Nam and Other Regional Organizations Introduction
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Download the Full Chapter » (PDF)
37 CHAPTER 2 ASSESSING REGIONAL ORGANIZATIONS’ WORK IN DISASTER RISK MANAGEMENT his chapter looks at one group of important but little-studied actors in disaster risk management (DRM): regional organizations.171 Although regional mechanisms are Tplaying increasingly important roles in disasters, there has been remarkably little research on their role in disaster risk management. In fact, there are few published studies about the relative strengths and weaknesses of regional bodies, much less comparisons of their range of activities or effectiveness in DRM.172 A recent study carried out by the Brookings-LSE Project on Internal Displacement sought to address this gap by providing some basic information about the work of more than 30 regional organizations involved in disaster risk management and by drawing some comparisons and generalizations about the work of thirteen of these organizations through the use of 17 indicators of effectiveness.173 This chapter provides a summary of some of that research. SECTION 1 Introduction and Methodology: Why a Focus on Regions? Since the 1950s when European regional integration seemed to offer prospects not only for the region’s post-war recovery, but also for lasting peace and security between former enemies, regional organizations have been growing in number and scope. They have 171 There has been a trend to move away from a rigid dichotomy between activities intended to reduce risk/ prepare for disasters and those associated with emergency relief and reconstruction. Thus the term “disaster risk management” (DRM) is used as the overarching concept in this study. However, as the dichotomy between pre-disaster and post-disaster activities is still prevalent in international institutions, international agreements and frameworks, government institutions and regional institutions, the disaster risk reduction (DRR) is also used as a catch-all term for pre-disaster activities while the term disaster management (DM) refers to all post- disaster activities. -
Assessing Investment Policies of Member Countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council
ASSESSING INVESTMENT POLICIES OF MEMBER COUNTRIES OF THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL Stocktaking analysis prepared by the MENA-OECD Investment Programme and presented at the Conference entitled: “Assessing Investment Policies of GCC Countries: Translating economic diversification strategies into sound international investment policies” On 5 April 2011 in Abu Dhabi Organised in co-operation of and hosted by the Ministry of Economy of the United Arab Emirates 1 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS FOREWORD .................................................................................................................................... 4 I. INTRODUCTION: ECONOMIC AND FDI OVERVIEW AND DIVERSIFICATION POLICIES ................. 7 1. After an eventful decade, the GCC economies are at a crossroads ....................................... 7 2. Diversification remains a key challenge in the GCC ............................................................... 9 3. The GCC needs to address human capital issues ................................................................. 17 II. PRESENTATION OF THE ASSESSMENT METHODOLOGY .......................................................... 21 1. The BCDS methodology ........................................................................................................ 21 2. The BCDS investment policy dimension and the stocktaking study .................................... 22 III. ASSESSMENT OF INVESTMENT POLICIES – FDI LAW AND POLICY OF GCC COUNTRIES ........ 24 1. Restrictions to National Treatment ..................................................................................... -
China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States
Order Code RL32688 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Updated April 4, 2006 Bruce Vaughn (Coordinator) Analyst in Southeast and South Asian Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in International Trade and Finance Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress China-Southeast Asia Relations: Trends, Issues, and Implications for the United States Summary Southeast Asia has been considered by some to be a region of relatively low priority in U.S. foreign and security policy. The war against terror has changed that and brought renewed U.S. attention to Southeast Asia, especially to countries afflicted by Islamic radicalism. To some, this renewed focus, driven by the war against terror, has come at the expense of attention to other key regional issues such as China’s rapidly expanding engagement with the region. Some fear that rising Chinese influence in Southeast Asia has come at the expense of U.S. ties with the region, while others view Beijing’s increasing regional influence as largely a natural consequence of China’s economic dynamism. China’s developing relationship with Southeast Asia is undergoing a significant shift. This will likely have implications for United States’ interests in the region. While the United States has been focused on Iraq and Afghanistan, China has been evolving its external engagement with its neighbors, particularly in Southeast Asia. In the 1990s, China was perceived as a threat to its Southeast Asian neighbors in part due to its conflicting territorial claims over the South China Sea and past support of communist insurgency. -
Asean Charter
THE ASEAN CHARTER THE ASEAN CHARTER Association of Southeast Asian Nations The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia. =or inquiries, contact: Public Affairs Office The ASEAN Secretariat 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110 Indonesia Phone : (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991 =ax : (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504 E-mail: [email protected] General information on ASEAN appears on-line at the ASEAN Website: www.asean.org Catalogue-in-Publication Data The ASEAN Charter Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, January 2008 ii, 54p, 10.5 x 15 cm. 341.3759 1. ASEAN - Organisation 2. ASEAN - Treaties - Charter ISBN 978-979-3496-62-7 =irst published: December 2007 1st Reprint: January 2008 Printed in Indonesia The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted with proper acknowledgment. Copyright ASEAN Secretariat 2008 All rights reserved CHARTER O THE ASSOCIATION O SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS PREAMBLE WE, THE PEOPLES of the Member States of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), as represented by the Heads of State or Government of Brunei Darussalam, the Kingdom of Cambodia, the Republic of Indonesia, the Lao Peoples Democratic Republic, Malaysia, the Union of Myanmar, the Republic of the Philippines, the Republic of Singapore, the Kingdom of Thailand and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam: NOTING -
Pan-Asianism As an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで
Volume 9 | Issue 17 | Number 1 | Article ID 3519 | Apr 25, 2011 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present アジアの主体性・団結の理想としての汎アジア主 義−−1850年から今日まで Christopher W. A. Szpilman, Sven Saaler Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Attempts to define Asia are almost as old as the Identity and Solidarity,term itself. The word “Asia” originated in ancient Greece in the fifth century BC. It 1850–Present originally denoted the lands of the Persian Empire extending east of the Bosphorus Straits Sven Saaler and Christopher W. A. but subsequently developed into a general term Szpilman used by Europeans to describe all the lands lying to the east of Europe. (The point where This is a revised, updated and abbreviated Europe ended and Asia began was, however, version of the introduction to the two volume never clearly defined.) Often, this usage collection by the authors ofPan-Asianism. A connoted a threat, real or perceived, by Asia to Documentary History Vol. 1 covers the years Europe—a region smaller in area, much less 1850-1920; Vol. 2 covers the years 1850- populous, poorer, and far less significant than present, link. Asia in terms of global history. The economic and political power of Asia, the The term “Asia” arrived in East Asia relatively world’s largest continent, is increasing rapidly. late, being introduced by Jesuit missionaries in According to the latest projections, the gross the sixteenth century. The term is found, domestic products of China and India, the written in Chinese characters 亜細亜( ), on world’s most populous nations, will each Chinese maps of the world made around 1600 surpass that of the United States in the not-too- under the supervision of Matteo Ricci distant future. -
Interpreting Sanctions in Africa and Southeast Asia
IRE0010.1177/0047117815600934Hellquist<italic>International Relations</italic>International Relations 600934research-article2015 CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Institutional Repository of the Freie Universität Berlin Article International Relations 2015, Vol. 29(3) 319 –333 Interpreting sanctions in © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: Africa and Southeast Asia sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0047117815600934 ire.sagepub.com Elin Hellquist Free University of Berlin and Stockholm University Abstract The Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) were both born to stabilise vulnerable state borders by practising non-interference in domestic affairs. Today, the OAU’s successor, the African Union (AU), uses sanctions against unconstitutional changes of government, while ASEAN continues to rule out any collective punitive action against members. To explain these divergent trajectories, this article first shows how different traditions produced different ways of engaging with sanctions in the early formative cases of South Africa and Vietnam. Thereafter, it examines how these traditions were selectively re-thought when confronted with the dilemmas of international sanctions against Libya and Myanmar. The interpretive approach enables a nuanced account of continuity and change in beliefs about sanctions. The AU’s sanctions doctrine has updated rather than broken with a traditional interpretation of non-interference. For ASEAN, the longstanding tradition of informality – and not strict adherence to non-interference – has continued to rule out regional sanctions. Keywords African Union, ASEAN, comparative regionalism, non-interference, Organization of African Unity, sanctions Regional cooperation in Africa and Southeast Asia began with a similar aim: to protect the sovereignty of vulnerable postcolonial states. -
The Role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Democracy Support
The role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in post-conflict reconstruction and democracy support www.idea.int THE ROLE OF THE ASSOCIATION OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN NATIONS IN POST- CONFLICT RECONSTRUCTION AND DEMOCRACY SUPPORT Julio S. Amador III and Joycee A. Teodoro © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34, STOCKHOLM SWEDEN Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int The electronic version of this publication is available under a Creative Commons Attribute-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 3.0 licence. You are free to copy, distribute and transmit thepublication as well as to remix and adapt it provided it is only for non-commercial purposes, that you appropriately attribute the publication, and that you distribute it under an identical licence. For more information on this licence see: <http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-nc-sa/3.0/>. International IDEA publications are independent of specific national or political interests. Views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members. Graphic design by Turbo Design CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ....................................................................................................................... 4 2. ASEAN’S INSTITUTIONAL MANDATES ............................................................... 5 3. CONFLICT IN SOUTH-EAST ASIA AND THE ROLE OF ASEAN ...... 7 4. ADOPTING A POST-CONFLICT ROLE FOR -
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization an Assessment
VIVEKANANDA INTERNATIONAL FOUNDATION The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment ISSUE BRIEF Vivekananda International Foundation 3, San Martin Marg, Chanakyapuri, New Delhi – 110021 Copyright @ Vivekananda International Foundation, 2015 Designed, printed and bound by IMPRINT SERVICES, New Delhi All rights reserved. No part of this may be reproduced or utilized in any form, or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information storage and retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization: An Assessment by Nirmala Joshi About the Author Professor Nirmala Joshi Nirmala Joshi is a former Professor of the Centre for Russian and Central Asian Studies of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. She is currently Director of a New Delhi based think tank The India Central Asia Foundation. She was also Research Advisor at the United Service Institution of India from September 2012 to October 2014. Apart from heading the Centre at the J N U, Prof Joshi was also the Director of the University Grants Commission's Programme on Russia and Central Asia. She has been a member of the Indian Council for Social Science Research's Indo Russian Joint Commission for Co-operation in Social Sciences. She was a Member of the University Grants Commission Standing Committee on Area Studies in 2002, and a Nominated Member of the Executive Council of the Indian Council of World Affairs by the Government of India in 2001. Professor Nirmala Joshi has travelled extensively abroad and within the country to participate in international conferences on the Eurasian region. -
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments Through Global, Regional and Local Actors
Creating Compliance with G20 and G7 Climate Change Commitments through Global, Regional and Local Actors John Kirton, Brittaney Warren and Jessica Rapson University of Toronto Paper prepared for the annual convention of the International Studies Association, April 7–10, 2021. Version of April 1. Key words (three tags): G20, G7, climate change Abstract The greatest global change, where the process of globalization is now complete, is climate change and the existential threats it brings. How do the central global governance institutions of the Group of Seven (G7) major democratic powers from the rich North and the Group of 20 (G20) systemically significant states, including countries of the emerging South, create and comply with commitments to control climate change, by working with key actors at the multilateral, regional, sub-national, local and civil society levels? Using data and previous findings from the Global Governance Program, this paper analyzes how the compliance of G7 and G20 members with their leaders’ summit climate change commitments is affected by invoking the International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group, by invoking the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development, European Union, the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement and the Asia- Pacific Economic Co-operation forum, and by invoking local actors such as sub-national states and provinces, cities, and business, as well as Indigenous Peoples. It identifies ways in which the involvement of such “local” actors can improve compliance, through their inclusion in the substance of G7/G20 commitments and through the civil society engagement groups that seek to shape those commitments. It recommends that, to improve compliance, G7 leaders make more climate change commitments, make more highly binding ones, focus them on the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s Glasgow Summit and link them to sustainable development. -
BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities
• p- ISSN: 2521-2982 • e-ISSN: 2707-4587 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 • ISSN-L: 2521-2982 DOI: 10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07 Muhammad Atif * Muqarrab Akbar† BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities • Vol. IV, No. IV (Fall 2019) Abstract BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has • Pages: 59 – 69 amplified its regional and global impact. The economic success of BRICS is a motivation to Africa because BRICS and African region have a similar historical background. The partnership between Africa and the BRICS has Headings extended fresh drive and created ample interest in last decades because BRICS • Abstract is playing an important role in international trade, investment and global • Key Words governance. Growing economic relations of the BRICS with African region can be • Introduction exemplary for global world. These relations are prospective of a suitable way of • Theoretical Framework economic change and sustainable progress in the African region. The resource of • BRICS interests toward African African region makes many opportunities and challenges among BRICS- African Region region’s partnership. The interest of western powers also prevail in the African • Opportunities for African Region region. This article commences a fair inquiry of the BRICS relation with African • Trade Opportunity region, possible opportunities and challenges. • Conclusion • References Key Words: BRICS, Global Governance, Regionalism, WTO, United Nations, African Region, Africa Introduction The abbreviation ‘BRIC’ was first invented as a capable economic bloc by Jim O’Neil in 2001 (O'Neill 2001). The bloc has started his first interactions in 2005 at the time of the meeting of G7 Finance Ministers. -
Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy : from Indifference to Engagement
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository Faculty Scholarship 2013 Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American foreign policy : from indifference to engagement. Charles E. Ziegler University of Louisville, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/faculty Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, and the International Relations Commons Original Publication Information Published as Ziegler, Charles E. May/June 2013. "Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy: From Indifference to Engagement." Asian Survey 53(3): 484-505. © 2012 by the Regents of the University of California. Copying and permissions notice: Authorization to copy this content beyond fair use (as specified in Sections 107 and 108 of the U. S. Copyright Law) for internal or personal use, or the internal or personal use of specific clients, is granted by the Regents of the University of California for libraries and other users, provided that they are registered with and pay the specified eef via Rightslink® or directly with the Copyright Clearance Center. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CHARLES E. ZIEGLER Central Asia, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and American Foreign Policy From Indifference to Engagement ABSTRACT This paper examines U.S. engagement in Central Asia over the past two decades, with specific reference to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. -
Social NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT in the GLOBAL POLITICS ERA
[Sehgal et. al., Vol.7 (Iss.8): August 2019] ISSN- 2350-0530(O), ISSN- 2394-3629(P) DOI: https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i8.2019.705 Social NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN THE GLOBAL POLITICS ERA Sheveta Sehgal *1 *1 M.Phil., Ph.D., International Politics, Political Science, Mohali, Punjab, India Abstract The drastic changes in the world scene in the 1990’s such as the declaration of the end of the Cold War. The Non-alignment movement had been perceived differently by the “aligned” of the East and the west. The NAM originally developed in the context of a bipolar world. In course of time other centers of power came up and used their military and economic capacities to bend the policies of newly- free or small countries to fit in with their strategies. Today even this multi polarity is less in evidence. Keywords: Globalization; Movement; Transnational; Conferences; Politics. Cite This Article: Sheveta Sehgal. (2019). “NON-ALIGNED MOVEMENT IN THE GLOBAL POLITICS ERA.” International Journal of Research - Granthaalayah, 7(8), 507-512. https://doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i8.2019.705. 1. Introduction Global politics represents a transnational world, containing elements of many cultures, political practices and power structures. The dramatic developments on the surface of contemporary global politics and the intensification of underlying trends such as globalization show that the world has entered a transitional era. The growing significance of international organizations, law and norms in the post-Cold War system, the rise and consequences of interdependence and liberalization in the international political economy, and the spread of capitalism and regional integration are all linked to the globalization process.