantial amount of money and resources (rice, chickens, and pigs) was spent on rituals (mainly Belian and Bekeleeu curing rites, a few also on Kwangkai funerary rites). In most cases people joined a relative or a friend who had organised such a ritual. These ceremonies can last up to several weeks. During this time guests have to be accomodated, and large amounts of drinks and food are required. If local shadow prices42 are applied, the following sums were spent on average per household:
5,000.000 5.000.000
4,000.000 4.000.000
3,000.000 3.000.000
2,000.000 2.000.000
1,000.000 1.000.000
0 0 1996 1997 1998 1996 1997 1998
Figure 9: Major irregular ritual expenses in Lempunah applying shadow prices. Grey column: Mean expenses of households with this kind of expenses. Grey plus white column: Maximum expenses of a household.
42 Local prices for rice, chickens and pigs increased in 1998 100%-300%. 49 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Compared to material expenses, rituals are more evenly distributed among the population. Households in RT III spent almost double the amount of money and resources on rituals as on material items (if the three chainsaws of 1997 are omitted), while material expenses exceed that of rituals in RT I/II 3-8 times. Nevertheless, rituals still play a similar role in both parts of the village - it is more the case that people of RT I/II can also afford to buy additional items.
The economic difference between RT I/II and RT III, as well as differences between the individual households, can be seen in figure 10. In order to compare the visible wealth of households43, I have calculated an index, based on the weighted number of several wealth indicators.
14 RT I/II 12 10 RT III 8 6 4 2
Number of Households 0 0-25 25-50 50-75 75-100 100-125 125-150 150-175
Indicator Points Figure 10: Distribution of households in Lempunah following a wealth index. (TVs value = 30, satellite dishes = 7, tape recorders = 2, radios = 1, generators = 40, canoes = 4, boat engines = 30, motorbikes = 30, bicycles = 2, chain saws = 30, and glass windows = 10).
43 "Invisible" wealth would be gold jewelry, which is usually not shown in the public or mentioned during the interviews. 50 Village Economics
So far, the discussion of Lempunah's economic activities has only referred to the cash sector. An evaluation of subsistence activities seems only partially possible, as health or religious aspects are difficult if not impossible to convert into monetary figures. Furthermore, this neither fits the perceptions and needs of indigenous people, nor does it lead to a more comprehensive understanding of indigenous ways of resource management. Creating sufficient income is important, but it is not everything. A self-determined life in a self-chosen socio-cultural environment, as well as self-sufficiency from Ladangs and the surrounding forest, are more than most transmigrant families can hope to achieve. Hence, it is necessary to ask whether this village, which is by definition below the poverty line, really can be said to be poor. If the villagers are asked about their future and their wishes, they often state that all they need is a secure life (in terms of food supply), education for their children, and good health. The last two points in particular could definitely be improved in rural Kalimantan, but it is questionable whether economic development projects, as practised by the government and by private companies, are improving the livelihood of Dayak communities. As the following chapter will show, maximising profits is not the ultimate rationale behind people's decision making.
51 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah
5 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah
A fundamental question of this chapter is whether the discovered strategies really are strategies, in the sense that they are consciously applied. It should be noted that most of these strategies are only strategies in an interpreted way. However, this does not mean that they are the result of random but fortunate analysis. For most of these strategies there are plausible explanations, and it seems slightly irrelevant whether their benefits are reflected individually, or whether they are the result of a socio-cultural learning process. In fact, the social and the ecological environment is probably too complex to be rationally understood by any one individual (neither the farmer nor the researcher might fully understand this environment), and it seems therefore likely that many strategies are applied in a habituated way. But since they give the appearance of intentionality, I have labelled them "strategies".
The prevailing pattern of resource management strategies in Lempunah is resource diversification by generating diversity (of varieties, of income sources), and using this diversity (biodiversity) in combination with great dynamic flexibility.
Resources used for subsistence as well as those entered into the market chains reveal great diversity at different levels. On the Ladang level a diversity of approximately 106 rice varieties as well as 150 cultivated plant species (or varieties) has been created over the centuries. Using a mixture of rice varieties, vegetables and fruit on a Ladang ensures a certain basic yield despite pest problems, weather uncertainty or a delay in one's agricultural activities, as
53 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village every variety has its own properties44. Diverse resource systems are not unusual among traditional societies but rather are the rule, and many researchers have stressed the risk-minimising effect of diversifying resources
(see DOVE 1981, GODOY & FEAW 1991).
However, the local perception does not necessarily fit this explanation. When asked about the rationale behind their mixture of different crops, not a single farmer mentioned the minimised risk of a failed harvest45. Instead, taste preferences, different purposes, such as for rituals or different sorts of meals, or simply habituation were the general answers. Although this does not mean that there is no meta-strategy or cultural knowledge behind these rather mundane explanations, risk-minimisation is certainly not the foremost reason for diversification.
The impact of pests is most probably reduced by diversified crops, due to different maturing periods and a patchier distribution. Bigger animals, such as pigs or monkeys, are probably less affected by different crop varieties as they devastate whole fields. The damage caused by them is reduced by clusters of Ladangs with someone always keeping an eye on adjacent fields. Local farmers further stressed that synchronising field activities has the advantage of
44 The advantage of locally adapted varieties over high yield sorts was impressively demonstrated in 1998/99, when the high yield varieties provided by the Indonesian government failed completely despite regular rain, while the local varieties grew well. However, no local rice variety could stand the prolonged drought of 1997/98. One effect of this was that about 24% of the common and 49% of all glutinous rice varieties planted in 1995/96 were lost during the drought, since seeds cannot be stored for more than one year under local conditions. 45 Nevertheless, the use of many different rice varieties might have led to at least a marginal harvest in 1999, despite an unprecedented invasion of locusts, mice and rats. Although the villagers complained at the scale of the loss, it might have been even worse if only a few rice varieties had been used. 54 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah reducing the probability that a single field is completely destroyed by pests. Hence, synchronisation might be just as important in order to minimise pest impacts46 in addition to diversifying crops.
Whatever the driving forces are - a traditional but unconscious ecological knowledge of pest control, or the preference for different-tasting rice varieties - it is evident from many case studies that diversified swidden agriculture can be a successful strategy where land is not scarce, as it used to be in Lempunah (the population density of only 3-4 persons per km2 is much less than the carrying capacity for swidden agriculture of 10-50 inhabitants per km2, as calculated by AVÉ & KING 1986).
On the extraction level diversity is not created, but used and maintained. The high diversity of extracted plants and animals (see annex 2) reflects the high biodiversity of a rain forest managed, but not destroyed, by local people, who have learnt to use it over hundreds of years. After having spent several years in Lempunah, it appears to me that there are probably hardly any plants without any use ascribed to them. Whenever I asked my informants about a certain herb or grass species, they would always tell me some kind of use, even if "only" for attracting animals, which could then be hunted. However, the intensity of use differs among the extracted plant and animal species. While some are only used as marginal fuel wood, others are specifically sought for curing certain diseases or for their relevance to a certain ritual.
Diversification is also the main pattern apparent from an examination of income sources. In 1995/96 at least 14 different major ways of creating
46 This so-called diluting effect ("Verdünnungseffekt") is known in ethology as a strategy adopted by herd-building animals against predators. 55 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village financial income were found in Lempunah, with most households having at least two different ones. But besides the lateral diversity of income sources among households, there is even great variation within households over time. As illustrated in figure 6, income sources are not static but show an astonishing flexibility. Mainly depending on market prices, resource availability and alternative occupations, households swiftly switch between different jobs. A good example of this dynamic flexibility was the unpreceded extraction of freshwater turtles (Testudines) in 1998. The news about a new market started spreading in April 1998, and by June 1998 at least 1,500 turtles had been collected from dry freshwater swamps. In a similar way the people of Lempunah started capturing Hill Mynas (Gracula religiosa) in 1989 after a Dayak Tunjung teacher had told them about their market value.
A broad spectrum of income sources softens the impacts of fluctuating market prices, unpredictable weather conditions, changing resource availability, or simply spontaneous cash demand. News about new potential sources of financial income or recent price developments quickly spread among communities47. This improves the bargaining position of local people, as the current prices are usually known by most people.
This flexibility was also shown in 1996/97 when temporary wage work on the oil palm plantation soon became the major source of income. However, increasing living costs but constant wages made many people switch back
47 Traditional information markets are religious ceremonies, where up to several hundred people meet, often from remote places. Additionally, young men often leave the village for several months in search of paid jobs with logging or mining companies, thus bringing back news from other areas. And last but not least, there are radio and TV in every village, often informing the villagers about resource prices and market developments. 56 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah again to more profitable work, such as rubber tapping or the extraction of iron wood.
These examples suggest that decision making is dominated by economic aspects. However, the reality is more complex. Of course, certain thresholds are set by expected profits. Hence, unless there was no alternative at all, no one would tap rubber in late 1997 at a price of only 800-1,000 Rp per kg (equalling only 500 g of rice). But when ironwood extractors stopped their work in early 1998 and turned to rubber tapping it was not because of poor ironwood prices. On the contrary, prices were excellent, and if compared to rubber one could easily earn five times more a day. The reason was that tapping rubber left people more independent, as they were generally debt- bound in the ironwood business to a patron providing them with food and fuel. Similar reasons were given by women, who could not stand the heat on the oil palm plantation, or who simply wanted to decide on their time budget by themselves.
Income creating activities also depend on the annual season, as most families still put their priorities on Ladang cultivation in order to secure their rice supply. Generally only between the different stages of the agricultural cycle is there time to look for additional income48. Religious ceremonies or sick family members further restrict people in their activities away from the village.
The complexity of interacting aspects influencing the decision making during the Ladang cycle is illustrated in figure 11. The causal web was derived by integrating information from interviews and individual case studies about
48 An exception was 1998/99, when women cultivated additional rice on swamp fields, while their husbands went deep into the forest to collect rattan, which was at an excellent price at that time. 57 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village decisions: whether or not to make a Ladang, where to make it, when, what varieties to plant, etc. This does not mean that all parameters are considered in each household's decision making, and it is important to state that not everything is interconnected. The web rather fills the causal space, i.e. it shows what interdependencies are de facto considered, although sometimes only in single cases. This integration of case studies allows the depiction of a local pattern. It could help external decision makers to understand the rationale behind the way people act locally.
Figure 11: Causal web for Ladang decision-making
58 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah
5.1 Has Lempunah's resource management ever been sustainable?
Despite a wide and public discussion about the necessity of sustainability and a common but vague understanding of what sustainability actually means, it is methodologically impossible to prove that a certain way of resource management is sustainable. Such a proof would require a comprehensive but non-existent knowledge reaching well into the future, as sustainability can only be evaluated along a temporal axis. What can be proved is only the opposite, i.e. whether a certain resource management is unsustainable49.
Hence, I prefer to use the term "sustainability" in the weaker sense of a probability or likelihood by considering ecological, socio-economic, religious, and cognitive aspects. Having taken these aspects into account, one can conclude whether a certain resource management is likely to be sustainable or not50.
It is also difficult to speak of sustainability in a permanently changing and evolving context. Can it be ecologically sustainable to replace pristine virgin forest with a swidden agriculture system? Once the latter is established, it might maintain a certain state of a dynamic forest which could, in fact, be sustainable. But how does this affect other transitions, where one system is replaced with another?
49 This is comparable to the impossibility of proving truth. Instead, POPPER (1993) alternatively suggests the use of likelihoods or probabilities of truth. 50 This qualitative approach should be sufficient in comparing different alternative ways of resource management in order to exclude the less sustainable ones. 59 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
If the recent land-use in Lempunah, including swidden agriculture, forest gardens and extraction is regarded, it is in my opinion justifiable to call it sustainable, based on the following findings.
Ecologically the system seems to have been sustainable, as no permanent deforestation has occurred during the last 300 years of permanent settlement and cultivation, and no local species is known to have become extinct due to over-exploitation or from the effects of traditional land use. Again, sustainability is meant in comparison with alternative land use, such as crop estates, pasture or logging51. The managed forest also maintains a relatively high level of biodiversity. Transect counts and species richness simulations revealed no significant difference in the number of bird species (as a practical example for biodiversity) between an old part of Lempunah's forest, which had probably never been used for Ladang cultivation, and a typical part consisting of forest gardens and Ladang fallows. While 102 species were counted along a transect of 1,500 m cutting across the former, 101 were counted in the latter. The simulation indicates 108 species for both transects.
This is contrary to findings from Sumatra (THIOLLAY 1995), where avian species richness was 41-62% less in traditional agroforests compared to primary forest52.
Due to the different forest structure, as well as less hunting pressure, the species composition differed slightly between the two sites in Lempunah with
51 At least avian diversity can be maintained in logged-over forests, as an example from East Kalimantan shows (GÖNNER 1998b). 52 The old forest studied in Lempunah contains both patches of primary forest as well as "old" forest gardens (older than 50 years). Hence, it is not a "true" primary forest, but its avian species composition is the same as in a primary forest (based on my own studies at various sites in Borneo). 60 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah a Sørensen's index of similarity of 68% (still "clearly similar" according to
SCHUCHMANN et al., undat.).
Hunting puts high degree of pressure on several species such as wild boar (Sus barbatus), deer (Tragulus spp., Muntiacus spp., Cervus unicolor), sun bear (Helarctos malayanus), hornbills (Bucerotidae), pheasants (Phasianidae), Hill Myna (Gracula religiosa), or, most recently, freshwater turtles (Testudines). However, mainly due to the continued existence of remote and less accessible parts of the forest, all hunted species have survived so far, even though exceptional events such as the drought and the fires of 1997/98 have increased the danger of local extinction, as hundreds of deer were reported to have fled the fires right into the waiting arms of hunters. More than 1,500 freshwater turtles were collected in the dry swamp forests around Lempunah, and during the fruiting season of 1995/96 more than 150 Hill Mynas were caught with glue-sticks.
Since these events happen irregularly, much depends on the time between. If the swamps are inundated again, the turtles might recover. If sufficiently large and remote parts of the forest remain, deer and Hill Mynas might survive. So far only self-made firearms with a very limited range are in use. But if legal restrictions on the use of firearms are relaxed (as is currently under discussion), hunting might soon become anything but sustainable.
During the rattan boom of 1986-1988 fears about a lack of sustainability arose, and I had great doubts myself when I saw the empty gardens in 1989. However, only ten years later, the gardens were full of mature rattan. After harvesting the resource, farmers had planted rattan again, as they have done for at least 150 years (FRIED 1995). Hence, the management of rattan gardens (if not that of wild species) might be called sustainable in a cyclical sense.
61 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
This resource management is also socially sustainable if compared to recent plantation projects replacing traditional agroforestry systems. While conflicts arising in the former were generally solved by traditional adat law, those induced by land rights problems and a strong dependence on a monocropped resource such as oil palm or rubber often ended in retaliation, with factories burnt or plantation camps seized (see KING 1999, GÖNNER 1999b)53.
A last aspect of sustainability refers to knowledge. So far traditional knowledge of resource management as well as ritual knowledge has been passed down from generation to generation. This knowledge is now on the brink of extinction. Due to general socio-cultural changes influencing social values and personal goals, money is rather spent on buying a new motorcycle than on acquiring the traditional knowledge of a Pembeliatn healer54. Traditional medicinal plants are still used, but detailed knowledge is more a preserve of the elderly and the healers, whereas elsewhere modern medication is more and more dominant. Responding to the accelerated pace of change, traditional knowledge is being substituted with knowledge that is more relevant to surviving in the present world.
The last observation in particular emphasises the difficulty of evaluating dynamic processes like cultural change in terms of sustainability. Certainly sustainability has to be differentiated from preserving a certain status quo. But the idea of sustainability is related to the concept of a balanced equilibrium. And as long as the setting or the frame of a system is constant, the concept
53 In fact, the replacement of a diverse resource system with only one cash crop quickly failed in many places (Pasir, West-Kalimantan, Sumatra) once market prices decreased, leaving farmers below the poverty line. 54 An apprenticeship is expensive and will last several years depending on the desired level. 62 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah can work. It gets more complex once the system starts to shift and equilibriums become steady states ("Fließgleichgewichte"). Then one has to define which variates should be kept constant (i.e. "sustainable") and which can be allowed to float and become dynamic.
Hence, as regards the present resource management in Lempunah, much depends on the individual’s perspective. A more conservation-oriented person might regret the loss of traditional knowledge and values, while a process- oriented researcher might be delighted by the people's ability in adapting to new circumstances.
5.2 Prospects of Lempunah's Resource Management
With a population density of less than 4 persons per square kilometer, Lempunah could afford relatively long fallow periods of 20-25 years on average, which ranks the village at the upper end of swidden agriculture in
Southeast Asia (AVÉ & KING 1986). Over a period of more than 300 years, local farmers transformed the natural forest into a cultivated forest landscape, while their culture was equally influenced by the surrounding forest. Hence, today's mosaic forest, with its patches of fallows, forest gardens, and swamp areas, is a result of a typical eco-cultural co-evolution between people and forest.
Despite some links to the market economy, the resource management of Lempunah's farmers was mainly subsistence-oriented. Even more recent developments, like the incorporation of rubber gardens into the traditional
63 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village setting, went smoothly55, and it seems likely that other crops could be added to the system without destabilising it.
During the last few decades an increasing demand for cash income was covered by a broad variety of resources and activities, slightly shifting the balance between cash and subsistence. This temporal development has its spatial counterpart in the differences between the main village and RT III, where financial demands are still modest. However, so far the resource system of Lempunah has managed to cope with new demands, while providing a rather high level of subsistence.
With only limited external pressure it is likely that this shift might continue without destroying social or ecological structures. The villagers have shown great flexibility in adapting to new resources (e.g. rubber) or switching their activities to new markets (e.g. turtles, Hill Mynas, Kayu Lem), and so far every development has still remained under the villagers' control.
The situation began to change in 1993, when a logging company set up a new tree plantation, which was linked to a government-sponsored transmigration project (HTI-Trans56). Several dozen forest gardens and grave sites were destroyed during the land clearing, and Lempunah's forest came under a new kind of pressure.
In early 1996 the situation worsened, when a private oil palm company arrived, claiming almost 100,000 ha of forested land in three sub-districts. Although the
55 A convincing explanation why rubber trees fit into traditional Dayak environments is given by DOVE (1993). 56 These projects, which combined transmigration and crop estates, were obviously stopped in Indonesia in 1997 due to the many still unsolved problems. 64 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah village area of Lempunah was not directly affected, many people lost gardens that were located outside of Lempunah's boundaries. The project was planned following a PIR regime, with 50% of the plantation run by the company and 50% by small holders. Basically, it was meant to replace the traditional systems rather than to supplement them. Hence, objections against such a change soon arose, leaving most villages divided between those who wanted to give up their old lifestyle, and those who wanted to keep it. A strong argument for the first group was the financial compensation they were promised for converted gardens, enabling them to buy new motorcycles and even new houses. However, the negotiation process for financial compensation was anything but equal. While some people became relatively rich (including several village chiefs), others never received any money, despite their traditional claims. Finally, these financial issues caused many internal social conflicts as well as a still-continuing conflict between local communities and the plantation company, which even contributed to devasting forest fires
(GÖNNER 1997, 1998a, 1999b). The last development in this conflict was the occupation and partial burning of two of the company's three base camps, until police forces came in and arrested several villagers57.
But even if the conflict had not escalated, it was clear that the mere presence of the oil palm company had triggered social changes far exceeding what people had experienced before. Established status structures were turned upside down by large sums of money (or the promise thereof), so that a highly complex resource system, which had been developed and adjusted over
57 The major reason for the occupation of the camps was the unsettled claim for financial compensation of destroyed forest gardens, grave sites and Ladang fallows as well as for a 30-years' rental for 16,500 ha of cleared forest. 65 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village hundreds of years, was threatened with replacement within a mere few months58.
The situation in May 1999 was still undecided. Although the police had retaken the company's base camps, it seems impossible that the company could resume operations without first resolving the conflict.
Given the political changes in Indonesia, it also seems unlikely that the company could proceed without taking traditional land rights into consideration59. It is also hard to imagine how to combine the labour intensive cultivation of oil palms with the Benuaq's diverse way of land use. The latter still leaves space for other activities, such as the performance of socio- religious important rituals and ceremonies or simply leisure time spent socially in the village.
Even more disastrous would be the replacement of a diverse set of resources with only one crop. The oil palm company would become the sole buyer within transportation range of the easily perishable oil palm fruits. Farmers would find themselves in a monopsy situation, in which they depend completely on the price offered by the company. Their bargaining position would be weak, as the company could still run its processing factories with the produce of its own plantation (50% of the total plantation). Yet, due to the
58 This happened in several neighbouring villages, where people now have great difficulties in making ends meet, as their gardens have been cleared without providing new sources of income, since the oil palm company had to stop its activities first due to the drought and financial crisis, and later because of the escalating conflict. 59 Recently the ministries of agriculture and of forestry, as well as the chief of East Kalimantan's police, have stated in a meeting with NGOs and local people that the company had no official operation permit. Subsequently they handed the case down to the provincial level, where it is currently about to be resolved. 66 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah recent development of conflicts, the situation might change more in favour of the smallholders. The ongoing conflict has also become expensive for the company. And if the invested money is not to be wasted, the company needs to cooperate with the local communities in a fair way.
However, all these scenarios are overshadowed by a much greater threat to the traditional system - coal mining. So far, exploration results have indicated deposits in a remote and little used part of Lempunah, but they are probably not restricted to that area. One mine is already operating on the land of a neighbouring village, and future conflicts are likely to exceed those with the oil palm company. Thus, the fate of many areas in East Kalimantan, a succession from primary forest to swidden agriculture, logging, estate crops and finally coal mining, could also overtake Lempunah and its neighbours.
In the meantime Lempunah's farmers might possibly enjoy a temporary increase of income from forest resources, such as durian (Durio spp.), rattan or game, as the surrounding villages have almost no forest left. There have even been farmers from other regions who have wanted to rent Ladang sites in Lempunah.
Lempunah's long-term future, however, depends on the actual coal deposits and the negotiations with the respective companies, as well as on an internal agreement about future land use strategies60.
Personally, I feel that under a changing political landscape traditional resource systems can survive. They have proved that they can not only provide
60 An estimated third of Lempunah's population would nevertheless join the oil palm company if the conditions were acceptable. Others would probably follow later. 67 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village subsistence and maintain a high level of biodiversity, but also that they offer flexible strategies helping to create substantial income.
Nevertheless, policy and decision makers are asked to take the comprehensive advantages of these systems into account. Social stability, religious aspects and the well-being of the villagers also have to be considered, instead of only focusing on the monetary output: as this case study has shown, ignoring socio-cultural aspects is anything but sustainable.
5.3 Potential Applications
Besides the documentary value of this study, it is important to stress some points that are relevant for further application in the framework of technical cooperation. Personally, my primary intention was to show that indigenous land use systems are not necessarily "underdeveloped". Local strategies are often suitable to ensure a sufficient livelihood. However, a permanently- changing world requires an degree of adaptation that might need some external input. On the other hand, some of the strategies and experiences might be applicable in other places.
What can be learnt from the indigenous resource management in Lempunah?
Indigenous strategies of resource management reveal important socio-cultural patterns of a society in general. Analysing the local decision-making process is essential in order to understand the rationale behind the way people act. The situation in a project area might easily be misinterpreted if the wrong assumptions about local decision-making processes are made. A situation where profits are maximized by local entrepreneurs is completely different from a situation where people lack alternatives or where socio-religious 68 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah reasons demand other strategies. If the impact parameters (e.g. religious considerations) show a clear pattern, they also have to be regarded in decisions on the project level. This is especially important during the problem analysis of a project.
ð The local rationale behind decision-making processes has to be assessed. An unexpected outcome of this case study was the strength of the dynamics in local resource management. A short-term visit (even up to a few months) might have produced a static image that would have been completely different only one year later. Although interviews could have revealed some changes, it is striking that almost nothing about temporal changes in indigenous resource management systems has been published so far. My conclusion is that dynamic aspects are often overlooked due to a strong focus on the situation during the time of a specific study. Only if we know about the potential dimension of change can we ask the right questions.
ð The dynamic aspects of temporal changes have to be assessed.
A third and increasingly important aspect is conflict management. If conflicts - both conflicts between villages and outside parties, such as companies or governments, as well as internal conflicts - are neglected, project activities can easily fail. A thorough analysis of conflicts affecting a project area is essential. However, it takes time and trust to get the relevant information, especially concerning internal conflicts.
ð Potential and existing conflicts have to be assessed.
What can be learnt methodologically?
The holistic phenomenological approach of this study appears to be a suitable
69 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village tool to assess the structure of causal webs, not only referring to questions of resource management. The combination of various methods from anthropology, ecology and geography was necessary in order to follow the links in this web, depending on their respective quality. This approach could be even more fruitful if such a study were to be carried out in a multidisciplinary team. Should this prove impossible due to limited funds or personnel, methodological generalists such as anthropologists or geographers would appear to be ideally suited.
ð Holistic approaches are suitable to reveal the nature of causal webs.
A sufficient time budget is necessary if information about social structures and processes (such as conflicts) is required. The often delicate situations require a relationship of trust between the researcher and his or her informants (see
KOEPPING 1994), as well as appropriate communication skills (not only in a linguistic but even more in an intercultural sense).
ð Time, knowledge and trust are necessary when investigating social structures. Since most projects usually have to come up with recommendations and practical activities within a limited time frame, rapid methodologies, such as RRA or PRA, have been increasingly applied, both by NGOs as well as by governmental organizations. I do not want to discredit the multiple advantages of these methods, but I have to stress some of their obvious shortcomings as experienced during my own fieldwork61.
61 I observed most of the PRAs/RRAs, but I also applied several tools of the PRA box during my own research with somewhat mixed success. 70 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah
My first impression of PRA and RRA “whirlwind visits” in villages was that these intensive short-term investigations, often involving many guests, can raise enormous expectations among the local participants. Even repeated prior explanations of the project's intentions and an assessment of the people's expectations and hopes can hardly prevent this 62 (see also PELKEY 1995). In addition, disagreeing groups often do not participate in such activities, even without being noticed, which can lead to severe misconceptions in a project63. Another side-effect of uninvited PRAs/RRAs is that the local participants are often occupied with their own tasks. It was already difficult to find suitable situations to carry out individual interviews, but to conduct intensive rapid appraisals over several days would have excluded many villagers, unless they were paid 64. It also should be kept in mind that PRAs generally do not resemble traditional problem-solving strategies. These approaches are also new to traditional societies, and they are based on our own idealistic concept of helping and problem solving65. Hence, these methods have to be introduced
62 After the well-prepared visit of SFMP's rattan team to Lempunah in early 1996, it took me several days to counter the exaggerated hopes and rumours that followed afterwards. 63 This kind of conflict-avoiding strategy caused a serious misunderstanding in the conflict between the oil palm company and the local communities, as the opponents did not participate at all in the early discussions and meetings (which, of course, were not PRAs or RRAs). Hence, the company's management got the impression that they were heartily welcomed by all villagers. 64 The situation might be different if a village actually invites an RA team. However, my experience is that normally only a few people in a village are de facto interested in the RA process, or that the interest is even entirely carried in from outside. This is also true for researchers, not excluding myself. 65 The idea that problems are solved by the local people does not mean that the way this is suggested has any traditional roots. Indeed, most problems are traditionally not solved by including all social groups in a community, but only certain decision-makers. 71 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village smoothly over several stages (as suggested by SCHÖNHUTH & KIEVELITZ 1994, e.g. page 33). But the typical time shortage of projects often does not allow this prior learning process, and the intended "relaxed" approach quickly becomes too rapid.
Another bias - which might simply be due to a bad performance - was that several PRAs that I observed focused on rather static status quo information. Despite the assessment of historical issues, the temporal dimension was rarely linked to the spatial one. This is definitely not a general shortcoming of PRAs, but it shows how easily a heavily biased image can be produced even using a guided participatory method.
Nevertheless, time constraints and limited funds are a factor in most projects. And it is indisputable that problems have to be discussed, analysed and solved in a participatory way. But increasing the pressure on informants by confronting them with a rapid and intensive methodology cannot be the best way to deal with time constraints. RRA and PRA were never meant in this sense. Hence, they should not be used to excuse a lack of time. They have to be well-prepared and carried out as smoothly as possible. Revisiting a village several times might be much more suitable than occupying it for a week.
ð PRAs and RRAs should be done in a "smooth" way.
ð Rapid appraisals should not overlook temporal dynamics.
The kind of information gathered by rapid appraisals cannot replace long-term ethnographic studies (see SCHÖNHUTH & KIEVELITZ 1994, page 27). In many cases an opportunistic approach, employing field students, local social scientists (see EVERS 1991) or even knowledgeable residents (e.g. missio- naries) can substantially add to or even replace these so called “quick-and-
72 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah dirty” assessments. Where possible, a back-stopping scientist with sufficient regional experience should be consulted as well (see also EVERS 1991).
It is further necessary to regularly update social information, especially as the current cultural change and development of social conflicts sometimes show dramatic dynamics.
ð "Opportunistic" resource persons should be sought.
ð Back-stopping, regionally-experienced social scientists should be consulted. ð Updates on social dynamics should be compiled on a regular basis.
Experiences with participatory mapping of forest gardens (see GÖNNER
1999a, PELUSO 1995) suggest rather focusing on participatory boundary mapping (see RAHARJO & BEUKEBOOM 1999) than on a more detailed mapping of individual gardens. Although the detailed maps are of high scientific value, they contain a certain danger of individualising land tenure. Traditional ways of community-based decision making, especially during negotiation processes with companies, might as a result be eroded66. Nevertheless, a detailed mapping process has the advantage of being more accurate and, at least in some cases, of looking more authentic and convincing
66 Individual negotiation between the oil palm company and villagers have significantly weakened the bargaining power of the local people, as they were often played against each other. In some cases, individual farmers even sold land to the company that they never possessed (see Gönner 1999b). 73 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village to local authorities67. In the case of Lempunah we decided to make all individual items of information anonymous by codifying them, in order to reduce potential abuse.
Another caveat of mapping is that it should reflect temporal changes. It is insufficient to include only present land use systems. If future land demand - often based on past experiences - is not regarded in form of buffer zones, those maps will bias the situation against local communities.
ð Participatory boundary mapping should be encouraged as opposed to more detailed maps. ð Individual information in detailed maps should be made anonymous.
How can traditional land use strategies be included in development co- operation?
The incorporation of indigenous land use strategies as one aspect of the "socio-cultural dimension" into development projects is part of the official development policy of the Federal Republic of Germany (see BMZ 1992, BMZ 1995). However, it often remains unclear how this might best be done, and what the implications of this are.
An initial question arises regarding the community where the respective land use system was assessed. How can the revealed benefits be preserved, while
67 In this case the detailed map was presented by the village chief to the oil palm company's field manager in 1997, who had had no previous idea how densely cultivated this forest was. As the conversion of forest gardens had to be compensated, the company obviously lost its interest in entering Lempunah (at least up to March 2000). 74 Resource Management Strategies in Lempunah the necessary changes required by a permanently-changing world simultaneously be facilitated?
Traditional land use strategies are not necessarily static and hesitant towards change. This case study shows that indigenous land use management can be flexible and open to new adaptations. But its ability to adapt depends very much on the pace of change. The people of Lempunah and their environment have influenced and shaped each other over centuries in a co-evolutionary way. They have created an eco-cultural system which has the ability to cope with disturbances (in the sense of systems theory) to a certain extent (see the responses to the devasting forest fires or the rattan crisis). These self-dynamic aspects must be understood, as they can solve many problems without (generally expensive) input from outside. However, the magnitude of impact has increased due to the expansion of commercial companies, population growth, government policies, and globalisation in general. To assist indigenous communities in this rapidly changing process requires profound eco-cultural knowledge in order to decide where input is required, and in which form.
More participatory ways of problem analysis, including PRA (despite the already-mentioned shortcomings) and the involvement of cultural experts as well as relevant NGOs can provide projects with valuable information and important perceptions. But this is not necessarily what decision and policy makers in their respective countries want to hear. They are often the last to listen to recommendations of societies which are often marginalised and regarded as "primitive" and "uncivilised" by their own leading elites. Technically attractive solutions provided by the industrialised world are generally more what they expect.
75 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Nevertheless, there is a chance to translate indigenous knowledge into expert knowledge. Certain aspects could be suitable for application in other projects. But if this is done, one also has to keep in mind the potential ethical consequences. A traditional medicinal herb might be rejected as a remedy by health authorities, while its components, disguised in pills, would be desperately sought after. And what about the credentials and the property rights of the applied indigenous knowledge? What if a local community that has discovered the properties of one particular plant now has to pay for it as a medicine? Although this scenario might seem rather artificial and far-fetched, it certainly contains some truth (see POSEY 1990). Information is often generously provided by local people, but the researcher also has to think about the impacts of publishing or applying this knowledge. In cases of conflict analysis or secret knowledge, the publishing of information might even become a real danger for his or her informants; while in cases of commercial application, others make the profits. Hence, I have not included medicinal plants in annex 2, since the question of property rights is not yet clear.
While there is no use of mystifying traditional land use strategies or indigenous knowledge in general, a sound assessment and an incorporation of those aspects that appear to be applicable from both sides, the project and its indigenous counterparts, makes sense. In many cases there is enough local expertise to save time and money while not having to re-invent the wheel.
76 Acknowledgements
Acknowledgements
I want to thank my wife, Susanne Schwarz, who spent all the time of my field study with me. Her own ideas and constructive criticism were a great help and inspiration to me. I am further indebted to the patience and cooperation of the people of Lempunah, especially the family of Kakah Abuk (Bakot), his wife Itaq Abuk (Jonen), Kakah Seni (Teng), Itaq Seni (Uteng), and all their children and grandchildren. During my fieldwork I also learnt a great deal from Taman Kadi (Acuy), Taman Tin (Asuy), Aling, Mexis, Ojot, Nyak, Tompo, Esmawati, Sandora, Maria Moy, Kaka, Taman Pikal (Sekot), and many others.
I had exciting discussions of the Benuaq's world with Akung and Benyamin, and I learnt much about their cosmology from the late Kepala Adat of Tanjung Isuy (Dangud). Tinan Lukas and her husband Pak Anton saved our lives several times with delicious wild boar dishes...
During our stays in Tanjung Isuy we enjoyed the company of so many people that we can only mention a few, such as Sudirman, Surni, Dah, Nomi, and the family of Pak Ucun.
Aseng and Nera prevented my wife and I from loneliness by sponsoring one of her visas.
In Samarinda we found a warm-hearted sanctuary with Hartmut Abberger, Anja Hoffmann and Michael Klingler. For the enjoyable social atmosphere in the province's capital, I would like to thank all the members of SFMP and IFFM, as well as their families. Ir. Paulus Matius gratefully identified the
77 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village plant species, and Dr. Mustofa Agung Sardjono was always a patient help, as were his two students Kori Basuki and Sunaryo.
Special acknowledgements should be made to Hans-Wilhelm von Haugwitz, who made my fieldwork possible, and to Sondra Wentzel, who was always willing to discuss my work, and who made valuable remarks on an earlier draft.
Last but not least, I want to thank my supervisors Klaus Seeland and Stefan Seitz for their committment and the fruitful discussions we had, as well as the staff of TÖB, especially Günther Riethmacher, Richard Haep, and Dorothea Otto, who assisted me throughout my study.
78 Bibliography
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Schütz, A. & Luckmann, T. 1994 Strukturen der Lebenswelt. Band 2. 3rd edition. Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft.
Setyawati, I. in press Indigenous Knowledge and In Situ Crop Germplasm Conservation. In: Indigenous Knowledge & Monitor.
in press Environmental Variability and the Indigenous Knowledge and Use of Crop Varieties. In: Indigenous Knowledge & Monitor.
Sillander, K. 1995 Local Identity and Regional Variation: Notes on the Lack of Significance of Ethnicity among the Luangan and the Bentian. In: Borneo Research Bulletin Vol.26:69-95.
Spradley, J.P. 1979 The Ethnographic Interview. New York.
1980 Participant Observation. New York.
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Stellrecht, I. 1993 Interpretative Ethnologie: Eine Orientierung. In: T. Schweizer, M. Schweizer & W. Kokot (ed.): Handbuch der Ethnologie. Reimer, Berlin:29-78.
Sumual, K. 1998 Papatn Puti. An Eco-cultural Museum, in Borneo 4,1/2:48-55.
Taylor, Peter/García-Barrios, Raúl
1995 The Social Analysis of Ecological Change: From Systems to Intersecting Processes, in Social Science Information 34,1:5-30.
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89 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Wentzel, S. & von Gemmingen, G.
1999 Social Forestry in Concession Areas. A Contradiction in Terms, or an Underutilized Potential? Experiences from Indonesia. In: Wald-Info 24, GTZ, Eschborn:25-32.
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90 Annex
Annex 1: Contributions on Project Level (SFMP)
Terms of Reference 1. The ways of production and resource management of the Dayak Benuaq are described over two annual cycles and evaluated regarding their economic, ecological and social sustainability.
2. The temporal changes of the local environment, the perception of the environment, the socio-economic conditions of the Benuaq, as well as any changes in resource management, are described and evaluated.
3. Parameters which affect this resource management are identified and described.
4. Bioindicators are identified for SFMP.
5. A transsectoral set of methods for studying the resource management of traditional societies is compiled, tested, evaluated and documented.
6. A qualitative census of socio-economic, ethnographic and ecological basic data is carried out, and social groups are identified.
7. A qualitative census and mapping of the Benuaq's resource base and management forms (ecosystems, mammals, birds) is carried out.
8. Results and recommendations are presented to SFMP; the project is evaluated with SFMP and its counterpart.
9. Results are discussed regarding potential application in context with SFMP as well as development cooperation in general.
10. Presentation of a draft, discussion and finalization of a final report according to the TÖB guidelines .
91 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
The following input was assembled at project level (SFMP):
Ø regular reports to the team leader about the situation in the field
Ø data collection and analysis of rattan cultivation in the sub-district
Ø 15 presentations about preliminary results
Ø 8 reports and papers
Ø accompanying a BMZ representative to the field
Ø supervision of two S1 students of UNMUL in the field
Ø participation in three workshops (ICRAF workshops in Bogor, June 1997;
Ø CIFOR workshop in Samarinda, April 1998; ICRAF workshop in Chiang
Ø Mai, May 1999)
Ø maintenance of regular contacts to local NGOs and research institutes
Ø (CIFOR, ICRAF)
The following presentations were given: Ø Presentation of the planned research (SFMP, Jan 1996)
Ø Traditional rituals among the Benuaq (Samarinda, Jan 1996)
Ø Presentation of a bird nest management simulation model (SFMP, Mar 1996)
92 Annex
Ø Presentation of preliminary results at an M&E workshop (Samarinda, Nov 1996)
Ø Presentation of preliminary results at a KUF workshop (Banjarmasin, Nov 1996)
Ø Presentation on the importance of rattan gardens at a SFMP-organized rattan workshop (Jakarta, Apr 1998) Ø Presentation of results (CIFOR, Apr 1998)
Ø Presentation of results (Kanwil, Apr 1998)
Ø Presentation of results (SFMP, Apr 1998)
Ø Presentation of cognitive mapping (SFMP, Sep 1998)
Ø Presentation of cognitive mapping (CSF, Sep 1998)
Ø Presentation of biodiversity issues (AWZ, Apr 1999)
Ø Discussion of social conflicts (SFMP, May 1999)
Ø Presentation of causes and effects of forest fires (Chiang Mai, June 1999)
Ø Presentation of a poster on resource diversification and avian diversity (Chiang Mai, June 1999)
The following reports, papers and posters were prepared:
1997 Forest Fires in Kecamatan Jempang, Kutai. In: Fire Situation in East Kalimantan - Recent Observations. SFMP Document No. 14 1997, gtz-SFMP, Samarinda.
1998a Conflicts and Fire Causes in a Sub-district of Kutai, East- Kalimantan, Indonesia. A report prepared for WWF Indonesia.
93 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
1998b Assessing Biodiversity for Forest Certification. SFMP Document No. 13 (1998), gtz-SFMP, Samarinda.
1999a Mapping of Forest Gardens: A Case Study from Lempunah, East Kalimantan. Report prepared for Centre of Social Forestry, Universitas Mulawarman, Samarinda.
1999b Causes and Effects of Forest Fires: A Case Study from A Sub-district in East-Kalimantan, Indonesia. Paper presented at the ICRAF methodology workshop: "Environmental Services and Land Use Change: Bridging the Gap between Policy and Research in Southeast Asia", in Chiang Mai, 31 May to 2 June 1999.
1999c Resource Diversification and Avian Diversity. Poster and abstract presented at the ICRAF methodology workshop: "Environmental Services and Land Use Change: Bridging the Gap between Policy and Research in Southeast Asia", in Chiang Mai, 31 May to 2 June 1999.
1999d Wetland Birds of Lake Jempang and the Middle Mahakam Area. Paper submitted to Kukila (accepted).
1999e Some Observations from PT Limbang Ganeca Forest Concession, East-Kalimantan. Paper submitted to Kukila (accepted).
2000a Causes and Impacts of Forest Fires: A Case Study from East Kalimantan, Indonesia. Paper submitted to Global Fire Monitoring Center, Freiburg, Germany. in prep.Patterns of Resource Management in a Dayak Benuaq Village: A Case Study from East Kalimantan, Indonesia. Dissertation (University of Freiburg), in preparation.
94 Annex
Joined Publications
Gönner, C. & Seeland, K.
2000 Close-to-nature-economies adapted to modern markets. Local forest Management strategies in East Kalimantan / Indonesia. Prepared for the CIFOR workshop: "Cultivating (in) tropical forests: The evolution and sustainability of intermediate systems between extractivism and plantations.", 28 June to 1 July 2000 in Lofoten, Norway.
Suryadiputra, N.N., Gönner, C., Wibowo, P. & Ratnawati, E.
2000 The Mahakam Lakes. Paper presented at the Global Nature Fund conference from June,16-17 2000 at Hannover, Germany.
+ 8 preliminary reports for TÖB
95 Annex
Annex 2:List of Extracted Plant Species
All the plants were identified by local informants. The scientific confirmation was kindly provided by Ir. Paulus Matius, MSc from UNMUL. Medicinal plants are not included because of unclear property rights.
Abbreviations: Construction, Dye Plants, Fabric, Food, Fuel, Household, Fertility Indicators, Poison, Rituals, Trade
List of used plants, not including medicinal plants
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Agavaceae Cordilyne spec. Biowo Beneeq R Agavaceae Cordilyne spec. Biowo Kodoq R Agavaceae Cordilyne spec. Biowo Nayuuq R Amaranthaceae Amaranthus hybridus L. Bayam Fo Amaranthaceae Celosia cristata L. Bungaq Gerungakng Amaryllidaceae Curculigo spec. Doyo T Fa Amaryllidaceae Curculigo silvestris Lingan Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera quadrifida Jack. Kelaauq Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera odorata Griff. Kuini C Fu Fo T Anacardiaceae Mangifera indica L. Mempelam C Fu Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm C Fu Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Bakatn Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Bokut Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera macrocarpa Bl. Ncapm Bucur Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera similis Bl. Ncapm Bulaau Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Buyukng Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera quadrifida Jack. Ncapm Kelauu Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Palung Fo Ncapm Payaakng Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Fo Pelanuk Ncapm Payaakng Anacardiaceae Mangifera pajang Kosterm. Fo Solaai Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Raas Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Ncapm Rawa Fo Anacardiaceae Mangifera caesia Jack. Ncapm Wanyi Fo 97 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Anacardiaceae Pentaspadon motleyi Hook. f. Pelaro Fo Anacardiaceae Gluta renghas L. Rengas R Fu C Anacardiaceae Mangifera spec. Repeeh C Fo Fu Campnosperma (non Hook. f.) Anacardiaceae Sentakng Leso auriculata King Anacardiaceae Campnosperma spec. Tentaakng Lesooq C Fu Anacardiaceae Mangifera decandra Ding Hou Wantan Fo Annonaceae Popowia pisocarpa Bemaai Annonaceae Polyalthia spec. Dendang Dara R Annonaceae Xylopia altissima Jangkau C Annonaceae Xylopia malayana Kojeekng Fu Annonaceae Mezzettia parviflora Ncapm Uneeq Fo C Wakaai Munookng Annonaceae Friesodielsia spec. H Puti Apocynaceae Dyera costulata (Miq.) Hook. Kayutn Uraatn R H Apocynaceae Alstonia spec. Lutukng C T Fo Aquifoliaceae Ilex cissoides Bengkarau C R Fu Aquifoliaceae Ilex spec. Penyempur Namis R Araceae Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott Dompuq Araceae Colocasia spec. Jompuq Fo Aspleniaceae Asplenium spec. Ngkapaaq Beleekng R Asteraceae Blumea balsamifera (L.) D.C. Mukng R Balsaminaceae Impatiens spec. Pasar Bambusaceae Dendrocalamus asper Betukng H R Bambusaceae Bambusa spec. Buluuq C Bambusaceae Bambusa spec. Inas T Bambusaceae Dendrocalamus spec. Perikng C Bambusaceae Bambusa vulgaris Tolakng Bulaau R Bambusaceae Dendrocalamus spec. Tolakng Inas C Bambusaceae Bambusa spec. Tolakng Solooq C R Blechnaceae Stenochlaena spec. Pakuq Fo R Bombacaceae Durio zibethinus Murr. Kalaakng Fo T D Bombacaceae Ceiba pentandra (L.) Gaertn. Kapoq Fa T Bombacaceae Durio wyatt-smithii Kelenceekng Fo Bombacaceae Durio oxleyanus Griff. Ketungan C T Fo Bombacaceae Durio kutejensis Becc. Laai Fo Bombacaceae Durio dulchis Layukng Fo Burseraceae Dacryodes rostrata (Bl.) H.J. Lam. Keramuuq Botatn Fo Burseraceae Dacryodes rostrata (Bl.) H.J. Lam. Keramuuq Soni Fo H 98 Annex
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Burseraceae Canarium decumanum Gaertn. Lomuuq Fo T R Burseraceae Dacryodes spec. Ncapm Uraakng Fo Burseraceae Canarium spec. Tae Fo Caesalpiniaceae Cassia alata L. Gerengaakng Caesalpiniaceae Koompassia excelsa (Becc.) Taub. Puti R Fo T H Caesalpiniaceae Caesalpinia sappan Sopaakng R Callitrichaceae Ocimum basilicum L. Ngeraseh R Cannaceae Canna edulis Raja Keaau R Caricaceae Carica papaya Gadakng Biasa Fo T Caricaceae Carica papaya Gadakng Ramai Fo T Celastraceae Lophopetalum spec. Derenyakng C Lophopetalum Celastraceae Ridl. Lipaaq C multinervium Celastraceae Lophopetalum spec. Prupuq C Fu Fo Dactylocladus Crypteroniaceae Oliv. Seranai C stenostachys Cucurbitaceae Momordica charantia L. Periaq Fo T Cucurbitaceae c.f. Macropanax dispermus Bl. Beramboyut H I Cyperaceae Cyperus spp. Sempirikng R Dianellaceae Dianella spec. Luak Jekari R Fu Dianellaceae Dianella spec. Luak Usar R Dilleniaceae Dillenia excelsa (Jack.) Gilg. Gaharaq Fu R Dilleniaceae Tetracera asiatica (Lour.) Hoogl. Koyur H Dilleniaceae Dillenia excelsa (Jack.) Gilg. Segaraq Fu Dilleniaceae Dillenia spec. Tempuro C I Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea spec. Gadukng Fo Dioscoreaceae Dioscorea alata L. Uiiq Fo Dipterocarpaceae Dipterocarpus spec. Aput T Fo Dipterocarpaceae Shorea laevis Ridl. Bengkirai C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spec. Butakng Metapm Fo Dipterocarpaceae Shorea balangeran (Korth.) Burck. Kahooi C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spp. Lempukng Akas Fo C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spp. Lempukng Kunit C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spec. Lempukng Seru R Dipterocarpaceae Anisoptera spec. Marlangat C T Fo Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spec. Melasio H Dipterocarpaceae Shorea smithiana Sym. Mermukng Lemit H Dipterocarpaceae Shorea ovalis (Korth.) Bl. Mermukng Puluuq C H Dipterocarpaceae Dryobalanops spec. Ngoiiq C Fo 99 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spec. Nyerakat C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spp. Orai Fo H C Dipterocarpaceae Shorea spec. Putaakng C Dipterocarpaceae Vatica spec. Tebukng C Fu H Dipterocarpaceae Dipterocarpus spec. Tempudau C T Fo Ebenaceae Diospyros spec. Kayutn Arakng R Elaeocarpaceae Elaeocarpus spec. Ngkodooi Fu Euphorbiaceae Trigonopleura malayana Hook. f. Amih R Euphorbiaceae Macaranga gigantea Bengkuukng C Euphorbiaceae Aleurites moluccana (L.) Willd. Geriiq Fo (H.B.K.) Muell. Euphorbiaceae Hevea brasiliensis Getah T Fu Arg. Euphorbiaceae Manihot esculenta Crantz Jabau Pasar Euphorbiaceae Manihot spec. Jabau Pikur R Euphorbiaceae Adina minutiflora Kedemaaq Fo Euphorbiaceae Glochidion obscurum Kelebahuq R Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea pyriformis Keliwatn C Euphorbiaceae Codiaeum variegatum Komaat (Siraakng) R Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea lamponga Lemposu Fo Euphorbiaceae Macaranga trichocarpa (Rchb. f. & Zoll.) Lunai R Euphorbiaceae Mallotus paniculatus Mawaah Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea puberula Mawooi Fo Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea stipulata Mengkuning R Euphorbiaceae Macaranga triloba (Bl.) M.A. Nancakng R C Euphorbiaceae Macaranga hulletti Ncakng Sisit Euphorbiaceae Endospermum diadenum Ngkebor Euphorbiaceae Macaranga spec. Ngkuukng C I Euphorbiaceae Elateriospermum tapos Bl. Pahaaq C Fu Fo Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea griffithii Pasi Fo Euphorbiaceae Baccaurea edulis Merr. Ruiiq Fo Euphorbiaceae Codiaeum variegatum Serendenapm R Euphorbiaceae Aporosa lunata Tulang Bekaraaq Fabaceae Sindora spec. Merjaakng/Angi H Fo T Fabaceae Spatholobus percicinus Ridl. Pengeraya Fo Fabaceae Fordia spec. Pesaaq R I Fabaceae Derris elliptica Twaq P Fabaceae Spatholobus spec. Wakaai Pengeraya Fagaceae Castanopsis javanica (Bl.) A.D.C. Biangan C Fu Fagaceae Castanopsis megacarpa Gamble Kumpat Layukng C 100 Annex
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Fagaceae Castanopsis javanica (Bl.) A.D.C. Limaat Fu C Fagaceae Lithocarpus elegans (Bl.) Hatus. ex S. Pipit Fu C I Fagaceae Lithocarpus bennetti (Miq.) Rehd. Pipit Pare C H Flacourtiaceae Flacourtia spec. Erat C Gleicheniaceae Gleichuria linearis Clarke Jangaang H R Guttiferae Garcinia spec. Bonah Fo Guttiferae Garcinia dioica Bl. Empana C Guttiferae Calophyllum soullatri Burm. f. Jerapiq Guttiferae Garcinia cowa Roxb. Keni Fo Hypericaceae Cratoxylum formosum (Jack.) Dyer Bentalekng R Hypericaceae Cratoxylum spec. Gerungakng Fo C R Hypericaceae Cratoxylum glaucum Korth. Mera Sipaq Fu C Ixonanthaceae Ixonanthes spec. Mepooq C Fu Lauraceae Litsea spec. Ayaau C Lauraceae Litsea firma (Bl.) Hook. f. Ayau Bulau C Lauraceae Litsea brachystachys Boerl. Ayau Bura C Lauraceae Litsea spec. Ayau Meaq C Lauraceae Litsea odorifera Valeton Ayau Piawaq C Lauraceae Litsea spec. Ayau Sabeq C Lauraceae Litsea machilfolia Gamble Bencomang C Lauraceae Litsea spec. c.f. Kayu Lem T Lauraceae Litsea spec. Lalatn C Lauraceae Dehaasia incrassata Lalatn Kunyit C Lauraceae Litsea augulata Lalatn Lego C Lauraceae Litsea resimosa Mara Besiq H Lauraceae Litsea spec. Medakng C Fo Cinnamomum Lauraceae Meissn. Perowali/Perauwali C R partenoxylon Lauraceae Eusideroxylon zwageri T. et B. Teluyatn R C T Lecythidaceae Barringtonia pendula Keroat P Lecythidaceae Barringtonia spec. Putat Fo Leguminosae Intsia palembanica Miq. Itir C T Loganiaceae c.f. Ervatamia macrocarpa Lutukng Tukak R Logantaceae Willughbeia spec. Wakaai Letatn T Lythraceae Lagerstroemia speciosa Bungur C Fo Malvaceae Hibiscus rosa-sinensis Kembang Sepatu R H Malvaceae Hibiscus schizopetalus Kepilaaq R Marantaceae Donax canniformis K. Schum. Bemaatn Marantaceae Stachypterinum Butootn I 101 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use jagorianum Maranthaceae Cominsia gigantea Isaaq Ngkookng H I Melastoma Melastomataceae L. Bekakakng Fo malabathricum Melastomataceae Pternandra coerulescens Mencemooq Fu Meliaceae Lansium domesticum Correa Lisaat Fu Fo Mimosaceae Adenanthera pavonina L. Bewai Mimosaceae Archidendron jiringa (Jack.) Nielsen Cerikng H Mimosaceae Mimosa pigra L. Jepun R Archidendron Mimosaceae (Benth.) Nielsen Kekereq C D microcarpum Mimosaceae Pithecellobium splendens (Miq.) Corner Miyadukng C Paraserianthes Mimosaceae (L.) Nielsen Sengon C T falcataria Mimosaceae Archidendron spec. Sopaakng Piaq D Moraceae Ficus spec. Araaq Ulau Lemit R Moraceae Ficus spec. Araaq Ulau Meaaq R Moraceae Ficus variegata Ayaq Fa Moraceae Artocarpus odoratissimus Benturukng Fo Moraceae Ficus albifila Bilaas Fo Moraceae Artocarpus dadah Daraq Fo R C Moraceae Artocarpus kemando Daraq Kumar Moraceae Antiaris toxicaria (Pers.) Lesch. Ipu Fa P Moraceae Artocarpus anisophyllus Miq. Kepuatn C Fo Moraceae Ficus quocarpa Laliiq R H Moraceae Artocarpus integer Nakatn Fo C Moraceae Artocarpus heterophyllus Lamk. Nakatn Jawaq Fo Moraceae Artocarpus spec. Nakatn Lati Fo C Moraceae Ficus spec. Nunuq Singah R Moraceae Artocarpus lanceifolius Roxb. Obeeq Fo Moraceae Artocarpus elasticus Pekalukng Fa C Moraceae Artocarpus anisophyllus Miq. Pepuatn Beneeq Fo Moraceae Artocarpus spec. Pepuatn Daya Fo Moraceae Artocarpus kemando Miq. Puduuq Fo H Moraceae Morus spec. Sura Moraceae Artocarpus teysmanii Miq. Todaq Moraceae Artocarpus elasticus Toyop Fo Musaceae Musa spec. Jelooq Saba R Myristicaceae Horsfieldia grandis Deraya Sepatukng R C Fu 102 Annex
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Myrsinaceae Maesa spec. Lemonuuq Fo (King) Bahadur & Myrtaceae Eugenia kunstleri Bengkulat Fu G. Myrtaceae Psidium guajava L. Jamuuq Fo Myrtaceae Eugenia spec. Jelomaaq Fu Fo Myrtaceae Eugenia spicata Lamk. Kebetiq Myrtaceae Rhodamnia cinerea Jack. Kemuncikng C Fu Myrtaceae Eugenia fumida Wai Meaq D Myrtaceae Eugenia palembanica Wai Pulut C D Nepenthaceae Nepenthes spec. c.f. Sengongong R Nephrolepidaceae Nephrolepis bisserata (Sw.) Schott Pakuq Parapm R Oleaceae Jasminum sambac (L.) Ait. Puput D Palmae Pholidocarpus majadum Becc. Anau C Borassodendron Palmae Belaakng Fo C borneensis Palmae Licuala valida Becc. Biruq C R Palmae Metroxylon sagu Rottb. Jemiaq Palmae Daemonorops halleriana Juaaq Fo Palmae Elaeis guineensis Jacq. Kelapa Sawit T Palmae Nanga C Fo Palmae Oncosperma tigillarum (Jack.) Ridl. Niwukng Fo Palmae Cocos nucifera L. Nyui Gadikng Fo T R H Palmae Cocos nucifera L. Nyui Sopaakng R H Palmae Licuala spec. Paleh/Palas R Palmae Calamus scipionum Pesiakng Fo, T Palmae Areca catechu L. Sepootn R Palmae Areca spec. Sepootn Sendawar R Palmae Arenga pinnata (Wurmb.) Merr. Tuak T Fo R Palmae Caryota mitis Ukor R C Pandanaceae Pandanus tectornes Kajakng Pandanaceae Pandanus spec. Pudaq R Fo Passifloraceae Passiflora foetida L. Kelepos R Fo Piperaceae Piper betle L. Laur Fo Gigantochloa (Kurz) Back. ex Poaceae Baloq C hasskarliana Hey. Poaceae Schizostachyum blumei Bawatn H Poaceae Dinochloea spec. Buluuq Rindu H Poaceae Coix lacryma-jobi L. Lore Fo Poaceae Imperata cylindrica (L.) Beav. Padakng R H 103 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Poaceae Chrysopogon aciculatus Sengkeruput R Poaceae Cymbopogon nardus (L.) Rendle Serai Munteeq R Poaceae Schizostachyum spec. Temiang R H Tolakng Kwayatn Poaceae Gigantochloa atter R Beneeq Tolakng Kwayatn Poaceae Gigantochloa spec. R Bulaau Schizostachyum Poaceae Tolakng Morakng C longispiculatum Poaceae Saccharum officinarum Touq Meaq R Fo Poaceae Saccharum spontaneum L. Touq Salah R Polygalaceae Xanthophyllum affine Korth. ex Miq. Meloyaq H Rhamnaceae Zyzyphus spec. Sengkeromet H Rosaceae Prunus arboreum (Bl.) Bl. Gemah H Rubiaceae Diplospora singularis Bernipaq C Rubiaceae Gardenia augusta Kemang Piring R Rubiaceae Tarrena spec. Mardangiiq/Sentangiiq R Rubiaceae Morindra citrifolia L. Ngkuduuq R Rubiaceae Timonius lasianthoides Sangkulai H Rubiaceae Tricalysia spec. Wakaai Lempekeeq R Rutaceae Citrus spec. Muntee R Fo Rutaceae Evodia alba Potukng R Sapindaceae Dimocarpus longan c.f. Bukuuq Fu Fo T Sapindaceae Dimocarpus c.f. longan Ihaau Fu Fo T Sapindaceae Guioa diplopetala (Hassk.) Radlk. Kecimpi Sapindaceae Nephelium lappaceum L. Kopeq/Kopekaan Fo T Sapindaceae Nephelium cuspidatum Bl. Lempukat Fo Sapindaceae Nephelium spec. Ngkaraai Fo Sapindaceae Nephelium maingayi Hiern. Ridatn Fo Sapindaceae Nephelium spec. Rupaai Fo Fu Sapindaceae Nephelium mutabile Bl. Semayaap Fo Sapindaceae Nephelium spec. Siwo Fo Sapindaceae Nephelium cuspidatum Bl. Torookng Fo Sapotaceae Palaquium spec. Ketiau C T Sapotaceae Palaquium spec. Malau H Sapotaceae Madhuen sericea Meradikng C Sapotaceae Palaquium spec. Natu Beneeq H Sapotaceae Madhuca spec. Natu Tunyukng H Sonneratiaceae Duabanga moluccana Bl. Benuaang C 104 Annex
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Pterospermum Sterculiaceae Bl. Bayur diversifolium Sterculiaceae Theobroma cacao L. Kakau R Styracaceae Styrax benzoin Dryand. Minyin R Theaceae Schima wallichii (D.C.) Korth. Nagaaq Fo I Thymelaeaceae Aquilaria malaccensis Lamk. Alaas T R Ulmaceae Gironniera nervosa Planch. Mparee C Verbenaceae Clerodendron spec. Bungaq Pangir Bura R Bungaq Pangir Verbenaceae Clerodendron spec. R Meaaq Verbenaceae Vitex pinnata L. Kelapapa F Verbenaceae Vitex pubescens Vahl Kepapaaq C Fu Verbenaceae Peronema canescens Jack. Sungkai Fo C Zingiberaceae Nicolaia solaris Horan. Bowooi R Zingiberaceae Alpinia galanga Lajaaq R Zingiberaceae Catimbium muticum Tengkelimas Fo Zingiberaceae Amomum spec. Teniiq R Zingiberaceae Costus spec. Touq Tawaai R Akar Pandai R Bangkatn C H Banyum Fo Bekalukng R I Commersonia bartramia Bekangin C Belau H Belonge R Benuaang Rangka R Beramanun C Beteteq I Bilapm R Blunge Fo Bungaq Mekaau (Blanco) Merr. & Dracontomelon dao Dahuuq Fo Ro. Planchonia valida Dut C Embagai Gelinapm D Jayatn R Coniogrammea fraxinea Jiee C Karawat R 105 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Family Scientific Name Author Benuaq Name Use Kelaneh R Longaq R Mantotor Mburaatn C Nintuuq R Petakaq H Pokeeq C Sahap Fo Sekur R Sempuli Wakaai R Serkoop Fo Sincikng Sipat Fo Sunjuukng C Elateriospermum tapos Bl. Taman Laba H Tana Gendikng R Tawar Seribu Telaatn H Temias H Topus Tongau Turutn Luikng R Wakaai Besaq R Wakaai Sinaq P 76 families with 336 locally differentiated species
106 Annex
Rattans (28 locally identified taxa)
Beleh Calamus penicillatus Roxb. Beleh Belatn Calamus penicillatus Roxb. c.f. Beleh Jautn Calamus penicillatus Roxb. c.f. Biungan Daemonorops sabut Becc. or Calamus polystachys Becc. Boyukng Bura Calamus optimus Becc. c.f. Boyukng Meaaq Calamus optimus Becc. c.f. Danan Korthalsia rigida Bl. Danan Dakutn Calamus tomentosus Becc. Danan Lentokng Korthalsia ferox Danan Solai Korthalsia rigida Bl. Emporooq Korthalsia spec. Inai Ceratolobus subangulatus Jehap Calamus trachycoleus Becc. Jepukng Daemonorops crinita (Miq.) Bl. Juaaq Plectocomiopsis geminiflora (Griff.) Becc. Keheh Calamus muricatus Becc. Kotoq Daemonorops angustifolia (Griff.) Mart. Kotoq Boga Daemonorops fissa (Miq.) Bl. Lalutn Korthalsia scaphigera Griff. ex Mart. Lulu Calamus spec. Ngono Calamus manan Miq. Sekolaq/Pesiakng Calamus ornatus Bl. Si'it Calamus c.f. balingensis or Daemonorops grandis (Griff.) Mart. Sokaq Calamus caesius Bl. Tuuq Calamus scipionum Lour. Ue Meaq Korthalsia echinometra Becc. Ue Merangui unidentified Ue Pakuq Calamus exilis Griffith Ue Rooq possibly identical with Emporooq
107 Annex
Annex 3:List of Cultivated Plants
The plants listed here are not botanically confirmed. They were identified by my informants according to local systematics. It is possible that the list contains species or varieties with different names, which are botanically indistinguishable.
Rice Varieties (Oryza sativa L.)
Pare (non-glutinous rice varieties, male character)
Abong Jemiaq Majaat Sasaq Jalan Ampung Jempaka Mayang Liukng Serai Bau/Gunung Bau Beneeq Jerai Mayang Ukor Sinang Boyus/Buyut Bawiiq Kalang Niwokng Mayas Sirep Lais Bekapm Beleq Bitiq Ngkotiq Sului Bentiatn Kalukng Kelawat Ngono Titus Beramaakng Kalukng Niukng Nyium Tokookng Bujur Bidai Kaluq Payaq Kepoyu Tokookng Bulaau Bogor Kempal Payaq Kumpat Tokookng Guntul Boyut Kenyah Payaq Muntai Tokookng Jarum Bura Keriyat Payaq Popoq Tokookng Kantur Busaakng Bura Kumpat Bura Pemerintah Tokookng Pelanuq Busaakng Meaq Kumpat Metapm Penawar Tokookng Sebet Daliiq Lempukat Piraaq Uraakng Isip Lempunyau / Tahai Sabuuq Ureeq Jangkau Lisaat Sahai Uway Jawa Bali Loh Sanukng Beneeq Waatn Jeluakng Lunkot Sanukng Sinang Pariq
109 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Pulut (glutinous rice varieties, female character)
Ajaatn Kelingkap Mit Saruuq Kediq Berempet Keramuuq Ngeraseh Saruuq Solai Beteteq Kesuma Pariq Seloping Kediq Buaq Kumpir Payaq Seluakng Bujaq Langooq Pelet Seset Gusiq Mayang Petutn Tiwaq/Tiwakng Jaring Meaq Kediq Rau/Metapm Tongau Jomit Meaq Sarukng Samarinda Wakaai Jue Mening Sanukng
Cassava Varieties (Manihot esculenta Crantz)
Abang Idaq Putih Bakoq Kapoq Sanukng Balooq Kilip Sawah Berowari Lutukng Seloakng Bulau Mentega Semarang Gaben Pasar Terabeeq Gerungokng Pikur
Sweet Potato Varieties (Ipomoea batatas (L.) Poir.)
Aya Bokut Aya Naga Aya Bungkar Aya Ongkong Aya Gaben Aya Ramai Aya Kapar Aya Semangka Aya Kentang Aya Sungkai Aya Kepapaq Aya Tola Aya Lai Aya Toliiq Aya Mentega
110 Annex
Banana Varieties (Musa x paradisiaca L.)
Ambon Jelmoq Moliq Saba Anduq Kampar Nakatn Sebet Bugis Kapas/Kapeh Obouuq Susuq Bujak Kerakng Okor Ue Emas Korau Puneq Ulukng Gergoq Lempeko Rajah Iratn Manoq Ur Rutai
Sugar Cane Varieties (Saccharum spp.)
Touq Baukng Touq Moruq Touq Berau Touq Nayuq Touq Beteteq Touq Pentih Touq Bongkunung Biakng Touq Tokolokng Touq Jawa Touq Toliiq Touq Lampatn/Rampatn Touq Ungul Touq Lomuq Touq Wakai Touq Loyaq Touq Waniiq Touq Meaq
Cucumber Varieties (Cucumis sativus L.)
Timun Api Timun Poruuq Timun Baukng Timun Tanuq Timun Belongkaq Timun Telaus Timun Bulatn Timun Tintiq Timun Lomuq
Ginger Varieties (Zingiber officinale Rosc.)
Loyaq Benuang Loyaq Cina
111 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Loyaq Pare Loyaq Uraakng Chili Varieties (Capsicum spp.)
Sabeq Bura Sabeq Taji Sabeq Keriting Sabeq Tajuq Sabeq Lai Sabeq Temperesa Sabeq Poq Sabeq Tiokng Sabeq Rawit Sabeq Wakai Sabeq Semat
Other Cultivated Vegetables
Bawang Balooq chives Allium spec. Bawang Bura garlic Allium sativum L. Bawang Doyo allium Allium spec. Bawang Lagena allium Allium spec. Bawang Meaq onion Allium cepa L. Var. ascalonicum Botokng Dawaq Gandum sorghum Sorghum vulgare Pers. Jagokng maize Zea mays L. Jagokng Boyas maize Zea mays L. Jagokng Ketepe maize Zea mays L. Kacang Hijau green gram Phaseolus aureus Roxb. c.f. Kacang Minyak Kacang Panjang rice bean Vigna unguiculata (L.) Walp. Kacang Tanah peanuts Arachis hypogaea L. Kangkukng water spinach Ipomoea aquatica Forak. Kenas Beneeq pineapple Ananas comosus (L.) Merr. Kenas Meaq pineapple Ananas comosus (L.) Merr. Kunyit Api curcuma Curcuma domestica Val. Kunyit Katemu curcuma Curcuma domestica Val. Kunyit Kerewau curcuma Curcuma domestica Val. Kunyit Lepo curcuma Curcuma domestica Val. Kunyit Makar curcuma Curcuma domestica Val. Labu Jawa pumpkin Cucurbita pepo c.f. 112 Annex
Lajaq Lempekng Pera Longaq Loreeq Job's tears Coix lacryma-jobi Periaq Beneeq Momordica charantia L. Periaq Penganan Momordica charantia L. Semangka water melon Citrullus lanatus (Thunb.) Matsum. et Nakai Sekur Serai Beneeq citronella grass Cymbopogon nardus (L.) Rendle Serai Jengan citronella grass Cymbopogon nardus (L.) Rendle Serai Munteeq citronella grass Cymbopogon nardus (L.) Rendle Timun Belanda Tomat tomato Lycopersicon lycopersicum (L.) Farw. Tonai taro Colocasia esculenta (L.) Schott c.f. Tenaian Beneeq taro Sagittaria sinensis Sims. c.f. Tenaian Tungkur taro Toyukng Bulatn eggplant Solanum spec. Toyukng Kanap eggplant Solanum spec. Toyukng Minjapm eggplant Solanum spec. Toyukng Puluuq eggplant Solanum spec. Toyukng Ulapm eggplant Solanum melongena L. Twa tuba root Derris elliptica Benth.
113 Annex
Annex 4: List of Bird Species
Until May 1999, 184 bird species have been observed in the forests of Lempunah. Each of the two 1,500 m transects represents about 60% of the local avifauna (not including nocturnal and arial-feeding species). For a more detailed study of the birds of the Middle Mahakam Area, see GÖNNER 1999b.
CF: observed along the transect through cultivated forest
SF: observed along the transect through old secondary forest
Systematics mainly follows MACKINNON & PHILLIPPS (1993). In a few cases the nomenclature of KING ET AL. (1975) were used.
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Black Bittern Dupetor flavicollis Storm's Stork Ciconia stormi Crested Serpent-Eagle Spilornis cheela ü Changeable Hawk-Eagle Spizaetus cirrhatus Wallace's Hawk-Eagle Spizaetus nanus Brahminy Kite Haliastur indus Japanese Sparrowhawk Accipiter gularis Crested Goshawk Accipiter trivirgatus ü Black-thighed Falconet Microhierax fringillarius Blue-breasted Quail Coturnix chinensis Long-billed Partridge Rhizothera longirostris Crested Partridge Rollolus rouloul ü Crested Fireback Lophura ignita Great Argus Argusianus argus White-breasted Waterhen Amaurornis phoenicurus Pink-necked Green Pigeon Treron vernans ü Cinnamon-headed Green Pigeon Treron fulvicollis
115 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Large Green Pigeon Treron capellei Little Green Pigeon Treron olax ü ü Green Imperial-Pigeon Ducula aenea ü ü Spotted Dove Streptopelia chinensis ü Emerald Dove Chalcophaps indica ü Blue-crowned Hanging-Parrot Loriculus galgulus ü ü Blue-rumped Parrot Psittinus cyanurus ü Long-tailed Parakeet Psittacula longicauda ü ü Indian Cuckoo Cuculus micropterus ü Oriental Cuckoo Cuculus saturatus Asian Koel Eudynamis scolopacea Plaintive Cuckoo Cacomantis merulinus ü Banded Bay Cuckoo Cacomantis sonneratii ü ü Violet Cuckoo Chrysoccocycx xanthorhynchus Chestnut-bellied Malkoha Phaenicophaeus sumatranus ü ü Raffles's Malkoha Phaenicophaeus chlorophaeus ü Chestnut-breasted Malkoha Phaenicophaeus curvirostris ü ü Lesser Coucal Centropus bengalensis ü Greater Coucal Centropus sinensis ü ü Buffy Fish-Owl Ketupa ketupu Brown Hawk-Owl Ninox scutulata ü ü Brown Wood-Owl Strix leptogrammica Reddish Scops-Owl Otus rufescens Collared Scops-Owl Otus lempiji Gould's Frogmouth Batrachostomus stellatus Javan Frogmouth Batrachostomus javensis Large Frogmouth Batrachostomus auritus Malaysian Eared-Nightjar Eurostopodus temminckii Edible-nest Swiftlet Collocalia fuciphaga Little Swift Apus affinis Asian Palm-Swift Cypsiurus balasiensis Silver-rumped Swift Rhaphidura leucopygialis Grey-rumped Treeswift Hemiprocne longipennis ü Diard's Trogon Harpactes diardii ü ü Red-naped Trogon Harpactes kasumba ü ü Scarlet-rumped Trogon Harpactes duvaucelii ü ü 116 Annex
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Stork-billed Kingfisher Pelargopsis capensis ü Blue-eared Kingfisher Alcedo meninting Banded Kingfisher Lacedo pulchella ü ü Rufous-backed Kingfisher Ceyx rufidorsa ü ü Black-backed Kingfisher Ceyx erithacus Blue-tailed Bee-Eater Merops philippinus ü Blue-throated Bee-Eater Merops viridis Red-bearded Bee-Eater Nyctyornis amictus ü Dollarbird Eurystomus orientalis ü ü Bushy-crested Hornbill Anorrhinus galeritus ü Wrinkled Hornbill Aceros corrugatus ü ü Oriental Pied Hornbill Anthracoceros albirostris ü ü Asian Black Hornbill Anthracoceros malayanus ü Rhinoceros Hornbill Buceros rhinoceros ü Helmeted Hornbill Buceros vigil Brown Barbet Calorhamphus fuliginosus ü Red-throated Barbet Megalaima mystacophanos ü Yellow-crowned Barbet Megalaima henricii ü Gold-whiskered Barbet Megalaima chrysopogon Blue-eared Barbet Megalaima australis ü ü Red-crowned Barbet Megalaima rafflesii ü ü Rufous Pickulet Sasia abnormis ü Crimson-winged Woodpecker Picus puniceus ü ü Checker-throated Woodpecker Picus mentalis ü Banded Woodpecker Picus miniaceus Rufous Woodpecker Celeus brachyurus ü ü Sunda Woodpecker Picoides moluccensis ü Buff-rumped Woodpecker Meiglyptes tristis ü ü Buff-necked Woodpecker Meiglyptes tukki ü ü Grey-and-buff Woodpecker Hemicircus concretus ü Olive-backed Woodpecker Dinopium rafflesi ü White-bellied Woodpecker Dryocopus javanensis ü Great Slaty Woodpecker Mulleripicus pulverulentus ü ü Orange-backed Woodpecker Reinwardtipicus validus Black-and-red Broadbill Cymbirhynchus macrorhynchus ü Black-and-yellow Broadbill Eurylaimus ochromalus ü ü 117 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Banded Broadbill Eurylaimus javanicus ü ü Dusky Broadbill Corydon sumatranus ü Green Broadbill Calyptomena viridis ü Hooded Pitta Pitta sordida ü ü Garnet Pitta Pitta granatina ü Blue-headed Pitta Pitta baudii ü Barn Swallow Hirundo rustica Pacific Swallow Hirundo tahitica Black-winged Flycatcher-Shrike Hemipus hirundinaceus ü ü Lesser Cuckoo-Shrike Coracina fimbriata ü ü Bar-bellied Cuckoo-Shrike Coracina striata ü Fiery Minivet Pericrocotus igneus ü Scarlet Minivet Pericrocotus flammeus ü ü Green Iora Aegithina viridissima ü ü Common Iora Aegithina tiphia ü Lesser Green Leafbird Chloropsis cyanopogon ü ü Greater Green Leafbird Chloropsis sonnerati ü ü Blue-winged Leafbird Chloropsis cochinchinensis ü Asian Fairy-Bluebird Irena puella ü Black-headed Bulbul Pycnonotus atriceps ü ü Grey-bellied Bulbul Pycnonotus cyaniventris Yellow-vented Bulbul Pycnonotus goiavier ü Olive-winged Bulbul Pycnonotus plumosus ü ü Cream-vented Bulbul Pycnonotus simplex ü ü Spectacled Bulbul Pycnonotus erythrophtalmus ü Puff-backed Bulbul Pycnonotus eutilotus ü ü Red-eyed Bulbul Pycnonotus brunneus ü ü Grey-cheeked Bulbul Alophoixus bres ü Yellow-bellied Bulbul Alophoixus phaeocephalus ü Hairy-backed Bulbul Tricholestes criniger ü Puff-vented Bulbul Iole olivacea Bronzed Drongo Dicrurus aeneus Crow-billed Drongo Dicrurus annectans ü Greater Racket-tailed Drongo Dicrurus paradiseus ü ü Black Magpie Platysmurus leucopterus ü ü Slender-billed Crow Corvus enca ü ü 118 Annex
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Bornean Bristlehead Pityriasis gymnocephala ü Velvet-fronted Nuthatch Sitta frontalis ü Black-capped Babbler Pellorneum capistratum ü ü Short-tailed Babbler Trichastoma malaccense ü ü White-chested Babbler Trichastoma rostratum ü ü Ferruginous babbler Trichastoma bicolor ü ü Moustached Babbler Malacopteron magnirostre ü ü Rufous-crowned Babbler Malacopteron magnum ü ü Scaly-crowned Babbler Malacopteron cinereum ü ü Sooty-capped Babbler Malacopteron affine ü ü Chestnut-winged Babbler Stachyris erythroptera ü ü Chestnut-rumped Babbler Stachyris maculata ü ü Black-throated Babbler Stachyris nigricollis ü ü Fluffy-backed Tit-Babbler Macronous ptilosus ü ü Striped Tit-Babbler Macronous gularis ü ü Brown Fulvetta Alcippe brunneicauda ü Rufous-tailed Shama Trichixos pyrrhopygus ü Magpie Robin Copsychus saularis White-rumped Shama Copsychus malabaricus ü ü Golden-bellied Gerygone Gerygone sulphurea ü Arctic Warbler Phylloscopus borealis ü Ashy Tailorbird Orthotomus ruficeps ü ü Dark-necked Tailorbird Orthotomus atrogularis ü ü Rufous-tailed Tailorbird Orthotomus sericeus ü ü Yellow-bellied Prinia Prinia flaviventris ü Asian Brown-Flycatcher Muscicapa dauurica ü Malaysian Blue-Flycatcher Cyornis turcosus ü Bornean Blue-Flycatcher Cyornis superbus Rufous-chested Flycatcher Ficedula dumetoria Grey-chested Jungle-Flycatcher Rhinomyias umbratilis ü Rufous-winged Philentoma Philentoma pyrhopterum ü Maroon-breasted Philentoma Philentoma velatum Black-naped Monarch Hypothymis azurea ü ü Asian Paradise-Flycatcher Terpsiphone paradisi ü Pied Fantail Rhipidura javanica ü Spotted Fantail Rhipidura perlata ü 119 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
English Name Scientific Name CF SF Mangrove Whistler Pachycephala cinerea ü White-breasted Wood-Swallow Artamus leucorhynchus Yellow Wagtail Motacilla flava Chestnut-cheeked Starling Sturnus philippensis ü Hill Myna Gracula religiosa ü ü Plain-throated Sunbird Anthreptes malacensis ü ü Ruby-cheeked Sunbird Anthreptes singalensis ü ü Olive-backed Sunbird Nectarinia jugularis Purple-throated Sunbird Nectarinia sperata ü ü Crimson Sunbird Aethopyga siparaja ü Purple-naped Sunbird Hypogramma hypogrammicum ü Little Spiderhunter Arachnothera longirostra ü ü Long-billed Spiderhunter Arachnothera robusta ü Grey-breasted Spiderhunter Arachnothera affinis ü Yellow-eared Spiderhunter Arachnothera chrysogenys ü Crimson-breasted Flowerpecker Prionochilus percussus ü ü Yellow-rumped Flowerpecker Prionochilus xanthopygius ü ü Scarlet-backed Flowerpecker Dicaeum cruentatum ü ü Orange-bellied Flowerpecker Dicaeum trigonostigma ü ü Yellow-vented Flowerpecker Dicaeum chrysorrheum ü Eurasian Tree-Sparrow Passer montanus Dusky Munia Lonchura fuscans ü Black-headed Munia Lonchura malacca 101 102
120 Annex
Annex 5:List of Mammal Species
During the case study 42 mammal species were noted in the forests of Lempunah. This equals 42% of the Bornean land mammals, not regarding Muridae (mice and rats), Soricidae (shrews) and Chiroptera (bats), which were not included in the study.
The systematics follows PAYNE et al. (1985).
The status of each species is noted on the right margin.
ü seen by the author c.f. cum fide, believed to be this species (seen by the author) w reported by reliable witnesses (mainly hunters) wV reported, but extinct in the area s skin
Tupaiidae Treeshrews Tupaia glis Common Treeshrew ü Tupaia minor/ Lesser Treeshrew/ c.f. Tupaia gracilis Slender Treeshrew Tupaia picta Painted Treeshrew ü
Cynocephalidae Colugo Cynocephalus variegatus Colugo w
Pteropodidae Fruit Bats Pteropus vampyrus Large Flying Fox ü
Lorisidae Lorises Nycticebus coucang Slow Loris ü
121 Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Tarsiidae Tarsiers Tarsius bancanus Western Tarsier w
Cercopithecidae Monkeys Presbytis rubicunda Maroon Langur w Presbytis frontata White-fronted Langur ü Nasalis larvatus Proboscis Monkey ü Macaca fascicularis Long-tailed Macaque ü Macaca nemestrina Pig-tailed Macaque ü
Hylobatidae Gibbons Hylobates muelleri Bornean Gibbon ü
Pongidae Great Apes Pongus pygmaeus Orang-Utan
Manidae Pangolin Manis javanica Pangolin s
Sciuridae Squirrels Ratufa affinis Giant Squirrel ü Callosciurus prevostii Prevost's Squirrel ü Callosciurus notatus Plantain Squirrel ü Exilisciurus exilis Plain Pigmy Squirrel ü Petaurista petaurista Red Giant Flying Squirrel w
Hystricidae Porcupines Hystrix brachyura Common Porcupine s Trichys fasciculata Long-Tailed Porcupine Thecurus crassispinis Thick-Spined Porcupine ü
Ursidae Bears Helarctos malayanus Sun Bear ü
122 Annex
Mustelidae Martens, Weasels, Badgers & Otters Martes flavigula Yellow-Throated Marten w Mustela nudipes Malay Weasel c.f. Lutra sumatrana Hairy-Nosed Otter ü Aonyx cinerea Oriental Small-Clawed Otter ü
Viverridae Civets & Mongooses Viverra tangalunga Malay Civet / Tangalung s Arctitis binturong Bearcat / Binturong ü Arctogalidia trivirgata Small-Toothed Palm Civet ü Paradoxurus hermaphroditus Common Palm Civet s Panguma larvata Masked Palm Civet ü Hemigalus derbyanus Banded Palm Civet ü Prionodon linsang Banded Linsang w
Felidae Cats Felis marmorata Marbled Cat s
Rhinocerotidae Rhinoceros Dicerorhinus sumatrensis Sumatran Rhinoceros wV
Suidae Pigs Sus barbatus Bearded Pig ü
Tragulidae Mouse-Deer Tragulus javanicus Lesser Mouse-Deer ü Tragulus napu Greater Mouse-Deer ü
Cervidae Deer Muntiacus muntjak Bornean Red Muntjac ü Muntiacus atherodes Bornean Yellow Muntjac ü Cervus unicolor Sambar Deer ü
Bovidae Cattle, Buffalo & Goats Bos javanicus Banteng ü
123 Annex
Annex 6:Maps of Lempunah
Lempunah
Kangkang Puya
Muara Gusiq
10 km
Map 2: Village area of Lempunah (9,200 ha) and Ohong river system.
Maps 3 - 6 cover Map 2 as transparencies. They are included in the back cover
125 Map 3: Swiddens between 1995/96 and 1998/99 Map 4: Simpukng forest gardens Map 5: Rubber gardens Map 6: Rattan gardens Resource Management in a Dayak Benuag Village
Map 7: All swiddens and forest gardens
126