No We Can't All Just Get Along
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State” initiative would end incentives for “illegal aliens” to immigrate. Instead, the initia- tive would have denied basic human services to thousands and bounced many children from the public schools. Al-though the measure passed, it was never implemented, and was finally ruled unconstitutional. In 1994, University of California regent and Black Republican Ward Connerly began pushing to overturn affirmative action in the nine-campus system. The University, a recur- No we can’t all just get along: ring right-wing target, was one of the most diverse elite public systems in the country. On July 20, 1995, Connerly and Governor Pete Wilson combined to force a proposal through hip hop, gang unity and the LA rebellion the Board of Regents to end affirmative action in hiring and admissions. The following year, Connerly’s Proposition 209, ending affirmative action throughout California state government, was passed by the electorate. Nineteen ninety-six also marked the first year in the state’s history that spending on prisons and corrections exceeded spending on higher Excerpts from the book education. When the ban took effect in 1998, the number of Black and Latino freshmen admit- ted to the system dropped by 10 percent. At U.C. Berkeley alone, the numbers plunged Cant Stop Wont Stop by over 50 percent. By the end of the decade, the Justice Policy Institute estimated that nearly 50,000 Black males were in a California prison, while 60,000 were in a California by university. Across the country, 800,000 black males were in prison, while 600,000 were in college. Sentencing Project assistant director Marc Mauer tells this story: shortly after President Jeff Chang Clinton took office, he proposed a $30 billion aid package for job creation and eco- nomic development for urban America. Congress reduced the proposal into a $5 billion allocation, primarily for unemployment insurance. The following year, Congress pushed through its own $30 billion proposal-for crime prevention. The bill included sixty new death penalty offenses, $8 billion in prison construction and federal “three strikes” sen- tencing. Clinton, of course, signed it. Harvard criminologist James Q. Wilson, the father of the “Broken Windows” theory, had begun telling another story: Meanwhile, just beyond the horizon, there lurks a cloud that the winds will soon bring published by over us. The population will start getting younger again. By the end of this decade there will be a million more people between the ages of fourteen and seventeen than there are now. This extra million will be half male. Six percent of them will become high rate, repeat of- the Institute for Experimental Freedom fenders-30,000 more young muggers, killers and thieves than we have now. Get ready. Here were the naked post-riot fears of imminent racial and generational change codified North Carolina into more crackpot conservative pseudo-theory, into an ideology that could preserve the War on Youth. The truth was that juvenile violence had already peaked. National homicide arrest rates dropped by forty percent between 1993 and 1997. In 1998, California reported its lowest ief press juvenile felony arrest rate since 1966. National crime rates were at their lowest since the po box 372 mid-’70s. But fears outweighed facts. It was as if the generation that had coined the apho- chapel hill nc rism, “Never trust anyone over thirty,” was now unable to trust anyone under thirty. Sister Souljah’s declaration no longer seemed hyperbole: 27514 “We are at war!” In Los Angeles, City Attorney James K. Hahn pioneered the gang inluction strategy Introduction when he won a court order against the Playboy Gangster Crips of West Los Angeles. The injunction named dozens of alleged members of the set, and, within a twenty-six-block area, prevented them from hanging out together, talking on the street, or being seen in I literally read Cant Stop Wont Stop: a history of the hip hop generation public for more than five minutes. In effect, the gang injunctions removed alleged gang in one sitting, in the back yard of my house last summer. It sounds cliche member’s freedoms in their own neighborhood without actually sending them to jail. This tactic proved so politically popular that it attracted millions in state and city funds. But but i just could not put this amazing book by Jeff Chang down. Chang has in a study of the effects of this strategy, the ACLU concluded that the injunction did not managed to write one of the finest history books dealing with the US from suppress violent crime in the area and may, in fact, have forced gang members simply to the 1950s to present. One of the best things about the book is that while shift their activities outside of the area covered by the injunction. 1 8 Still, the strategy spread to other cities with the blessing of tough-on-crime, tough-on-youth politicians. one only need look over the first few pages of the book to realize how radical In Chicago, anti-youth-of-color hysteria had begun to mount in the late ‘80s. An anti- Chang is, he attempts to tell history like a grandfather telling stories to the cruising ordinance was passed in the southwest portion of the city, and similar measures soon spread across the city’s suburbs and exurbs. By 1992, the sweep solution came to the younger generation, instead of weighing his annalysis down with over played city in the form of the nation’s broadest anti-loitering law, which sponsors had drafted radical jargin. with Los Angeles’s gang injunctions in mind. Although it was pitched as an anti-gang initiative, legal experts likened it to Jim Crow I chose to reprint parts of the section Stakes is High because I feel like Jeff laws that were established to restrict Southern Blacks in their leisure time. The law made has captured the spirit of actual people living in LA that signed peace treaties it illegal just to stand on the street with any person whom a cop “reasonably believed” to be in a gang. Under the ordinance, 45,000 young Chicagoans-mostly Black and Latino- and fought the police better than any other observer. The reason this section were arrested in just two years. Only a small fraction of them were actually charged with a is so good is because Chang is less of an outsider than most who have looked crime. The Cook County gang database quickly became more than two-thirds black. “They were arresting lots of innocent people,” said Jeremy Lahoud, a youth organizer at the riots, he grew up within the west coast hip hop community and he is with Chicago’s Southwest Youth Collaborative, who noted that the ordinance distorted a Korean American; both of which play a pivitol role in his analysis of the police priorities. “It takes police away from the real work, and pushes them to simply historic events of April 1992. sweeping youth off the street.” The law was so broadly dismissive of basic liberties that it was declared unconstitutional by a conservative U.S. Supreme Court in 1999. A little side not on the title: I thought it was a funny joke to use No We The racial effects of all of these sweep laws were lopsided. While white youths made up 79 percent of national juvenile arrests, 62 percent of youths in juvenile detention facilities Can’t All Just Get Along, because of the fact that the riots actually united the were of color. Even when charged with the same offense, Latinos and Native Americans city of LA more than any other event in recent years. White, Black, Latino were 2.5 times more likely to end up in custody than whites. Black youths were five times more likely to be detained. and Asian communities united together against their common enemy, the police. Fear and the Ballot Box For folks who are interested in understanding the LA riots of 1992 this is The politics of containment moved next to the ballot box. the zine for you. While the zine Three Days that Shook the New World Order is In 1993, the state of Washington passed the first “three strikes” initiative in the country, an alright attempt at understanding the riots, one is left with the notion that establishing life without parole for convicts with three violent felony offenses. The follow- ing year, although crime rates were lower than in 1980, California voters passed Proposi- the Chicago Surrealist Group just seized upon the riots as a way to explain tion 184, a much harsher three-strikes law. The effect was to imprison thousands in life their manufactured boring rhetoric. Also that zine continually discounts the sentences for nonviolent crimes.’’ Right-wing anti-immigration ideologues also pressed Proposition 187, an initiative to role of gangs in the riots, which is just a fallacy. ban all government services to undocumented immigrants, like health care, social services and education. Playing up the image of young Latino looters, they claimed the “Save Our This zine is broken into three chapters the first one is titled Black Los were added by virtue of an arrest, whether or not the arrestee was charged. Others merely Angeles which breaks down, in short form, the history of LAs racial hostilities fit a “gang profile.” STEP’s attempt to define this profile fostered a multitude of local and class conflicts, along with giving a brief history of the Watts riots of 1965. variations. By 1999, wearing baggy jeans and being related to a gang suspect was enough to meet the definition of being a “gang member” in at least five states.