Cerros de Trincheras in the Arizona Papagueria
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Authors Stacy, Valeria Kay Pheriba, 1940-
Publisher The University of Arizona.
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Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/565310 CERROS DE TRINCHERAS IN THE ARIZONA PAPAGUERIA
by
Valeria Kay Pheriba Stacy
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY .
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
1 9 7 4 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my direction b y ______Valeria Kay Pheriba Stacv______, entitled Cerros de Trincheras in the Arizona Papagueria_____
be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the degree of ______Doctor of Philosophy______
/ 3 /9 7^ y ' ' Dissertation Director / Date
After inspection of the final copy of the dissertation, the following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and_%ecommend its acceptance:*
This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the final oral examination. The inclusion of this sheet bound into the library copy of the dissertation is evidence of satisfactory performance at the final examination. STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrow ers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or re production of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the in terests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author.
SIGNED: 7
I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This study was possible because the Papago Tribe of Arizona graciously granted permission for mapping the hill sites and for record
ing data about them. Mr. Addison F. Smith, Director, Department of
Mines and Natural Resources, the Papago Tribe, was instrumental in
helping me contact the appropriate officials to obtain a permit for work
on the Sells Papago Indian Reservation.
Dr. Emil W. Haury was most encouraging in my attempt to de
termine what activities were performed on the hills. I am grateful to
him for his thoughtful and capable guidance throughout the project.
Drs. T. Patrick Culbert and William J. Robinson, the other members of
the dissertation committee, have given careful consideration to the writ
ten product and have offered good advice throughout the study. Deep ap
preciation is expressed to those people from The University of Arizona
who aided me in the field, all capable, but unpaid. Kay and Steve
Adams, Mary Morehead, Bill Palm, and Jane Rosenthal were consistently
in the field during the initial survey and later during the more intensive
recording of data. Other students from The University of Arizona who
frequently accompanied us were Tracy Andrews, Hayward Franklin,
T. J. Ferguson, Annique George, Pat Gilman, Mike Jacobs, Yvonne
Stewart , and Catherine Ungar.
The aerial photographs would not have been possible without
the donation of time and expertise by Jim Mount and Don Wood,
iii iv photographers, and by Jack Moore, Bureau of Indian Affairs, pilot. Frank
Gay nor and John George spent long hours in the darkroom to produce il lustrations for the text.
Drafting of field sketches and other maps was expertly done by
John George, Jane Rosenthal, Marc Severson, and Charles Sternberg, all from The University of Arizona. Assistance with special problems in map ping some of the sites was provided by Steve Adams and Steve Kowalew-
ski, two of my fellow students at The University of Arizona.
Suggestions for the methodology were offered by Dr. Thomas
Bowen, California State College at Fresno, Dr. T. Patrick Culbert, Dr.
Bernard L. Fontana, Dr. Thomas Hinton, Steve Larson, Tom Naylor, and
Dr. William J. Robinson, The University of Arizona, Julian and Helen
Hayden, Tucson, Arizona, and Dr. Alfred E. Johnson, University of
K an sas.
Long informal discussions with my fellow students in the De
partment of Anthropology at The University of Arizona have contributed to
the study. Bill Palm, Yvonne Stewart, Catherine Ungar, and Richard
White have all been helpful. Special thanks is expressed to Sharon
Urban, Arizona State Museum, for her interest in the project and her
help with research in the Museum's survey files. TABLE OF CONTENTS
P age
LIST OF TABLES...... x
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... xii
ABSTRACT...... '...... x iii
1. INTRODUCTION...... ' 1
2. PREVIOUS RESEARCH...... 4
Descriptive Accounts of Cerros de Trincheras Ignaz Pfefferkorn 1756 to 1767 ...... Frank Russell 1849 to 1850 ...... CO LO W. J. McGee 1894 to 1895 ...... Carl Lumholtz 1909 to 1 9 1 0 ...... 11 Ellsworth Huntington 1914...... 14 Lorenzo D. Walters 1926 ...... 17 J. W . Hoover 1935 ...... 18 Statem ents about U se of S i t e s ...... 19 Descriptions of Features within S ite s ...... 20 Previous Archaeological Research ...... 20 Sites in Sonora, Mexico ...... 22 Surveys of the River V a l le y s ...... 22 Excavation of the La Playa S ite ...... 24 Coastal, Desert, and Riverine Survey ...... 25 Sites in Arizona ...... 27 Excavation of the Martinez Hill Site ...... 28 Hoover's Discussion of Papaguerian C erros de T rin ch eras...... 29 Excavation of the Ash H ill S ite ...... 30 Farmer's Typology for Defensive System s...... 30 The Black M ountain S i t e ...... 31 Excavation of a Fortified M e sa ...... 31 M apping of the Tumamoc H ill Site ...... 31 Survey North of the Gila and Salt Rivers...... 32 Sites in Chihuahua, M exico ...... 33
3. METHODOLOGY ...... 37
Statement of the Problem ...... 37 M ethods of A p p ro a ch ...... 40 The Settlement Pattern Framework...... 40 The C ultural-E cological A pproach...... 40
v v i
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
P ag e
The D irect H isto rical A pproach...... 42 Determ ining A ctivities on H i l l s ...... 43
4 . NATURAL SETTING OF THE BABOQUIVARI VALLEY...... 47
The Papagueria ...... 49 The Sonoran D e s e r t ...... 50 The Arizona U p la n d ...... 50 Streamways ...... 51 Plains and Lower B ajadas ...... 52 U pper B a ja d a s ...... 52 Hills and Mountain Slopes ...... 53 Rainfall, Subsistence, and Settlement in the Papagueria . . 53
5. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE BABOQUIVARI VALLEY...... 55
Nineteenth-century Subsistence and Settlement ...... 55 S u b sisten ce P attern in the C entral Z o n e ...... 56 Resource Distribution and Seasonality ...... 57 Gathering Locations and Seasonality ...... 71 V alley-floor Field V i l la g e s ...... 74 Bajada Well V illages ...... 76 Temporary Cam psites ...... 78 Social Patterning of Settlement...... 80 Komelik Village U n it ...... 81 Kui Tatk V illage U n i t ...... 82 Tecolote Village U nit...... 83 Late P rehistoric Settlem ent P a tte r n ...... 84 Sells Phase Villages Adjacent to Flood Plains ...... 85 Sells Phase Villages on Bajadas...... 87 Cerros de Trincheras ...... ' ...... 88
6. ANALYTICAL APPROACH...... 91
Data Collection and Analysis...... 92 S am p lin g ...... 93 Field Procedures...... 94 Survey Forms ...... 95 Aerial Photography...... 95 M a p p in g ...... 96 Pollen A n a ly sis...... 96 A rtifact R e c o rd in g ...... 96 A nalytical P ro ced u res...... 97 Typology of Rockwork Features...... 98 Morphological Typology ...... 98 Functional Typology...... 113 v ii
TABLE OF CONTENTS— C o n tin u e d
P age
7. DESCRIPTIONS OF HILL AND VALLEY-FLOOR SIT E S...... 122
H ill S i t e s ...... 122 Arizona DD:1:1 (Suwuk Tontk, or Wauch Cowlic) .... 123 Description of the Hill ...... 123 Rockwork Features...... 123 A r tif a c ts ...... 127 Arizona DD:1:3 (Etoi-ki)...... 129 Description of the H ill ...... 129 Rockwork Features...... 129 A r tif a c ts ...... 132 Arizona DD:1:5 (Shi-kik)...... 133 Description of the H ill ...... 134 Rockwork Features...... 134 A r tif a c ts ...... 138 Arizona D D :2 :4 ...... 138 Description of the Hill , ...... 139 Rockwork F e a tu re s...... 139 V e g eta tio n ...... 141 A r tif a c ts ...... 142 Arizona DD:6:1 (Haak Muerto, or Nachi Kulik)...... 143 Description of the H ill ...... 143 Rockwork F e a tu re s...... 144 A r tif a c ts ...... 148 S ites below the H i l l s ...... 148 Sites near Arizona DD:1:1 ...... 149 Arizona D D :1 :4 1 ...... 150 Arizona DD: 1:3 8 ...... 150 Arizona D D :1 :3 9 ...... 150 Arizona D D :1 :4 0 ...... 152 Sites near Arizona DD:1:3 ...... 152 Arizona D D :1 :2 ...... 153 Arizona D D :1 :3 3 ...... 155 Arizona D D :1 :3 5 ...... 155 Arizona D D :1 :3 4 ...... 156 Arizona DD: 1:36 and Arizona DD: 1 :3 7 ...... 156 Sites near Arizona DD:2:4 ...... 157 Arizona DD:2:1, Arizona DD:2:5, and Arizona D D :2 :6 ...... 157 Arizona DD:2:7 ...... 159 Arizona D D :2 :8 ...... 159 Sites near Arizona DD:6:1 ...... 160 Arizona D D :6 :1 6 ...... 160 Arizona DD:6:17 ...... 160 v iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
Page
Com parison of Cerros de T r in c h e r a s ...... 162 S ites in the Baboquivari V alley, Arizona...... 162 Other Desert Sites in Arizona...... 166 Blackstone R uin ...... 167 Ash H i l l ...... 172 Arizona Z : l l : 3 ...... 172 Arizona AA: 13 :4 ...... 172 Arizona AA:14 :5 ...... 173 Arizona D D :3 :5 ...... 173 Arizona D D :5 :4 ...... 173 t Arizona D D :7 :3 ...... 173 Sonora C:2:2 ...... 173 Riverine S ites in A rizona...... 174 Tumamoc H ill ...... 174 Rock Corral P e a k ...... 174 M artinez H i l l ...... 174 Black M ountain...... 175 Cerro P rie to ...... 176 Apache Annie H ill ...... 176 Arizona EE:8:2 2 ...... 176 Bronco H i l l ...... 177 Arizona EE:8:71...... 177 Sites in Sonora, Mexico ...... 177
8. ACTIVITIES ON THE HILL SITES...... 181
Possible Reasons for Placing Settlements on H ills ...... 185 Tradition of H ill U s e ...... 186 Microenvironmental Conditions on H ills ...... 186 A vailability of N atural R e s o u rc e s ...... 187 Energy Expended in Occupying Hill S ite s ...... 189 Settlement Size, Shape, and Relation to Other Settlements...... 189 Hypotheses about Activities on the Hill S ites ...... 190 Subsistence A ctivities ...... 193 Plant Collecting ...... 193 A griculture...... 194 Food P ro c e s s in g ...... 195 Settlem ent A c tiv itie s ...... 197 S h e lte r ...... 197 B reezew ay ...... 198 M anufacturing A c tiv itie s...... 199 Religious A c tiv itie s ...... 200 B u ria l...... 200 S h rin e s ...... 200 D efensive and O ffensive A c tiv itie s ...... 201 ix
TABLE OF CONTENTS—Continued
Page
P art-tim e or Interm ittent A c tiv itie s ...... 203 U se of H ills as Parts of S i t e s ...... 203 S easonal O ccupation of the H i l l s ...... 203 M ultiple A c t iv i t ie s ...... 205
9 . CONCLUSION...... 207
Subjective Im pressions of H ill U s e ...... 207 Areas for Further Research ...... 208 Relation of Sites to Land Forms and Plant Foods. . . . . 209 Determination of Seasonality in Settlement U se ...... 210 In trasite V a ria b ility ...... 210
REFERENCES 213 LIST OF TABLES
T a b le P ag e
1. Seasonal Cycle of Food Procurement A ctivities ...... 58 2. Food Plant Distribution: July...... 59
3. Food Plant Distribution: August...... 62
4 . Food Plant D istribution: Septem ber...... 64
5. Food Plant Distribution: October...... 65
6. Food Plant Distribution: December and January ...... 66
7. Food Plant D istribution: M arch and A p ril...... 67
8. Food Plant Distribution: M ay ...... 68
9 . Food Plant D istribution: J u n e ...... 69
10. Field V illages in the Baboquivari V a lle y ...... 75
11. W ell V illages in the Baboquivari F o o t h i l ls ...... 77
12. Attributes of W alls ...... 100
13. Attributes of Terraces...... 101
14. A ttributes of C i r c l e s ...... 102
15. Attributes of T rails ...... 103
16. Attributes of Bedrock Mortars...... 103
17. A ttributes of W alls on Five H ill S i t e s ...... 104
18. A ttributes of T erraces on Five H ill S ite s ...... 105 19. A ttributes of C ircles on Five H ill S i t e s ...... 106
20. A ttributes of T rails on Five H ill S i t e s ...... 107
21. Attributes of Bedrock Mortars on Five Hill Sites ...... 108
x x i LIST OF TABLES— Continued
Table Page
22. Morphological Typology of Rockwork on H ills ...... 110
23. Functional Typology of Rockwork on H ills ...... 115
24. A rtifacts on the H ill and V alley-floor S i t e s ...... 164
25. Features and Artifacts on Arizona's Desert C erros de T rin c h e ra s ...... 168
26. Features and Artifacts on Arizona's Riverine Cerros de T rin c h e ra s ...... 169
27. Features and Artifacts on Sonora's Riverine Cerros de Trincheras ...... 170 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1. The Baboquivari V alley, A rizo n a...... 48
2. Contour Map of Arizona DD:3:5, Avra Valley, Arizona...... 117
3. Aerial View of Arizona DD :1:1 ...... 125
4. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:1 ...... 126
5. Aerial View of Arizona DD: 1 :3 ...... 130
6. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:3 ...... 131
7. Aerial View of Arizona DD :1:5 ...... 135
8. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:5 ...... 136 9. Contour Map of Arizona DD:2:4 ...... 140
10. Aerial View of Arizona DD:6 :1 ...... 145
11. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:6:1 ...... 146
12. S ites near Arizona D D :1 :1 ...... 151
13. Sites near Arizona DD:1:3 and Arizona DD:1:5 ...... 154
14. Sites near Arizona DD:2:4 ...... 158
15. S ites near Arizona D D :6 :1 ...... 161
16. Cerros de Trincheras in Arizona and in Sonora, Mexico .... 171
17. Hypothetical Activities at Cerros de Trincheras ...... 206
?
x ii ABSTRACT
Cerros de trincheras are walled and terraced sites on isolated volcanic hills in the Sonoran Desert of western North America. They are geographically distributed from southern Arizona below the Gila and Salt river drainages through the northern part of the state of Sonora, Mexico.
This study was limited to the Baboquivari Valley on the Sells Papago
Indian Reservation in Pima County, Arizona. Five of the 7 cerros de trincheras in that valley are the subject of this study.
All 5 hill sites have some evidence for contemporaneous occu pation immediately below them, indicating that the two manifestations were residences of the same people at the same time. Papago Indian oral tradition states that Papago ancestors defended themselves against the Apache Indians in some of these sites. However, ceramics on the hills and on the sites below them are all late prehistoric, indicating that the sites were occupied during the Sells Phase between A.D. 1200 and 1400. This time period was prior to Apache raids on Papago villages.
Information was gathered during archaeological survey from which inferences could be made about activities that occurred on the hills and at the sites below them. Using a combination of cultural- ecological and direct historical approaches, subsistence and settlement in the Baboquivari Valley was noted for the nineteenth-century Papago occupation. Data recorded included notation of village location in rela tion to topographic features and to edible wild plant foods. The nine teenth century pattern of subsistence and settlement served as a known
x iii x iv base with which to compare the prehistoric locations of sites, including the cerros de trincheras.
Attribute analysis of features and presence or absence listing of artifacts on the hills and on the sites below them revealed that activities occurred at specialized locations on each kind of site. The fragmentary nature of artifacts, the lack of grinding implements on the hills, and the presence of these items on the sites below them indicated that different activities occurred in the two settings. The limited kinds and quantities of ceramics and lithic debris on the hills indicated that the hill sites may have been used temporarily or intermittently by the inhabitants of the lower sites.
A series of terraces and circular structures with walls below them on the slope are characteristic of the cerros de trincheras in the
Baboquivari Valley. That type is scarce elsewhere in southern Arizona and does not appear in northern Sonora, Mexico. The presence at the
Sonoran cerros de trincheras of manos and metates with the quantity of ceramic and lithic debris are indicative of everyday living. The lack of these items in Arizona sites suggests that occupation of the hills was for different purposes in the two areas.
The study has led to the formation of a series of hypotheses about activities on hills in the Baboquivari Valley. These propositions relating to subsistence and settlement or external relations with other groups of people should be verified by new data independently gathered when further studies are made. CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
Previous archaeological studies in the Basin and Range province of southern Arizona have concentrated on valley-floor sites and have not considered prehistoric utilization of space on hill and mountain slopes.
However, there have been some descriptive accounts of sites on hills.
A preliminary survey in the Baboquivari Valley, about 88 km (55 miles) west of Tucson, indicated that in the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries
A .D ., walled and terraced hill sites were introduced to the pattern of settlement on the valley floor and on the bajadas. Sites of this kind were designated by Sauer and Brand (1931) as cerros de trincheras (en trenched hills), using the local name given them by the native inhabi tants of northern Sonora, Mexico. Cerros de trincheras are limited in distribution to southern Arizona, largely below the Gila and Salt River drainages and to the northern river valleys in the state of Sonora. They possess walls, terraces, and circular structures made from locally occur ring rock, arranged in varying combinations of features on different hills.
Sometimes trails and bedrock mortars are present, and occasionally,
petroglyphs. Frequently a site is located on the valley floor or on the
bajada within 0.8 km (0.5) mile from the base of a hill. In every in
stance , hill and valley-floor manifestations share a portion of their arti
fact inventories. Wherever slipped and decorated ceramics occur, they
are indicative only of Sells Phase occupation, A.D. 1200 to 1400 (Scant
ling 1940:35). On the basis of artifact inventories, the hills appear to
1 2 be single component sites. Papago oral history states that the hills pro vided protection from Mexican and Apache raiders in the nineteenth cen tury. But the lack of Papago ceramics or machine-manufactured household goods on the hills does not support the oral tradition.
There have been a few preliminary descriptions of sites in
Arizona and Sonora by eighteenth and nineteenth century travelers (Manje
1954; Lumholtz 1971; McGee 1894-95; Pfefferkorn 1949) and by twentieth century Investigators of the hills (Sauer and Brand 1931; Tanner 1936;
Hoover 1941; Hinton 1955; Johnson 1960; Gabel 1931; Ives 1936; Bowen n.d.) In addition, several studies have attempted chronological and cul tural placement of site construction and use (Bowen n.d.) or identifica tion of the kinds of activities for which the sites were designed (Hoover
1941; Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy 1959). However, no archaeolog ical study has attempted a data-based analysis of activities that took place on the hills. None has either compared a large sample of sites or considered those within a small, controlled area.
This study follows the latter approach, encompassing 5 hill sites and their surroundings in the Baboquivari Valley. The sites were primarily evaluated as functional units, areas where people performed specific tasks in the past. For this purpose, a settlement pattern frame work was adopted as an aid to applying a cultural-ecological approach so that sites were viewed as components of a subsistence and settlement system at a single point in time. To provide a documented model of a
system operating in response to an arid environment, the nineteenth cen tury Papago pattern of subsistence and settlement in the valley was sum marized , including identification of village location in relation to 3
seasonally maturing plant food resources. An examination of Arizona State Museum survey files indicated that Sells Phase sites in the Babo-
quivari Valley occupied the same kinds of locations as did the historic
Papago villages, indicating that the similarity might be attributed to use of the same series of seasonal resources. The anomalous settlement
location in the prehistoric to historic continuum proved to be the cerros
de trincheras, which do not appear to have been used in the historic
horizo n .
To determine what kinds of activities might have been performed
on the hills, the relationship of the sites to surrounding topography,
vegetation, and other sites was noted. Techniques employed were those
of archaeological survey. No excavation was accomplished during the
project. Soil samples were taken from 3 hills to determine if pollen was
present to provide additional information about subsistence activities.
Then analysis of artifact type, quantity, and placement in relation to
features on each hill led toward the interpretation of activities that took
place in the past behind the w alls, on the terraces, and in the vicinity of the circular structures.
Through the process of abduction, or perceiving relationships
between phenomena, this study establishes the basis for an explanatory
approach to activities on the hills. Inductively derived hypotheses for
future research on the cerros de trincheras are suggested as a result of
this project. However, deductive hypothesis testing must be the sub
ject of another manuscript. CHAPTER 2
PREVIOUS RESEARCH
Descriptive Accounts of C err os de Trincheras
Several authors who observed the Sonoran Desert in the eigh teenth , nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries recorded in varying
detail the archaeological sites that they saw or provided comments about the use of cerros de trincheras by such historically known groups as the
Papago, Apache, and Seri. These documents do not give references for
any of the information, and there is no indication whether the source
was written, oral, or, frequently, whether there was a source of infor
mation. Nevertheless, the authors independently determined that the
walled and terraced hill sites they saw were constructed for defense.
Ignaz Pfefferkorn 1756 to 1767
Pfefferkorn was a German Jesuit priest who spent 11 years at
the missions in Sonora, from 1756 to 1767. He recorded that after the
Pima revolt against the Spaniards, in 1751, some Seri and Pima formed
a group to attack Spanish settlements. They used the slopes of Cerro
Prieto, or Black Mountain, in Seriland, as a fortress to which they would
retire after launching an attack. Pfefferkorn stated that the Seri were safe
in this mountain retreat because the Spaniards, unaccustomed to hill
climbing, were burdened down with supplies and armaments. His (1949:
154-155) description of a battle during his first year in the Sonoran Mis
sions follows:
4 5 Because of the accession in 1856 of the large number of apos tate Pimas, the temerity of the Seris had mounted to the point where they ventured to defy the entire Spanish power. They constructed successive breastworks of stones, assembled and piled on top of each other, from the gateways of their fearful mountain to its peaks. Each breastwork was from thirty to forty paces distance from the next. This precaution was taken so that should the defenders be dislodged from the first breastwork by the Spaniards, they could withdraw to the second, and if further pressed, to the others. Moreover, from behind this parapet they could inflict severe injury on the ad vancing foe without being in great danger themselves. And it befell as they had planned.
In another part of the chronicle, he (1949:207) noted that in previous centuries the Sonoran tribes were always at war with one an other:
Traces of the bloody wars which were fought in former times between the Pimas, Opatas, Seris, and other nations are ac tually still to be seen in different places. The remains of breastworks which served these people as fortresses still stand on some mountains. Breastworks were constructed of stones piled up in the manner of a wall, and stood one above the other, starting at the base of the mountain.
Pfefferkorn, writing at the time hillside sites were used by
Pimans and Seri, may at least have heard oral reports of the defensive use of hillsides from either Spanish or Papago informants.
Frank Russell 1849 to 1850
Russell's (1908) ethnography based on a house-to-house can vass of the Pima Reservation recorded an oral account of Apache raids on a Pima village between 1849 and 1850. He (1908:44) stated that 3
Apaches approached and the village sent a party on horseback to attack them, whereupon "they fled to a hill near Tempe, where they hastily built up a wall of stone, behind which they maintained themselves until nearly sunset, when a Pima led his party inside the Apache breastwork and the enemy were killed." 6 W. T. McGee 1894 to 1895
In the years 1894 to 1895, McGee led two expeditions through southern Arizona and Sonora to gather information about the Indian in habitants for the Bureau of Indian Affairs. He kept a daily log, which remains in manuscript form (McGee 1894-95), but he published the find ings of the second expedition in the "Seventeenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894-1895," which has recently been re published (McGee 1971).
In both reports, he described several cerros de trincheras. some of which were mapped and photographed by members of his party. He visited some of the sites that Lumholtz (1971) later described. McGee saw 3 hill sites in the Sonoran Papagueria and described another in Seri- land. He (1901:103) attributed use of the Sonoran cerros de trincheras to the aboriginal populations of that area for defense against Apache raids:
The entrenched refuges ("las trincheras" of the modern Mexi cans) are among various indications that the peaceful pastoral folk were displaced and nearly destroyed by a predatory foe whose ruthless energies were directed against irrigation works as well as against families, farms, and flocks, and the testi mony of the ruins is supported by the traditions of surviving tribes, which point to the marauding Apache as the spoilsman —and hence the hereditary enemy—of the plains people.
On both expeditions, McGee recorded only the sites that he ob served in the state of Sonora, Mexico, and noted none in southern Ari zona. The unpublished log of the first expedition (McGee 1894-95) described sites near Pitiquito and Caborca and recorded informants' reports about others near Santa Ana, between Santa Ana and Altar, near
Poso Nuevo, and on Guardian Angel Island. The second expedition camped at Las Trincheras and recorded the large site there. It revisited 7 the one near Caborca and Pitiquito. The expedition also noted walled and terraced hills to the south between Alamito and Las Cruces, Sonora.
z. McGee's (1894-95:49-51) detailed description of a hillside site between Caborca and Pitiquito follows:
The road to Pitiquito crosses a low pass, an isthmas con necting the range or irregular series of mountains on S. with a curious mountain that has been attracting attention since first seen yesterday p.m. It is approximately E.W. in trend, paral lel with river; at a distance top seems remarkably even; and the rocks seen from S. are black, as if basaltic. But on ap proaching the pass a horizontal line, like a burro trail except for the horizontality, was seen; and photos were taken. On ascending the mountain it is found to be intrenched. The great wall stretches its whole length of probably a mile, ending on E. in an inaccessible precipice; and both above and below there are short barriers, crossing salients and re-entrants in such manner as must effectually be for approach. In some cases these are widened considerably, giving flat plats a rod across, generally triangular; and in some cases they are bas- tioned in such manner that the plats are commanded from the narrow parts of the same barrier. Altogether, seven or eight barriers are found at the most accessible point, the isthmus connecting first with a little outlying knob of trachyte and afterward forming the pass noted. The intrenchment is a rude wall of blocks up to three hundred pounds, selected at random, laid with little care, no mortar being used, and the alignment, vertical and horizontal, changing with the conformation of the mountain. In general it is three to six feet high, sometimes higher, averaging say 1 1/2 yards, the width being about the same. The main wall represents perhaps half the work on the S. side of the mountain. The structure of the mountain is peculiar; it is a monocline of silicones and ferfogius lime stone dipping S. some 40° or 45° (morning light shows that the mountains about N. 15 W .), S. Then this rock on S. slope is partly dissolved, the lime being gone to form abundant tepetate in the valley below, and the residue of silica and iron remaining to form a black, rough, visicular mass; some times an almost quartzitic laminated rock; and it is the harder phase which is commonly used for the wall, the more vesicular, slag-like phase cover being the mountain side. On the N. the mountain is generally inaccessible by reason of the steep cliffs; but where climbable spurs occur the salient of talus below has an enbankment across it like that on S. but at somewhat lower level.
Some indications of work appear on several other knobs in vicinity, and the Papago and Mexicans tell of a wall, less prominent, on one of the mountains seen to left above. Although a precise location was not given, the second expedi tion visited and mapped what may be the same hill. The site is only designated in the notes as La Trinchera de Caborca, whereas the one described above is given no name. The second expedition (McGee 1894
95:76) recorded the Trinchera de Caborca as follows:
The rest of the day was spent in examinations and surveys of La Trinchera de Caborca. Besides the great rampart along S. side, there are many supplementary works especially toward extremities. The arroyos are barricaded with walls 2-6 ft. high and flat terraces above; and the spurs are terraced in similar fashion, with rectangular, circular, or irregular spaces of sufficient size for domiciles. Johnson mapped the works on this side, and also ascended to the summit, find ing house rings carefully built of small blocks of stone, and finding indications that the structural shelves near crest have been artificially cleared of debris. I noticed several large blocks perched above arranged leading N. as if to be rolled over and down against invaders. Pottery was found in frag ments in considerable quantity along the terraces. The ware is distinctive, finger worked without, scraped within. One decorated piece was found on the summit, where also bits of quartz and other erratic rock were picked up. No trace of per manent reservoirs or storage cists was found. No petroglyphs.
Further examination only strengthens the conviction that the works were not used for trails, and indeed that they were built by people without knowledge of usual trails—sections of the work are sometimes connected with finger-and-toe climbing between. A somewhat vague way leads down the S.W. spur toward the valley.
Upon reaching the site of Las Trincheras, between Altar and
Santa Ana, McGee described it in detail, while his assistant, Mr.
Johnson, mapped the large hill and an accompanying smaller butte.
McGee (1894-95:79-83) provided the following description of Las
Trincheras:
The butte is about 500 ft. high, 3/4 mi. long, 3/8 mi. wide. It is crescentic, concave north. The northern concave side is terraced from base to summit, and the western end is nearly as well terraced. Terraces also extend around the S. side of the main body, which is the western cusp; and on E. side of this cusp toward the lower cusps. The first terrace is just above level of plain, the highest near crest. In general terraces consist of a wall of stone laid neatly without mortar 2-15 ft. high, and glacis of smaller rubble with a veneer of fine rock debris 10-40 ft. wide. Many house rings occur on the glacis, or attached to terrace walls. Character and dis tribution shown in Johnson's map and in photos. Toward sum mit rock carvings occur in considerable numbers.
Particularly at lower levels the terraces abound in pot sherds generally less than an inch across, all of the same class of ware, like that indicated at Caborca and intervening villages. Broken metates and mullers also abound. A terrace wall stone was observed to have been used as a metate, and a mortar in the rock of the hill was seen nearby; also a broad pavement of flat-lying rock worn as if by reciprocal grinding over a surface of some square feet. The rock of the butte is a trachyte, sometimes fluent or ropy in structure, sometimes dense, sometimes jointed, on the whole quite variable; on W. slope and sometimes elsewhere it is a breccia or brecciated tu ff.
The neighboring buttes are artificialized, but to less de gree. A small one on S. has a few house rings, and its sum mit is built out into a buttement or rim with a narrow terrace inside. Broken metates and mullers found here also.
Between E. and middle spur of Trinchera there are two enclosures, one nearly circular, 15 ft. across, one rounded rectangular about 40x20 ft. outside, walls 3-4 ft. thick. Within it a pottery button and a large piece of broken metate were found, as well as a large number of potsherds and spawls.
Pits 1/2-11/4 inch deep are 1 1/2-2 1/2 inches across, like shallow mortarlets are not uncommon toward summit.
The account continues;
There are two enclosures well down the concave slope to N. on main butte. Two wall rocks in place are in part worn smooth on top, one photographed; Norris [Papago interpreter] says they are for pounding meat. The smooth pavement on W. side of butte was photographed, and pronounced by Norris to have been used for grinding mesquite beans. His explanation of the terraces is that, "There was a war, and then the walls were built." Among the articles found were broken grinders, mortars, hammer stones, etc., with one football. There are vast quantities of spalls from water worn pebbles of hard tough rocks, most commonly greenstones, more rarely quartz, etc. Many fragments of marine shells also were found. The most abundant material is potsherds which occur in thousands —the ground is literally sprinkled with them and with the spalls of erratic pebbles—they might be collected by bushels. 10
On the summit and at other points the stones have small pits, already noted; Norris says they are for the game with cheri ote beans.
Proceeded to the small butte—Trincherita. It is some 250 ft. high—Johnson thinks 200 or less. It is intrenched or ter raced on W ., E., and in part on S. as shown on map (made on 23rd). The art products are like those of Trincheras in all re spects save that here much of the pottery is decorated, while none of that on the larger mound was seen thus painted. Shell was also very abundant, and rock carvings also. . . . Near the summit smoothed stones, in place, were found, including one large one evidently a metate. Pits also are found.
Johnson mapped the smaller butte. Some fine inscriptions were seen, some being quite old and Aztecan. These are so far weathered away as to be indecipherable—only faint lines can be seen collectively, but none can be followed individual ly. Most of the carvings are undoubtedly new, and they ap pear to cover a long period—some being quite fresh, others are in grading continuity, the Aztecan specimens nearly weath ered out. Painted pottery, shell carved in rings and otherwise, an entire aquatic shell, and a broken capstone-like piece of red granite which Norris cannot identify, were picked up. Many worn stones were seen. It is probable that some of these meat-stones or paint stones are modem. The works here look less defensive than some of those on Trinchera.
By vertical angles Trinchera is found to be something over 600 ft. above the plain on N.W .—about 650, 612, and 588 on three trails. An acequia skirts its northern base but becomes lost toward N.E.
In the course of the second expedition, McGee's party encoun tered some cerros de trincheras between Alamito and Las Cruces, Sonora, as the following statements demonstrate (McGee 1894-95:83-85);
At 11 o'clock Johnson occupied a butte on right, which he found intrenched and platformed, pottery of the usual type abounding.
In the morning he went to outlying butte near Las Cruces, and and found it intrenched and coroneted. The chief work is a wall, vertical inside and four to six feet high, carefully laid, sloping and irregularly piled up outside, with a gateway, thus forming coronet; but the walls below are almost equally. conspicuous. Pottery of the usual type abounds. 11
In addition to visiting the larger cerros de trincheras in the
Sonoran Papagueria, the second expedition recorded the existence of a single terraced hillside in Seriland. McGee's account of the site is short, as he did not ascend the hill himself. The field log (McGee 1894-
95:960) gives the location of the fortified mountain as "saline barranca to Seri mountain" and provides the following entry: "Water was promised at the arroyo, which proved to be a Seri fortress and well-dry. Many terraces like those of Trinchera, sometimes with house circles, were found, but not studied in detail."
McGee (1971:19, 264) described the presence of boulder walls at Tinaja Trinchera, the fortified hill in Seriland which lies east of the
Sierra Seri. This must be the same site as that noted in the field log quoted above. McGee wrote as follows:
It is an impressive fact that a restricted motherland which has been successfully protected against invasion for nearly four centuries of history should be destitute of earthworks, fortifi cations, barricades, palisades, or other protective structures; yet no such structures exist on any of the natural lines of ap proach, and none are known anywhere in Seriland save in a single spot—Tinaja Trinchera—where there are a few walls of loose-laid stone, so unlike anything else in Seriland and so like the structures characteristic of Papagueria as to strongly indicate (if not to demonstrate) invasion and temporary occu pation by aliens.
Since Pfefferkom (1949:154-155) did not state the location of the fortified mountain he observed in Seriland, it is not possible to de termine positively whether he and McGee, writing a century apart, were describing the same hill.
Carl Lumholtz 1909 to 1910
Lumholtz (1971:140-142) documented cerros de trincheras in
Sonora, as well as in the Arizona Papagueria. His description of the Sonoran site of Las Trincheras follows:
Trincheras derives its name from the "trenches, ” as the Mexicans call them, which cover one side of a long mountain, at the base of which the village lies on a fertile plain. . . . The ancient works which I, for convenience, shall call forti fications, run as walls along the north side of the mountain, parallel to each other and seemingly at the same distance apart though of different lengths. They presented an extraor dinary sight, made more impressive by the afternoon sun, which, by its accompanying shadows, brought the stone walls into strong relief. I counted twenty of them, one above the other. Roughly speaking, they occupied a height of about four hundred feet measured from base to top, some of them attain ing a length of two thousand feet. After sunset hundreds of turkey vultures circled over the tops of the mountain, and finally settled down for the night on the uppermost rocks.
The mountain runs in an easterly and westerly direction and has four tops, the highest rising over five hundred feet above the plain; the western is the lowest, being hardly four hundred feet. The fortifications are found mainly in the mid dle region of the slope. They are somewhat narrow terraces, built of andesitic lava, their front presenting fairly well-laid walls rising to the height of a man, or even higher. The four or five that are lowest down on the slope are almost on level ground, while the highest, which are very short, climb to the top; usually, however, the slopes immediately below the tops are left without fortifications. Noticeable in the long terraces at certain places is the widening out like a bastion. On the south side of the mountain there are said to be a few fortifica tions of a character similar to those on the north side. Mexi cans told me that on the tops were small corrals or enclosures formed by upright stones in the ground which were probably abodes of the ancient people. Broken pieces of crude pottery, metates (grinding stones), lance-heads of hard stone, and beads made from sea-shells have been found and may yet be found on the terraces. There is a report from an evidently re liable Mexican source that in digging a well in the village, pieces of broken pottery were found twenty feet below the sur face, water being reached at a depth of seventeen feet.
In the Papagueria ancient fortifications of a similar kind to these are of common occurrence, especially in Sonora. On the road from Trincheras to Santa Ana they are seen on a low range called Aritauba and again in the neighborhood of Santa Ana. They are found on the road from Magdalena to Cerro Prieto, near the village of San Ignacio, near Altar and Caborca, near the Indian ranch, La Nariz, on the hill tops near Tucson, Arizona, and at many other places. I have visited many of these, and while, as a rule, the idea of fortifications as well as habitations at the top in the shape of small enclosures of 13
upright stone predominates, it seems as if here at Trincheras the extensive stone structures cannot be explained by having been fortifications solely, because the other side of the moun tain would furnish an easy access for attack. Still less prob able is it that agriculture was pursued on these narrow terraces, where people undoubtedly lived, judging from the remains left of household utensils . They here seem likely to have been of religious importance, serving at the same time as places of refuge in case of need. This is also, I under stand, the opinion of Professor W. J. McGee, who first called attention to these remarkable remains. Nowhere else in north ern Mexico do the trincheras compare in magnitude to those seen h ere.
Lumholtz (1971:140) also described a series of stone walls on a hill in the Baboquivari foothills west of the mountain mass:
Three miles from here [from "Sepanovak," or Sapano VayaJ, just about where the llano begins, there rises a small hill, four hundred feet high, called La Ventana. On the west- side it has been fortified by the ancient people with half a dozen or more stone walls of the usual description. The walls are perhaps more massive than is the case at most places. The fortifications had a remarkably fresh look about them, as if they had been in recent use. On top, where blocks had been broken off to form walls and parapets, the underlying rock still looked as untouched by the hand of time as if the work had been done within two years. Circular or square enclosures of the usual type are seen on a natural terrace near the top. A fairly well constructed track leads up to the summit where a rattlesnake was resting in a cool cavity.
This site is presently defined within the boundaries of the Sells Papago Indian Reservation.
Black Mountain, on the San Xavier Indian Reservation near
Tucson, Arizona, was described by Lumholtz (1971:9-12):
Near San Xavier are five hills, running more or less in the general direction of east and west, of volcanic formation, and dark in color. They are each and all called by the Papago tluk (black). A further characterization is given as to which moun tain is meant by "the black hill on which the cemetery is," "the black hill on the other side of the river," and so on. I ascended one of these hills, situated three miles west of the mission church, which, like a great many others in the South west, is surmounted by fortifications of ancient people. These consist mainly of two rows of stone walls which at short in tervals run for about two hundred yards irregularly along the 14
northern side of the summit. The trail from below cuts through them. The w alls, four feet high and ten or fifteen feet wide at the base, consist of loose stones thrown together without any attempt at system.
On the top small enclosures, or corrals, of upright, med ium sized stones were noted; here the ancients lived perhaps during sieges, each family in its enclosure. I found later that those Papagos who lived recently in the sand dune country of Sonora had similar, though cruder, arrangements at their camps. In the winter, when much grass is growing on the top of the mountain, the Indians keep their horses there on pas ture. The rest of the vegetation of the hill consists mainly of a bush with almost white leaves, encelia farinosa, appropri- _ ately named the white brittle bush by Dr. William T. Horna- d a y .
The site (Arizona AA:16:12) was later described by Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy (1959) as a fortified hill.
Ellsworth Huntington 1914
Huntington was interested in climatic change and its effect on the arid landscape of the southwestern United States. As a portion of his document, he explored the location of different kinds of prehistoric settlements in relation to topography and water sources. In the process, he described several of the cerros de trincheras in southern Arizona and northern Sonora. He believed that all of the hill sites served as tempo rary fortifications for the Hohokam but realized that the existence of fea tures other than walls on each hill probably indicated that several activities had occurred at every site (Huntington 1914:47). He briefly mentioned Black Mountain and Tumamoc Hill on the Santa Cruz River in
Arizona and described in detail Las Trincheras in Sonora. He also dis cussed the walled sites on a series of hills northwest of Sells, Arizona, in the vicinity of the site named Etoi-ki. 15 Huntington noted a series of terraces on a hill above a village site at the northern end of the Tucson Mountains in the Santa Cruz Val ley, Arizona. He (1914:56) described the hillside as follows:
. . . the whole eastern and northern face of the hill is covered with low walls 2 or 3 feet high, protecting the exposed side of roughly smoothed spaces from 10 to 30 feet wide. Apparently these were built as places of refuge for the inhabitants of the villages below. Each one may have been covered with a booth of branches, although there is no direct evidence of this. The Hohokam certainly spent a good deal of time here, for pottery is scattered thickly.
No distinctly defensive walls are found here, like those at Tumamoc Hill near Tucson or on the mesa at San Xavier. Possibly this site was abandoned before the pressure of hos tile tribes had led to the development of the art of defense to the point where regular forts were constructed. At any rate, the hill was apparently a refuge for the inhabitants of the vil lage on the plain, and the number of platforms agrees with the size of the area where pottery is found in indicating a population numbered by hundreds of families.
Huntington (1914:57) thought that the prehistoric inhabitants of the villages in the Santa Cruz Valley which were located away from the river might have moved their villages closer to the river and its border ing series of hills when the climate became dryer at the same time that defense needs increased. However, he did not identify a source of of fensive trouble for the residents of southern Arizona that would have necessitated the construction of defensive works.
Huntington decided that different types of rockwork served dif ferent functions. He noted the presence of agricultural terraces near
Sentinel Butte at the head of the Rincon Valley in southern Arizona. The terraces were placed perpendicular to minor drainages and were not asso ciated with artifacts. Huntington (1914:60-61) speculated that they were probably designed for cultivation of some specialized crop. 16 In the desert west of Tucson, he noted walls on a series of
Buttes 4 miles northwest of Sells, Arizona. This is probably a descrip tion of 2 sites incorporated in this study of cerros de trincheras in the
Baboquivari Valley . He (1914:62) noted that
. . . the buttes are covered with defensive walls and with little inclosures like those on the hills above the villages of the Santa Cruz. On the first butte we saw from 50 to 100 of the little, rudely walled platforms, wherein we have inferred that families took refuge in time of danger. Down below on the south side of the Butte we found pottery scattered about, not thickly, but in such quantities that it could only have been left there by long occupation of the site.
Huntington (1914:68-69) described the site of Las Trincheras in the Magdalena Valley, Sonora. His description does not differ sig nificantly from that offered by McGee (1894-95). However, Huntington
perceived that the rockwork features may have been used for several dif ferent kinds of activities. He felt that the hillside was used for agricul tural purposes, for religious or ceremonial practices, and for defense.
The features which indicated these uses to him were, respectively, long terraces, a rectangular enclosure, and a series of 9 walls at the hill top. The terraces that he believed were for cultivation occurred below the defensive walls and were contiguous with what he thought was arable
land at the hill base. He further supported his agricultural hypothesis
by noting the similarity of these terraces to Asiatic ones and by noting
their absence on the hot and dry southern slopes. He estimated that the
terraces would provide 150 to 300 acres of dry-farming land. The struc
ture that he designated as religious or ceremonial is a rectangular rock
enclosure near the terraces and below the walls. He (1914:68) described
the walls on the hill crest as follows: 17
The crest or ridge of the hill is strongly fortified. Nine successive walls surround the main hilltop at the western end. On the central part of the ridge, above the concavity on which lies the temple, the Hohokam built a fort, breast-high with walls 6 feet thick and with a circular bastion projecting from it on the exposed south side.
Huntington's illustrations provide a view of the check dams, or agricultural terraces, in Rincon Canyon (Rincon Valley ?), Arizona.
They also provide a record of the walls on Black Mountain near San
Xavier del Bac Mission, Arizona, and a view of the terraces and rec tangular structure at Las Trincheras. In another report Huntington
(1912: Plate 3) published a photograph of Las Trincheras in Sonora, show
ing terracing and the structure noted above.
Lorenzo D. Walters 1926
W alters' (1926) descriptive account of what must be Etoi-ki
(Arizona DD:1:3) near Sells, Arizona, indicated that the Papago in that
area had built the rock walls and terraces on the hill as a means of de
fense against the Apache and the Yaqui. He (1926:26-27) described the
site he called Papago Buttes as follows:
. . . a low hog-backed mountain about one mile in length from east to west, having a high butte at each end and one also in the center. The Papago decided that this location, which at that time no doubt abounded in all kinds of wild game, would be an ideal one for a home, so they set to work and built a series of terraces around the butte, which extended from about half the distance from the bottom upward. This was a necessity from their point of view, as a protection from the Yaquis on the south and the Apaches on the north.
These terraces are built of large stones loosely laid, to a height of from six to twelve feet and from eight to twelve feet in width. These terraces were filled in only in part, the walls extending above the rock and earth filling to a distance of from about two to four feet in height and forming an effective breastwork. Nearly all of the high rocky points were protected by tower houses from ten to fourteen feet in diameter and with the usual parapet wall. There is still plainly visible a made 18 trail which extends from the East Butte along the hog back, around the Middle Butte to West Butte and around same and ending in the head of an arroyo which extends down the west side of the butte, out onto the flat for a distance of about a mile, thus affording them a quick getaway in case of a defeat at their fortified butte. Large stones are piled on either side of this arroyo for its entire length, some of which will weigh in the neighborhood of one thousand pounds and requiring the efforts of several men to move. Much of the rock used in building the terraces was broken from the high rim rock of the East Butte and allowed to roll down to where they were re quired .
In addition to the walled and terraced hillside, Walters (1926:
27) described a series of Papago burial cairns at the base of the eastern most butte in this complex of hills.
At the base of the East Butte there are several places of burial which are presumed to be the last resting places of warriors killed in battle. These circular piles of rocks are about twenty feet in diameter and ten feet in height in the center. Appearances would indicate that the bodies may have been laid in a circle radiating from the center after the fashion of the spokes of a wheel, then covered by a layer of rocks, and possibly, more bodies added until the cairn would be com pleted.
Speculating upon the amount of energy expenditure required for construction, Walters (1926:26) made the following statement:
To say the least, it must have taken years of hard work to have built all of the fortifications present on the Papago Buttes, to say nothing of the labor involved in fortifying the getaway trail across a mile of rough mountain top and an other mile down the mountain side to the flat.
T. W. Hoover 1935
In an article primarily concerned with the formation of •
nineteenth-century daughter villages from a series of Papago parent vil
lages. Hoover (1935:263) made a single observation about the site of
Haak Muerto (Arizona DD:6:1):
The "trincheras" or wall fortifications on an isolated mesa four miles west of San Miguel were built by the Papago as a 19 retreat in case of Apache raids. They are in this respect dis tinct from the prehistoric trincheras on the mount just south of Sells, near Poso Verde, and through the Altar Valley, de scribed by Sauer and Brand.
Hoover did not give a source for his information.
Statements about Use of Sites
All of the accounts quoted above ascribed a defensive function to the walled and terraced hillside sites, and some authors think that habitation on the hills occurred simultaneously with defense. The ac
counts differ in their identification of the defensive and offensive groups.
All, however, concluded that the hills were used by historically recorded
In d ia n s.
Pfefferkorn (1949), referring to a site in Seriland, reported that
Seri and renegade Pimas constructed it as a retreat from hostile encounters with combined Spanish and Pima forces. Russell (1908) reported Apaches
retreating from a raid on a Pima village to a hill where they set up a de
fensive wall to ward off counterattack by Pimas. McGee (1894-95, 1901,
1971), without exception, attributed use of the sites in Sonora to Pimas
defending themselves from Apache raids on their villages. He described
a Seri hill fort but did not identify the offensive group. Walters (1926)
made a specific reference to a hill in the Arizona Papagueria as a Papa go
settlement and defensive location for protection from Apache and Yaqui
raids. Lumholtz (1971) was not commited to a single purpose for the hill
side sites that he observed in Arizona and Sonora. He called them forti
fications for convenience of reference but also considered that they may
have served as habitations and as locations for ceremonial activities.
He did not assign their use to any particular group. 20 Descriptions of Features within Sites
The descriptions of cerros de trincheras quoted above provide
detailed information about the kinds of features within sites and about the situation of these features on the hill they occupy. Although compar
ison of records is complicated by lack of uniformity in descriptive pro
cedures , all authors recorded sites having similar features. The most
frequently appearing references are to (1) walls of stone (Pfefferkom
1949; Russell 1908; McGee 1894-95; Lumholtz 1971; Walters 1926);
(2) flat terraces (McGee 1894-95; Lumholtz 1971); (3) house rings of
stone occurring either on flat terraces or on the hill summits (McGee
1894-95; Lumholtz 1971; Walters 1926). These are the same features
that occur most frequently, in combination with one another, on the hill side sites that are the subject of this study. Artifacts are mentioned by
two observers, McGee (1894-95) and Lumholtz (1971) on Sonoran sites.
Plain ceramics were noted by these observers at Las Trincheras and at
a hill near Caborca.
Previous Archaeological Research
The Spanish terms trinchera and trincheras have been used to
designate a wide variety of archaeological phenomena in southern Arizona
and in the northern Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua. Literally translated, trinchera means trench, stockade, or fence (Castillo and
Bond 1948:214). It has been applied to the walled and terraced hillside
sites that are the subject of this study (Sauer and Brand 1931; Hoover
1941; Hinton 1955; Herold 1965; Howard and Griffiths 1966). In addi
tion, it has been applied to prehistoric water control features, especi
ally check dams and linear borders (Herold 1965; Howard and Griffiths 21
1966). The term "Trincheras" was capitalized to name a series of ceram ic types, both painted and plainwares, that archaeologically characterize a large area in northwestern Mexico and have been assigned the dates
A.D. 800 to 1100 on the basis of intrusive ceramics from the Chihuahuan area to the east (Sauer and Brand 1931; Hinton 1955; Johnson I960, 1963;
Bowen n .d .). Finally, Trincheras, also with a capital T, has been used to name a culture area in northwestern Mexico whose existence was noted by Johnson (1960) and later defined by Bowen (n.d.) on the basis of the spatial distribution of the Trincheras ceramic types. Some researchers in southern Arizona and northern Mexico have noted the presence in their areas of these ceramics, most frequently occurring at valley-floor sites.
Both regions also have walled and terraced hillside sites with plainwares.
However, the reports have not always emphasized the difference between these phenomena, leading toward a tendency for the reader to equate the
Trincheras ceramics with the hill sites, when, in fact, that association is rare. Only Sauer and Brand (1931) noted the presence of Trincheras wares on any hills, and they did not provide comparative data about the
quantity of painted and unpainted pottery. Other authors report that ce ramics on the hills consist entirely or mostly of plainware (Hinton 1955;
Bowen n .d .).
The following summary of applications of the terms Trincheras
and trinchera to archaeological ceramics, sites, and culture areas will
be presented by the geographical region in which research was done and
by the chronological sequence of field studies in each area. The hypoth
eses presented by each investigator relating to site construction and use
will be summarized. 22
Sites in Sonora, Mexico
Surveys of the River Valievs. In reporting a survey of the major river drainages in northern Sonora, Sauer and Brand (1931) used the term
cerros de trincheras (entrenched hills) to describe a series of hillside
and hilltop sites. This appears to be the first archaeological use of the term in the literature. In addition, they noted the presence of Trincheras
ceramic types in sites on valley floors and only occasionally on the hills
Most of the cerros de trincheras they recorded, 35 in all, appear to be
associated with plain, undecorated ceramics (Sauer and Brand 1931:68).
Sauer and Brand (1931:118-120) considered several hypotheses
for the construction and use of the sites, including their possible use for
agricultural purposes, for habitation sites, or for lookouts. They refuted
the agricultural hypothesis for the following reasons:
1. Terraces on the hills often have structures on them.
2. Agricultural land was plentiful in the river valleys and a spe
cialized hill location would not have been necessary to grow
c ro p s .
3. Terraces are on steep, isolated hills, and the longer hill flanks
would have been preferable for agricultural purposes.
4. Soil behind the terraces is artificial fill, therefore not suitable
for agriculture.
5. The Sonoran valleys where cerros de trincheras existed had
enough water from the rivers to supply agricultural land on the
valley floor.
Sauer and Brand thought that the Arizona cerros de trincheras
could have served as lookouts but believed that the Sonoran ones were 23
used for habitation and not as lookouts or occasional refuges for the in habitants of the valley—floor sites. Their inclination toward the habita tion hypothesis is based on the presence of architectural units and large
quantities of the residue of everyday living. They believed that the Sonoran occupants of the cerros de trincheras were related, as indicated
by pottery style, to the Hohokam culture to the north, then described as the Red-on-buff Culture by Gladwin and Gladwin (1929).
In 1955, Hinton published the results of an archaeological sur
vey of the Altar Valley, Sonora, from Saric to San Valentin de Bisani. He
(1955:2) defined both prehistoric and historic sites, including the follow
ing ty p es:
1. Rock trincheras or entrenchments on hill slopes and rock
corrales or circles on the summits of hills. The three rock
trincheras and four rock corrales that he reported shared the
same pottery type, plainwares.
2. Trincheras Purple-on-red pottery sites located on the valley
floor or on low mesas overlooking the river. Fourteen were re
corded in the course of the survey.
3. Plainware sites, usually on small mesas or terraces overlook
ing the river. Eleven sites were reported.
4. Mission sites of the contact period, near the plainware sites.
5. Spanish or early Mexican mining camps and recent Papago
cam ps.
Hinton (1955:5-6) reported that the rock trincheras are found on
"practically every suitable hill" in the Altar Valley. He noted that the
trincheras and corrales exhibited dense concentrations of pottery, nearly 24 always plainware. He also noted the common occurrence of this plain- ware, which he called "late Gila Plain," in nearly all sites except the large Trincheras pottery sites. These had, instead, undecorated inte rior scored Trincheras ware as their plainware type (Hinton 1955:9).
Hinton (1955:10-11) concluded that the Trincheras pottery sites were contemporaneous with the Hohokam sequence between A.D. 700 and 1200. Conversely, he believed that the plainware sites, including the rock trincheras and corrales, were considerably later, equating them with Early Pima occupation at the time of first Spanish contact.
Excavation of the La Playa Site. In 1960, Johnson described a
Trincheras Culture of northern Sonora on the basis of the spatial distri bution of several ceramic types. Principal among them were Trincheras
Purple-on-red, Trincheras Polychrome, and a plainware with interior scoring, an interior treatment found on all Trincheras pottery types.
Johnson (I960) and Hinton (1955) both observed that sites having Trin cheras ceramics are usually situated on valley floors and on mesa tops.
Johnson's (1960) study involved excavation of a single site, La Playa, also called Las Boquillas, which was on the valley floor and contained
Trincheras pottery types as well as mounds, pit ovens, and burials. He
(1960:158) concluded that the site had been seasonally occupied from
A.D. 800 to 1100 for gathering of wild vegetal plant foods in the vicin ity. He (1960:42) recorded rock terraces on two hills north of the site but noted that there were no artifacts associated with them. He attributed a defensive function to the rock terraces, stating that they may have served as temporary refuges for the occupants of the village on the valley floor below. 25
Johnson then applied the term "Trincheras" to a series of ce ramic types present at the La Playa site and also applied the term to a culture defined by the distribution of those pottery types. He decided that the culture area so defined showed ceramic similarities to the Mo- gollon culture area and to northwestern Mexico. Later, he (1963) reaf firmed the statements made in his original study.
Coastal, Desert, and Riverine Survey. Using data from a
Sonoran coastal survey made by the Arizona State Museum, Bowen (1969:
13) defined a ceramic boundary between the predominant occurrence of
Trincheras painted and plain pottery north of Puerto Libertad on the cen tral Sonoran coast and the predominance of Seri eggshell pottery south of Desemboque. In this work, he dated Trincheras Purple-on-red pottery as late as A.D. 1400, but later Bowen (n.d.) revised that estimate to A.D.
800 and continuing into the fourteenth century.
In 1972, Bowen (n.d.) recorded and interpreted additional data from an Arizona State Museum survey of northern Sonora. Within the
Trincheras Culture area in Sonora, he noted the presence of six rock trincheras and corrales. using the terms as Hinton did. He stated that
sites of this type were added to the existing cultural pattern in the four teenth century and that they did not appear on the coast or in the interior desert but only in riverine environments. The date is based on the pres
ence of a few late Chihuahua sherds at several rock trincheras. He agreed with Hinton (1955) that non-interior scored plainware sites in
Sonora must postdate the disappearance of decorated pottery, placing the appearance of those sites after the fourteenth century. Bowen (n.d.) 26 noted the lack of decorated pottery on rock trincheras and classified it as part of the late plain ware site pattern.
Bowen (n.d.) does not think that there is evidence at any of the rock trincheras to demonstrate whether they were used in historic tim es.
He does not believe that the Arizona and Sonoran trincheras were built by related people because of the following differences:
1. Sonoran trincheras are all riverine, while the ones in Arizona
are in desert areas.
2. There are no trincheras hillside sites in non-riverine desert desert areas in Sonora.
3. Non-riverine trincheras exist only beyond the indigenous range
of Trincheras decorated pottery.
4. Arizona trincheras yield Papaguerian ceramics .
Because of the type and quantity of artifactual and architectural remains, Bowen (n.d.) sees different functions for several types of rock trincheras in his survey area. He believes that the lack of painted pot tery may indicate that some hills were used for defense or as temporary retreats rather than for habitation. However, he thinks that the type site,
Cerro de las Trincheras, represents a domestic hillside habitation, since house outlines are visible on lower terraces and there is an abundance of food-grinding implements and plain ceramics. Bowen (n.d.) supports his defense hypothesis with the following argument. Widespread changes in the southern Southwest and in northwestern Mexico may have been
caused by a Pima intrusion in the fourteenth century. It was at this time that the rock trincheras appeared in Sonora, and Bowen believes that
such an intrusion may have caused hostility between the groups in 27 contact, creating the need for defensive sites in both areas. He thinks the Pima intrusion may eventually have forced the indigenous Trincheras people north to the Arizona Papagueria, where they "fused" with the in habitants there to produce an entirely new culture.
Sites in Arizona
Research on the Arizona cerros de trincheras has emphasized the defensive potential of these hillside sites. However, attempts to identify a source of stress that would have caused people to construct and use the sites prehistorically have been unsuccessful. Historically,
Apache raids have been cited as a reason for their existence (Walters
1926:26; Hoover 1935:263). But the presence of late prehistoric pottery on the hills and the lack of historic artifacts discount the historic use of these sites. It is important to note that the Arizona sites are both desert and riverine, occurring in the San Pedro and Santa Cruz river val leys as well as in a desert environment west of there. The Sonoran sites are recorded only in riverine environments. Reports on the Arizona cerros de trincheras deal with single sites (Gabel 1931; Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy 1959; Wasley and Johnson 1965; Larson 1972), or they pro pose hypotheses about hillside use without an in-depth consideration of the previously recorded sites (Hoover 1941; Fontana, Greenleaf, and
Cassidy 1959; Farmer 1957). No archaeological survey has been ac
complished that describes and discusses a number of sites together.
In the Arizona Papagueria, there is usually a site on the valley
floor within 1 km (0.8 mile) of a hill site and the pottery types in both
are frequently the same. Two valley-floor sites near hills have been
excavated (Gabel 1931; Hayden 1942), in addition to Johnson's (I960) 28 project in Sonora. Unfortunately, in no case has a rock trinchera site on a hill been excavated or even recorded in detail.
Excavation of the Martinez Hill Site. Gabel (1931) excavated a portion of the Martinez Hill site on the flood plain of the Santa Cruz River near Tucson, Arizona. It is 1 km (0.8 mile) from the base of a cerro de trincheras, which occupies a butte named Martinez Hill, or Sahuaro
Butte. The valley-floor site was a village composed of 7 mounds appear ing on the surface. Each of the 3 mounds excavated contained a series of contiguous rectangular rooms whose walls were constructed of puddled adobe. Ceramics recovered from the habitation units were red-on-buff, red-on-black, black-on-red, Gila Polychrome in small quantities, Mar tinez Hill Polychrome, and both plain gray ware and plain red ware.
There were also a few sherds each of corrugated and black-on-white
(Gabel 1931:43).
Gabel reported the existence of rock enclosures on the hill sum mit and of some terracing on the north and south sides below the enclo
sures. He (1931:39) found that potsherds were "relatively abundant" on the hill top but that all were small fragments making identification of type difficult. He mentioned that with the exception of one small red-
on-buff sherd all the ceramics were plainwares.
Gabel (1931:39) thought that the excavated site and the hill
were associated and that the walls and terraces provided temporary ref
uge for the inhabitants of the village below. He presented the hypoth
esis that the hill may have served as a refuge from the seasonal flood
waters of the Santa Cruz River rather than as a place to hide from attack
by hostile people. He argued against a defensive explanation for the 29 existence of walled and terraced hills, citing the peaceful record of all pueblo builders, with whom he architecturally classified the Martinez
Hill inhabitants. In addition, he said that the lack of artifacts that could be interpreted as weapons either on the hill or in the valley-floor site argued against a defensive function for the hill (Gabel 1931:39).
Hoover's Discussion of Papaguerian Cerros de Trincheras. In
1941, Hoover published a discussion of the prehistoric cerros de trin cheras in the Arizona Papagueria, working with non-riverine sites.
Throughout the study, he considered the Papagueria as a marginal culture area as compared with Hohokam and Salado developments to the north and east and with similar hillside sites in Sonora, Mexico. Using the term cerros de trincheras, he listed the largest ones known in the Papa gueria at that time: Etoi-ki (Arizona DD:1:3), a hill 0.4 km (0.25 mile) south of Etoi-ki (Arizona DD:1:5), and Haak Muerto (Arizona DD:6:l).
He indicated that the other cerros de trincheras in the Arizona Papagueria are smaller. He (1941:234-235) also noted that the Arizona sites are us ually on the northern side of the hill.
In the same study, Hoover recorded a Papago tradition that their ancestors built the cerros de trincheras for defense against the Apache.
Therefore, he placed the sites in a historically known context rather than
in a prehistoric one. He also based his conclusion about historic use of the sites on the fact that their densest distribution is in Sonora, where there is little evidence for prehistoric Salado contact but where records
exist for Apache depredations. Hoover (1941:238) thought there may have
been hostile pressures exerted on local inhabitants of an area from more
than one source and that sites may have been constructed by more than 30 one group of people, the last being Papago ancestors as late as A.D.
1400. The study presented a series of important thoughts about the con struction and utilization of cerros de trincheras but was not based on systematic survey or site recording.
Excavation of the Ash Hill Site. Ash Hill (Arizona Z:12:6), an other Papaguerian site at the base of a cerro de trincheras, was exca vated by Hayden in 1942. It had 11 mounds, each with adjacent sherd and lithic debris and what appeared to be fire-cracked rock. One pit house was discovered in the area adjacent to Mound 1.
Hayden (1942) did not excavate the hill, but he noted the ap pearance of platforms, terraces, breastworks, and enclosures on its upper slopes. He described the presence of bedrock mortars on the hill top and of quantities of ceramics and metate fragments. Ceramics be longed to the Sells Phase, as did those at the site on the valley floor.
Hayden thought that a series of small, semicircular enclosures were artificially filled, possibly for use as garden plots. One portion of the hill had Papago ceramics, showing later historic use of a portion of the s i t e .
Farmer's Typology for Defensive Systems. Farmer (1957:249-
250) suggested a typology for defensive systems in the Southwest in which he included the cerros de trincheras as examples of his categories
"forts" and "hill slope retreats." In this respect, they would be con sidered as parts of sites, the walls and structures on the hills serving as places of temporary refuge for the residents of a valley-floor village.
Farmer did not apply his typology to any specific sites. 31
The Black Mountain Site. Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy
(1959) discussed the Black Mountain site (Arizona AA:16:12) south of
Tucson, Arizona, and hypothesized a defensive function for the long walls and stone circles on this riverine hill. They (1959:49) made the observation that from the top of Black Mountain another riverine site,
Tumamoc Hill (Arizona AA:16:26), can be seen.
In addition to the brief discussion of a single site, these in vestigators set up four hypotheses and a list of test expectations about activities on the hills. Their hypotheses were derived from observation of the kinds of features on several different hills, leading toward the formulation of such types as defensive hillside, agricultural hillside, ceremonial hillside, and habitational hillside sites. They gave examples for each type.
Excavation of a Fortified M esa. Was ley and Johnson (1965) re ported the partial excavation of a walled site on a mesa above the Gila
River (Arizona T:13:8). The wall surrounded a series of rectangular con tiguous structures. That construction technique is not found in the more southern cerros de trincheras and may indicate that this is an entirely different kind of site. Bowen (n.d.) classified it as a trinchera. and
Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy (1959:51) cited it as an example of a habitational hillside. Ceramics consisted predominantly of plainware.
The minority types were Casa Grande Red-on-buff, Tanque Verde Red-on- brown, Gila Red, and Gila Smudged.
Mapping of the Tumamoc Hill Site. Larson (1972) mapped a site on Tumamoc Hill (Arizona AA:16:26) with the aid of aerial photographs flown at a low altitude. The hill is in a riverine setting, located in the 32 western portion of the city of Tucson, Arizona. His map clearly docu mented the numerous stone circles above a series of long, shallow ter races, ranging from just below the hill top to one-third of the distance downs lope.
Survey North of the Gila and Salt Rivers. Gumerman and John son (1971) are using the remote-sensing techniques of aerial photography to study hill sites north of Phoenix, Arizona, between the Bradshaw
Mountain—Agua Fria drainage system and the Verde Valley in central
Arizona. They have defined this area as an ecotone, where several plant and animal species, each predominant in one of the adjacent areas, show combined distribution, enhancing the potentially useful resources there.
Their study (1971:93) defined two different groups utilizing this ecotone in different ways, with the assumption that two coeval popula tions created different ecological niches by exploiting different resources
Differences appear in the settlement pattern characteristic of each group.
In the Upper Sonoran life zone, sites were built on the edge of a plateau and consisted of large masonry structures. Sites in the Lower Sonoran zone appear to have been constructed for defense. Gumerman and John son (1971:94) described two types within this defensive system as solely defensive sites and as fortified habitation sites. They also reported the existence of numerous small sites around the bases of the buttes on which the defensive sites are located. One hundred percent plainwares occurred at the fortified sites, while the plateau sites displayed up to
98 percent late redwares, placing the date for the latter sites at about
A.D. 1300 to 1400. 33
Sites in Chihuahua. Mexico
Geographers from the University of Denver, Colorado, have done two studies (HeroId 1965; Howard and Griffiths 1966) of agricultural check dams and linear borders in the Sierra Madre Occidental, which divides the states of Sonora and Chihuahua, Mexico. In addition, they included the Sonoran walled and terraced hill sites in their definition of trincheras. The check dams and linear borders do not have any rele vance for this study of cerros de trincheras in Arizona and Sonora be cause they are totally different kinds of features than are found on the terraced hills; therefore, only the discussion of hillside sites in Sonora has any bearing on the remainder of this study.
Herold (1965) determined that the check dams and linear borders in the northern Sierra Madre Occidental were constructed to reduce rain water runoff and soil erosion and to conserve a maximum amount of soil for agricultural use. He (1965:156) based his conclusion on excavations of each kind of feature and on records of precipitation, temperature, soil moisture, and sunlight kept on both types of features. Although Herold1 s concern was not primarily with cultural phenomena, .he assigned these constructions to the Casas Grandes Culture, which he termed "a mani festation of pueblo culture in northern Chihuahua" at about A.D. 1100 to
1400 (Herold 1965:2). He (1965:124, 130, 145-152) determined that in all cases the shape of the feature was determined by the type of terrain on which it was built and that fill behind the rockwork was either original soil mantle or was natural fill, rather than artificial deposition.
Howard and Griffiths (1966) were concerned with the spatial distribution of the types of trincheras defined by Herold. They determined 34 that Herold had included two types of rock constructions under the term trinchera. They defined them as Sonoran trincheras, which were walls and terraces completely or partially encircling summits of isolated hills, and Chihuahuan trincheras. which were check dams in intermittently flowing stream beds (Howard and Griffiths 1966:1). The Sonoran trin cheras , they believed, served defensive, residential, and possibly cer emonial functions, both prehistorically and during the Mexican Revolution
The Chihuahuan check dams, Howard and Griffiths (1966:2) determined, were devices to stabilize soil, slow runoff, and perhaps provide addi tional arable land.
Howard and Griffiths described the distribution of Sonoran-type trincheras as being centered in the area of Santa Ana, Sonora, and west and north of there. They did not think that these trincheras could have been terraced agricultural sites because they are located near hill sum mits and are not near stream courses on the hills. They stated that de fense was probably their primary function. In conclusion, they (1966:
77-78) decided that the Sonoran-type trincheras have probably had no
significant effect on the physical environment, whereas the Chihuahuan- type check dams have considerably altered the original topography and
created a new set of environmental relationships.
In summary, most authors cite defense as the primary reason for
construction and use of terraced hillsides in Arizona and Sonora. Alter
native interpretations have been presented by some authors. Sauer and
Brand (1931) differentiated between the possibility that those in Arizona
were used as lookouts and those in Sonora were habitation sites. Gabel 35
(1931) thought that Martinez Hill in Arizona was a refuge from floods which threatened a valley-floor site. Bowen (n.d.) stated that Cerro de
Las Trincheras in Sonora was a habitation site but that others in Sonora may have served as defensive retreats. Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy
(1959) called Black Mountain in Arizona a defensive site but decided that hill sites may have been constructed for other purposes, such as habita tion, agriculture, or ceremonial activity. Most authors have not con
sidered the possibility that each hill could have supported several kinds of activities at once.
Every author who mentioned ceramics on the hills reported a pre dominance of plainware. This has been interpreted as a functional dif
ference in hillside and valley-floor sites (Bowen n .d .), indicating that the hills were intermittently occupied for short periods of time, with
only utility vessels being used for the duration of that time. No author
has studied the possibility that occupation may have been seasonal.
All authors who placed a time estimate on cerros de trincheras
in their area of study stated that they were either late prehistoric (Bowen
n.d.) or early historic structures (Hoover 1941; Hinton 1955). These
authors believe that hill site construction was a phenomenon that ap
peared late in the historical development of each area in which it oc
curred and existed for only a short time.
Three excavated valley-floor sites lie within 0.8 km (0.5 mile)
of hillside sites (Gabel 1931; Hayden 1942; Johnson 1960), but no sys
tematic recording or excavation of any hill sites has been attempted.
This would be an essential step in determining whether valley-floor and 36 hillside sites are parts of the same subsistence and settlement pattern at the same point in time.
The next section will present the Papago Indian pattern of land use for subsistence and for settlement location. This nineteenth-century model will provide a predictive framework for understanding late prehis toric site locations in the Baboquivari Valley, including the kinds of landforms occupied by the cerros de trincheras. CHAPTER 3
METHODOLOGY
In the absence of any detailed archaeological study of the cerros de trincheras in the Arizona Papagueria, a research design em ploying a settlement pattern framework will be used to facilitate inter pretation of activities on the hill sites.
Statement of the Problem
The cerros de trincheras in the Arizona Papagueria present an anomaly in settlement pattern continuity from late prehistoric time through the middle of the nineteenth century. Late prehistoric sites and nineteenth-century Papago villages are in similar kinds of locations with reference to topography and vegetation patterns, but artifacts on the
cerros de trincheras indicate that they were used as activity areas late
in the prehistory of the Papagueria and that their use did not continue
into the historic period. This statement is based upon the current state
of knowledge about ceramic wares manufactured by Papago Indians within
the span of recorded history (Fontana, Robinson, Cormack, and Leavitt
1962). The rim-coil characteristic of eighteenth and nineteenth-century
brown wares does not appear on any of the ceramics on the hill sites, nor
is there any Papago glazed ware or painted ware that was manufactureo
during the same time period. The nineteenth-century redware is also
absent. The ceramics on the hills may represent an earlier style of Papa-
go wares, but the plain and red-on-brown ceramics that appear on the
37 38 cerros de tr inch eras cannot be positively identified as Papago in origin.
The problem consists of inability to identify pre-eighteenth-century
Papago artifacts. The gap in our current state of historical knowledge leaves this study open to the possibility that the early Papago inhabi tants of the Baboquivari Valley may have used the cerros de trincheras.
However, this cannot be determined in the context of existing knowledge
about early Papago history and material culture. This study assumes that the plainwares and red-on-brown ceramics on the hills are part of a
Sells Phase occupation of the valley because of the similarity of the
painted wares to late prehistoric ceramics in the Tucson Basin and be
cause of the association of these ceramics with Sells Red in sites below the hills. There will be no attempt at this time to assign an historically
known culture to the production of ceramics on hills in the Baboquivari
V alley.
Papago oral tradition and some historical documents together
provide an indication that the hill sites may have been used by Papago
as defensive fortifications against the Apache. According to historical
records interpreted by Spicer (1962:241), Apache raids into the Papa-
gueria would place use of hills for defense in the early to middle nine
teenth century. Papago oral tradition states that the hills were forts for
fighting the Apache, according to two male informants interviewed in the
course of this study. The specific reference in each case was to Etoi-ki
(Arizona DD:1:3). Underhill (1936:58) records an informant interview
which notes that members of a Papago village took refuge from Mexicans
by fleeing to a hill. Hoover (1935:263) reported that Haak Muerto
(Arizona DD:6:1) had been used by Papago as a fort against Apache raids, 39 and he therefore thought that it was a different kind of site than other cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari Valley, but he did not provide a source for his statement about fortification.
Other Papago uses for hills have been reported by anthropolo gists, as well as by early travelers in the Papagueria. The Spanish
Captain Manje (1954:137-138) reported in the early eighteenth century that Indians living at San Xavier del Bac went up a walled hill (possibly
Arizona BB:13:2) to replace a stone removed by Manje1 s soldiers. The
Indians thought that its disturbance had caused a strong windstorm that had blown all night after the stone was displaced. McGee (1894-95) found Papago in Sonora living in houses on a hill. In addition, there are general references to Papago use of hills for storage or disposal of ritual
paraphernalia (Clark 1967; Underhill 1936).
During independent survey for this study, recently refurbished
shrines were observed on some of the hills surveyed, including several
of the cerros de trincheras. Hills also served as a location for food
gathering camps (Underhill 1936; Castetter and Underhill 1935). How
ever, there is nothing in the material remains on any hill, other than
those having recent shrines, to suggest Papago use. This statement is
only valid because of the current limitation of knowledge about utensils
made and used by the historically recorded members of that group.
Since the ethnic identity of the people who made and used the
sites is not certain, an archaeological research strategy must be devised
to gather data that will begin to answer questions about the kinds of ac
tivities which took place on the hills. To date, with the exception of
Hoover (1941), no study has been designed focusing on the hill sites in 40 Arizona; therefore, no precedent exists for a research design oriented toward them. This study proposes a settlement pattern framework so that the sites are not isolated in time and space. Within this organizational framework, individual sites can be assessed for the kinds of activities that may have been performed there. Comparison may demonstrate regu
larity in the patterning of activities on the hills.
Methods of Approach
The Settlement Pattern Framework
Questions about chronological and cultural affinity of the cerros
de trincheras are important but are not the major focus of this study.
Given the lack of a detailed chronology for the Papagueria, the sites can
only be broadly designated as Sells Phase in temporal placement and cul
tural affiliation. Information required to refine these assessments would
have to be gathered from many sites in several areas of the Papagueria.
A narrower focus for study is behavioral patterns through time in relation
to the landscape in a single valley, including behavioral patterns asso
ciated with use of hill sites. For this reason, a settlement pattern frame
work is desirable and can be established by use of the cultural-ecological
and direct historical approaches to archaeology. With this framework es
tablished, an inductive approach will be taken to collection and analysis
of data and to interpretation of the results of that analysis.
The Cultural-Ecological Approach. The cultural-ecological em
phasis on environment, subsistence, and settlement variables permitted
recording prehistoric and historic site location in relation to topography,
vegetation, and other sites so that the hills can be placed in a 41 relationship to a set of definable entities that compose a settlement pat tern through time in the study area.
Steward (1963:42) viewed cultural ecology as". . . a method ological tool for ascertaining how the adaptation of a culture to its en vironment may entail certain changes. In a larger sense, the problem is to determine whether similar adjustments occur in similar environments."
Although Steward was referring to interareal comparisons, this study will
attempt a diachronic approach within the Baboquivari Valley in order to understand whether factors in the natural environment, specifically to
pography and vegetal food resources, imposed limitations on settlement
from late prehistoric through early historic phases. If continuity can be
seen in settlement location, a framework will be established for under
standing the sudden appearance and disappearance of a behavioral pat tern using hills as an activity space. This procedure follows Steward's
(1963:40-41) generalized outline for the method of cultural ecology:
First, the interrelationship of exploitative or productive technology and environment must be analyzed.
Second, the behavior patterns involved in the exploita tion of a particular area by a particular technology must be an aly zed .
The third procedure is to ascertain the extent to which the behavior patterns entailed in exploiting the environment affect other aspects of culture.
Use of the cultural-ecological approach is based on the assump
tion that there has been continuity in the pattern of aridity for the central
zone of the Papagueria, including the Baboquivari Valley, from late pre
historic through historic time. That assumption is supported by the pres
ence of xeric vegetation from 11,000 years ago in pollen spectra from
Vent ana Cave, 65 km (40 miles) northwest of the study area (Martin and 42
Mehringer 1965:440). The cave is in an area with elevation, topography, and vegetation similar to that in the Baboquivari Valley.
An additional assumption is that, given the continuity of aridity, regularity will exist in the adaptive patterns of subsistence and settle ment employed through time to utilize the principle of least cost (Plog and Hill 1971) in locating settlements near available resources. This assumption is supported by ethnographic data for the nineteenth-century
Papago in the central zone (Castetter and Underhill 1935:13-15) showing that wild plant food collection was performed close to the village. In addition, a more general examination of literature on hunting and gather ing societies revealed distances from 1.6 km (1 mile) to 9.7 km (6 miles) as standard for a gathering expedition to travel from its village (Lee and
De Vore 1968).
The Direct Historical Approach. Use of a cultural-ecological approach diachronically for the Baboquivari Valley depends on the exis tence of records for nineteenth-century Papago subsistence and settlement in the central zone of the Papagueria, as well as on the archaeological record of prehistoric settlement. To record locational attributes of set tlements through time, the direct historical approach to archaeology
(Steward 1942) will be utilized. The method involves working from the known to the unknown by identifying historic sites and their locations and working back in time to understand the prehistoric ones. Steward
(1942:337) described this method as follows:
Methodologically the direct historical approach involves the elementary logic of working from the known to the unknown. First, sites of the historic period are located. These are pref erably, but not necessarily, those of identifiable tribes. Second, the cultural complexes of the sites are determined. Third, sequences are carried backward in time to protohistoric 43
and prehistoric periods and cultures. This approach has the crucially important advantage of providing a fixed datum point to which sequences may be tied. But, far more impor tant than this, it provides a point of contact and a series of specific problems which will coordinate archaeology and ethnology in relation to the basic problem of cultural studies.
Aside from this broad definition. Steward did not discuss the kinds of problems to which the method may be specifically applied, nor did he express any limitations. The ability to use the direct historical approach in the Baboquivari Valley rests upon the existence of enough records for historic habitation of the valley that the technique of spe cific analogy (Anderson 1969) may be used to structure questions about site locations through time in similar environments. This will meet
Ascher's (1961:319) admonition to "seek analogies in cultures which manipulate similar environments in similar ways." Since the present- day Papago villages in the Baboquivari Valley have usually evolved from nineteenth-century settlements in the same locations, these known sites are easy to record in relation to topography and vegetation, to one an other, and to prehistoric sites. Comparison of data from the historic villages with that gathered from the Sells Phase sites should reveal similarities and differences in settlement location aind possibly therefore in wild plant food use. Setting up an organizational framework for analy sis of the hill sites requires demonstration of consistency, or lack of it, through time in settlement location within the Baboquivari Valley. There fore, emphasis in the first portion of the study will be on site location and relationships recorded from documents and from archaeological sur v ey .
Determining Activities on H ills. The portion of the study that will attempt a detailed analysis of hill sites to determine activities 44 performed there rests upon a hypothetical stance and its underlying as sumptions . This position is that the visible patterning of archaeological remains in the ground, including artifacts and structures, reflects the actual patterning of social behavior practiced by the people who pro duced the remains. More specifically, artifacts and their attributes, as well as the placement of artifacts in space, reflect the behavioral pat terns employed in their manufacture and use. This hypothetical pose is explicitly stated by Binford (1962), Longacre (1963), Deetz (1968), and
Hill (1970). Underlying assumptions are that human cultural behavior is regular and patterned and that artifacts and their attributes are the visible end product of the patterned behavior.
The study concentrates on 5 hills in a single valley on the
Papago Indian Reservation. Observation of similar features on all of them led to the decision to use a comparative approach for analysis of activities at the sites. The desired result of the study is a series of generalizations about hillside use derived from observation of feature and artifact distribution on these hills. The generalizations would be derived from a limited area, the Baboquivari Valley, and would be valid only for that specific location. The analytical approach chosen to ac complish this objective is the method of controlled comparison discussed by Eggan (1954).
Ackerknecht (1954:124), paraphrasing Nadel, has shown the utility of the comparative approach to date: "One of the great advantages of the comparative method will be that in a field where the controlled experiment is impossible, it provides at least some kind of control."
Eggan (1954:57) observed that "the crucial problem with regard to 45 generalization, whether broad or limited, is the method of comparison which is used." His preference is for small-scale applications of com parison to data categories with as much control over the comparative pro cedure as possible.
To proceed with analysis using the method of controlled comparison, as Eggan (1950) did in his study of Western Pueblo social organization, work will progress from the listing of raw data as attributes to presentation of a final series of statements about activities on hills.
The first step is the creation of morphological and functional typologies for features on the sites. These provide an organizational framework for site descriptions. The typologies were made by listing all of the attri butes that occurred on the hills and noting the frequency with which they clustered into single features. The attributes that most frequently clus tered together defined morphological or descriptive types (Steward 1954:
54). Then, attributes that appear to have had cultural or social signifi cance for their makers and were not conditioned solely by hill shape or contour were observed as they clustered into functional types (Steward
1954:55).
Next, the 5 sites were described, using the functional typology.
The descriptions were compared, and the result of that comparison is a typology of hill sites in the Baboquivari Valley. Comparison to sites elsewhere is not possible on the attribute and feature levels within the scope of this study, because attribute records were not made for any other cerros de trincheras. However, broad comparison on the basis of whole sites is possible. A discussion of similarities and differences in 46 cerros de trincheras as a whole follows the description of hills in the
Baboquivari Valley.
After site types were established, determination of activity pat terns on the hills was attempted, using the observable distribution of ceramic and lithic artifacts in relation to features on the surface. The ability to use distributions in this way involves a discussion of sites at the base of each hill.
Finally, some questions have arisen from observations about activity distribution. These are, in reality, generalizations about site use applicable only to hills in the study area. The validity of these gen
eralizations can be tested in another study by formalizing them as hypoth
eses, stating test expectations, and testing them against new data from the Baboquivari Valley sites. CHAPTER 4
NATURAL SETTING OF THE BABOQUIVARI VALLEY
The area chosen for study of cerros de trincheras sites is the
Baboquivari Valley on the Sells Papago Indian Reservation in southern
Arizona. It is not well defined as a geological or geographical entity, with limits not clearly marked on any map source consulted, including the United States Geological Survey topographic map series and the
Army Map Service 1:250,000 series. The area described here is arbitrar
ily designated as a convenient unit for studying the cerros de trincheras
sites distributed there and is the same area defined by Bryan (1925:249).
The boundary definition includes a rectangle approximately 42 km (26
miles) north to south and 32 km (20 miles) east to west. The corners of
the rectangle are defined by the following coordinates: NE comer, lat
32O00' N ., long 111°38' W .; NW corner, lat 32°00' N ., long 112°00'
W.; SE corner, lat 31°30' N ., long 111°38' W .; SW comer, lat 31°38'
N ., long 112OQ0' W. Limitation of this study to hilly areas places the
South Comobabi Mountains at the northern periphery, the Baboquivari
Mountains at the eastern periphery, the International Boundary and
Morena Mountain at the southern perimeter, and at the western periphery,
a series of small hills and mountain ridges, including the Artesa Moun
tains and Las Animas Mountain (Fig. 1).
In addition to delineating the study area, this definition con
forms to an internal drainage pattern, which runs in a northwesterly
47 48
iO f t f COMOMBl MOUNTAINS) x KITT P€AX ^JVri; [■ D_ 2 4 ,
All Chukson Ali Molina
Gu Chuopo f l
Kohi Kug
Pitoi^m .••^ liuliShay rresnrtW?s!L ...A< Kahochi Miliuk n
BABOOUIVARt PZA
Komelik
Choulic
San Miguel
( y .•* Sopano Vayq^
PAPAGO INDIAN • Well Villages RESERVATION 0 Field Villages A Komelik Village Unit O Tecolote Village Unit □ Kui Talk Village Unit 0 Cerros de Trincheros Sites DISTRIBUTION SCALE OF VILLAGE UNITS 6 Kilometers S 10
Contour Interval • 1000 Feet Supplementary Contour Lines
Figure 1. The Baboquivari Valley, Arizona 49 direction across the valley through the Vamori Wash system. These boun daries do not represent the historic Papago social patterning of land use in this central portion of the Papagueria. The mid-nineteenth-century members of three village units extended across adjacent valley systems in addition to having settlements belonging to each village unit in the
Baboquivari Valley. The Papago, therefore, define geographical space in terms of the social unit rather than in terms of visible geological bar riers. However, geologically described spatial limitations are useful for a distributional study of late prehistoric sites and the cerros de trinche- ras. in particular, on the landscape. The study area is a member of several larger geological, geographical, vegetational, and cultural units.
That relationship will be described below.
The Papagueria
The Baboquivari Valley occupies a south-central position in the region culturally defined by Hackenberg (1964:11-2) as the Papagueria.
He notes that this term for the area inhabited by Piman-speaking Papago
Indians has been applied for several centuries to the portion of Arizona bounded on the east by the Santa Cruz River, on the north by the valley of the Gila River, on the west by the Colorado River, and on the south
by the International Boundary between the United States and Mexico.
The last is an artificial boundary, as Papago Indians have also lived in
the Mexican state of Sonora. Historically recorded Indian groups sur
rounding the Papagueria provide a more certain placement of the boun
daries in early historic tim es. These peripheries were defined by the
existence of the Sobaipuri to the east in the San Pedro River drainage,
the Pima and Cocomaricopa around the Gila River to the north, the Yuma 50 in the Colorado River valley to the west , and the Lower Pima and Opata to the south in Sonora, Mexico (Spicer 1962).
The Sonoran Desert
Geographically, the Papagueria occupies a portion of a geolog ical unit limited to the western North America and defined by Fenneman
(1928:342-347) as the Basin and Range physiographic province. It is characterized by broad, flat valleys surround by sharply rising fault- block mountain ranges. The Baboquivari Valley has this kind of terrain.
Within this province, the Papagueria lies within the Sonoran Desert,
1 of 5 western American deserts described by S hr eve and Wiggins (1964: 10). Each is delineated by the distributional limits of its characteristic vegetation. Nonbio logical criteria of climate, physiography, soils, and hydrography were not considered as factors contributing to those defini tions. Shreve and Wiggins (1964:11) noted that Sonoran Desert boun
daries correspond to abrupt topographic changes, especially in altitude,
which limit the continuous distribution of Sonoran Desert plants adapted
to certain conditions of altitude, sunlight, and moisture.
The Arizona Upland
The central zone of the Papagueria, containing the study area,
lies within a northern vegetation subzone of the Sonoran Desert defined
by Shreve and Wiggins (1964:48) as the Crassicaulescent Desert. It is
characterized by a majority occurrence of Cercidium (palo verde) and
Opuntia (cacti of various species). This region is further designated as
the Arizona Upland. Within the Arizona Upland, several topographic
divisions occur, each characterized by its unique distribution of flora. 51 These divisions are discussed by Shreve and Wiggins (1964:68-80) as follows, and all occur within the Baboquivari Valley.
Stream wavs
Stream banks preserve moisture, which permits larger and dens er concentrations of species that are present in other areas, and may also provide conditions for growth of unique species that do not occur in any other area. Each of three varieties of stream flood plain has its own distinctive vegetation association.
Where the boulder flood plain occurs, near the source of stream origin in a mountain m ass, vegetation is mesic, instead of xeric, and includes the appearance of several species of Ouercus (oak). Some xeric, or desert, forms may occur, such as Populus (cottonwood), Salix (willow),
Tuglans (walnut), and Prosopis (mesquite).
Alluvial flood plains where slow-moving waters build up fine grained deposits originally supported almost pure stands of Prosopis iuliflora var. velutina (mesquite). Extensive cutting of these groves for firewood and use of the alluvial soils for agricultural land resulted in second and third growth Prosopis in open stands, rather than in dense forest distribution.
Sandy flood plains, which receive flash flood overflow from heavy rains, do not present favorable conditions for the establishment of large vegetation. Dominant plant species are Baccharis sarothroides and Hymenoclea monogyra. Both are rapidly growing shrubby plants and can withstand sporadic and sudden burial in water-deposited sand. 52
Plains and Lower Baiadas
Plains and lower bajadas have sandy loam soils and especially along the lower Gila and the Santa Cruz Rivers support stands of Larrea
(creosote bush) and its most common associates, Acacia constricta (cat- claw) , Acacia qregqii. and Prosopis luliflora var. yelutina. Other sub dominants are several species of Opuntia.
Upper Baiadas
Upper bajadas include pediments surrounding mountain ranges, as well as outwash slopes grading toward the central valley-floor washes.
Vegetation is similar to that of hill slopes and mountains, especially when it occupies the pediments immediately adjacent to these features.
Soils are largely igneous, composed of basalt, rhyolite, andesite, and volcanic conglomerate weathering from nearby hills and mountains. These soils support a number of species of large perennials, which provide many food plants historically documented as important to the nineteenth- century inhabitants of the Papagueria. Usually occurring everywhere are
Larrea, Cercidium microohvllum, Opuntia spp., Fouqueria splendens
(ocotillo), Lvcium andersonii. Condalia Ivcioides. Celtis pallida, and
Prosopis luliflora var. yelutina. Smaller perennials are Franseria del- toidea (bur-sage) and Encelia farinosa (brittlebush).
S hr eve and Wiggins (1964:72) noted that Fouqueria occurs abun dantly in the pediments on coarse soil, while Larrea prefers level areas.
On upper limits of the bajada, Cercidium increases in abundance and
Prosopis decreases in size. The above description suffices for the upper bajada area encompassed within the Arizona Papagueria. 52
Plains and Lower Baiadas
Plains and lower bajadas have sandy loam soils and especially along the lower Gila and the Santa Cruz Rivers support stands of Larrea
(creosote bush) and its most common associates, Acacia constricta (cat- claw) , Acacia qregqii. and Prosopis juliflora var. velutina. Other sub dominants are several species of Opuntia.
Upper Baiadas
Upper bajadas include pediments surrounding mountain ranges, as well as outwash slopes grading toward the central valley-floor washes.
Vegetation is similar to that of hill slopes and mountains, especially when it occupies the pediments immediately adjacent to these features.
Soils are largely igneous, composed of basalt, rhyolite, andesite, and volcanic conglomerate weathering from nearby hills and mountains. These soils support a number of species of large perennials, which provide many food plants historically documented as important to the nineteenth- century inhabitants of the Papagueria. Usually occurring everywhere are
Larrea, Cercidium microphvllum. Opuntia spp., Fouqueria splendens
(ocotillo), Lycium andersonii, Condalia Ivcioides, Celtis pallida. and
Prosopis juliflora var. velutina. Smaller perennials are Franseria del- toidea (bur-sage) and Encelia farinosa (brittlebush).
S hr eve and Wiggins (1964:72) noted that Fouqueria occurs abun
dantly in the pediments on coarse soil, while Larrea prefers level areas.
On upper limits of the bajada, Cercidium increases in abundance and
Prosopis decreases in size. The above description suffices for the upper
bajada area encompassed within the Arizona Papagueria. 53
Hills and Mountain Slopes
Vegetation of hills and mountain slopes often does not differ significantly from that on upper bajadas. Slopes with uniform surfaces present the most uniform spacing of vegetation. Where slopes are broken by boulder piles and escarpments, spacing of plants is determined by localized conditions of soil depth, moisture retention, sunlight, and shade, as well as temperature variability.
Rainfall, Subsistence, and Settlement in the Papaqueria
Availability of water for domestic and agricultural purposes has determined subsistence and settlement patterns throughout recorded time in the Arizona Papagueria. Lumholtz (1971:377-387) has discussed the need for water as a determinant of settlement location and seasonality.
With the construction of federal wells in the 1930's, villages in the vicinity of the wells had the option of becoming more permanent (Under hill n.d.).
Hackenberg (1964:IV-1) defined 3 zones of the Papagueria based on available amounts of summer and winter rainfall. In each of these, a different pattern of subsistence and settlement emerged as a result of the location and permanence of water sources. The eastern zone, from the Santa Cruz River to the Baboquivari Mountains, possessed the peren nially flowing Santa Cruz River, which allowed inhabitants of the valley to practice irrigation agriculture. This was done by a population densely settled in a permanent village at Mission San Xavier del Bac.
The central zone, from the Baboquivari Mountains westward to the Growler Mountains, includes the Baboquivari Valley. It received 54 enough rainfall to allow for a settlement pattern shifting'from summer occupation of field villages near river flood plains to winter occupation of well villages in the mountain foothills near a permanent water supply.
Seasonal mobility allowed a dense population to exist in the central zone, but distributed over a wide area.
The western zone, extending from the Growler Mountains to the
Colorado River, never received enough rainfall to support field cultiva tion, and the Sand Papago occupants adopted a nomadic hunting and gathering life style with emphasis on low population density. Water sources were seasonal charcos and tanks.
The Baboquivari Valley lies at the eastern periphery of the cen tral zone. Since it gets more summer and winter rainfall than other parts of the central and western zones, it contains a greater variety and den sity of flora and fauna than do the more western portions of the Papa- gueria (Hackenberg 1964:IV-68-69, 76-77). This combination of factors allowed the inhabitants to use a variety of food resources often in short supply or not existing in other areas. In correlation with this availabil ity of resources, mid-nineteenth-century settlement was concentrated in the central zone, with a large number of villages distributed in the Babo quivari Valley. CHAPTER 5
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN THE BABOQUIVARI VALLEY
Nineteenth-century Subsistence and Settlement
Records of Papago land use in the Baboquivari Valley during the nineteenth century describe a subsistence and settlement system operat ing in response to the arid environment of the area. The system is char acterized by seasonal relocation of villages to situate the population of the valley near the most available food and water resources at any given time. This is an instance of a social group utilizing the "principle of least co st,11 defined by Hill (1971:58) as an efficient way to relate set tlement to the resources required for subsistence. In the terminology of
Judge (1971:40), the historic inhabitants of the Baboquivari Valley were applying a "minimax" strategy to resource use.
Description of the nineteenth-century pattern provides the only
documented case of water and food resource use in the study area prior to introduction of such modifying influences as a winter crop of wheat,
wheeled transportation, wage work, and permanent water supplies pro
vided by U.S. government w ells. The same kinds of food-procurement
activities may have been performed in the late prehistoric period, if
vegetation distributions were constant for several thousand years as
indicated by Martin and Mehringer (1965:440) on the basis of Ventana
Cave pollen spectra. Similarity or different in settlement location through
time, relative to topography and wild plant food resources, can imply
55 56 conservatism or change in wild plant food procurement. In order to see the patterning of settlement location through time, prehistoric and his toric sites will be discussed in relation to the landscape. The signifi cance of these relationships can be more easily understood in the context of arid land use presented by the records of nineteenth-century Papago subsistence and settlement.
Subsistence Pattern in the Central Zone
The prehistoric and early historic inhabitants of the Baboqui- vari Valley benefited from ". . .a n obvious concentration of important
Papago food plants in the Quijotoa, Comobabi and Baboquivari Moun tains" (Hackenberg 1964:IV-76). The Baboquivari Mountains are an in termediate or transitional zone where flora and fauna more characteris tically distributed to the east and south coexist. Biotic resources are more diverse here than in any of the adjacent regions, offering a wider variety of plant and animal foods for use by resident human populations.
The unusual altitude of these mountains permits existence of plant
species that do not usually occur elsewhere in the Papagueria (Hacken berg 1964:IV-63). The nineteenth-century inhabitants took advantage of this variety to add to their food supply many plants and some animals not
available to Papago in other desert areas.
Vegetation in the valley is distributed according to altitude, as
well as by aspect on hills and mountain slopes where differences in tem
perature, moisture, and sunlight determine conditions for germination
and survival. This distribution of edible plants on the valley floor, on
the bajadas, and on mountain slopes necessitated seasonal shifts of
residence in order to use a resource at the time of its greatest abundance. 57 Subsistence activities were conducted from three types of settlements.
From late spring through fall, activities were centered in the field vil lages located near intermittently flowing washes on the valley floor.
Planting, harvesting, and wild food gathering were performed at these locations. Winter and early spring were spent at well villages in the mountain foothills, with hunting, trading, and manufacturing activities ' predominating. Temporary campsites were constructed where a harvest- able resource, such as acorns or mature saguaro fruit occurred. The seasonal cycles of food procurement listed by Hackenberg (1964:11-58 to 11-59) are given in Table 1.
Resource Distribution and Seasonality
Tables 2 through 9 show the wild plant foods collected by month, the purpose for which they were gathered, and the topographic affinity of the species, whether mountain slope, valley floor, or bajada. These tables will show what kinds of topographic locations were being used each month.
Use of ethnographic data for natural resource gathering in rela tion to seasonal settlement is limited here to incorporation of wild veg etal foods into a list of plants collected in each month of the year. This approach rests on the untested assumption that subsistence is a major determinant of settlement in the Papagueria. Vegetal food plants even tually were used by all of the population as consumers, therefore neces sitating interest of entire settlements in locating and gathering these resources. Other age- or sex-specific tasks, such as gathering of veg etal material for manufacturing purposes, hunting for animals, or quarry ing for geological resources, are not considered as primary determinants 58
Table 1. Seasonal Cycle of Food Procurement Activities.—After Hacken- berg (1964:11-58 to 11-59)
Location Month Food Procurement Activities
Field Villages July Return to field villages from cactus camps. Planting, usually begun after spring rains, may continue. Finish planting and begin gathering pigweed, datil yucca, palo verde, bur-sage, lambs quarter (goose-foot), wild potato, peppers, cholla fruit, and acorns. Gathering extends into following month be fore completion. August Final month for planting fields. Gather mes- quite beans and finish storing wild plant foods from summer gathering. Septem ber Gather seeds of wild grasses.
Well Villages O ctober Harvest summer planting of crops. Gather prickly pear fruit. Water supply fails at field villages in September of October. Move to well villages . * Drive cattle to winter range and water. Novem ber Hunt deer. Make pottery and baskets, cloth ing and *hamess. Prepare weapons. D ecem ber Continue to prepare household goods. Gath er Agave crowns. January Perform same activities as in December. February *Last month for winter wheat planting, which can be done anytime between November and* February. M arch Gather canaigre, Papago blue-bells, and Agave stalks. April Gathering as in March. No other specific a c tiv ity . May *Harvest wheat. Gather wild onions, cholla buds, and sotol. June Return to cactus camps and field villages. Gather saguaro fruit and process it at the cactus camps.
* Indicates a modification of the aboriginal pattern. 59
Table 2. Food Plant Distribution: July
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Amaranthus spp. Leaves gathered for greens (D 265). Cultivated land and roadsides (D 265). Pigweed Elevation: below 2,440 m (8,000 ft) (D 266). Identified as Amaranthus palmeri (B 14; A 11-39). Summer greens gathered near villages on valley floor (B 15).
Celtis reticulata Torr. Fruits gathered in summer in the Baboquivari Valley (A 11-39). Netleaf Hackberry Elevation: 763 to 1,830 m (2,500 to 6,000 ft) (D 220). Identified as Celtis reticulata (A IV-73; B 18). Gathered from valley floor, as indicated by the statement that fruits were gathered if found near the village (B 13). Fruits gathered from valley floor may have been Celtis pallida, as indicated by the state ment that C . pallida is a desert shrub, while C. reticulata is a mountain shrub (A 11-41).
Chenonodium spp. Stalks gathered in summer; leaves gathered in July for greens (B 14). G oose Foot Elevation: 305 to 2,440 m (1,000 to 8,000 ft) (D 235). Identified as Chenopodium sp. (B 14). Identified as C. murale (A 11-41). Distributed from valley floor to mountain slope (D 235); therefore, probably collected in summer close to villages on valley floor, as indicated by Castetter and Underhill (B 14).
Franseria spp. Stalks and roots gathered for greens (B 14); Elevation: 305 to 1,373 m (1,000 to 4,500 ft) B ur-sage (D 896). Identified as Franseria tenuifolia (B 14). Identified as £. deltoidea and F. dumosa (A 11-43). Abundant on plains and m esas, often in nearly pure stands (D 896). From field observations, could have been collected in vicinity of pres ent field villages on valley floor. 60
Table 2. Food Plant Distribution: July—Continued
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Opuntia spp. Young shoots and buds gathered in summer for greens (B 14). C holla Fruit gathered in July (A 11-58) Elevation: 153 to 2,288 m (500 to 7,500 ft) with most species distributed in Pima County between 610 and 1,524 m (2,000 and 5,000 ft (D 581-585). Field records made for this study indicate that the densest stands of Opuntia exist on b a ja d a s .
Opuntia arbuscula Engelm. Papago used joints of this and similar species as a boiled vegetable (D 584). Pencil Cholla Elevation: between 305 and 915 m (1,000 and 3,000 ft). Identified as Opuntia arbuscula (D 584).
Opuntia fulqida Engelm. Cited as the most important cholla for Papago use (A IV-75). Jumping Cholla Elevation: up to 1,220 m (4,000 ft) (D 585). Identified as Opuntia fulqida (A IV-75; B 14, 23).
Opuntia engelmannii Fruit and stems collected (A IV-75). Salm -D yck Elevation: 305 to 1,830 m (1,000 to 6,000 ft) (D 583) Prickly Peak Identified as Opuntia engelmannii (B 19: A 11-46). Observed on bajadas in the Baboquivari Valley but not observed in dense stands; thinner conncentrations on valley floor near field v illa g e s .
O uercus spp. Acorns ripen and are collected in July (B 19). Roasted for meal or mixed with meat or fat Oak (D 216). Elevation: 915 to 2,440 m (3,000 to 8,000 ft), with most Pima County species ranging be tween 915 and 1,525 m (3,000 and 5,000 ft) (D 219). Identified as Ouercus emorvi and O. oblonqi- folia (B 19; A 11-48). Gathered by long camping expeditions (B 13). Trees occur in high mountain washes at the southern periphery of Papago country in Arizona (B 19). 61
Table 2 . Food Plant Distribution: July—Continued
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Solanum spp. Roots gathered by hunters or individual col lectors (B 18). Wild Potato Elevation: Solanum fendleri and S. lamesii, designated as wild potato, occur between 1 ,678 and 2,745 m (5,500 and 9,000 ft) (D 758). Identified as Solanum sp. (B 18). Identified as S. fendleri and S. lamesii (A 11-49). Prefers rich soil in pine forests (D 758). In the Papagueria, occurs only in the Babo- quivari Mountains (B 18).
Yucca baccata Torr. Fruit gathered (A IV-76). Elevation: 915 to 2,440 m (3,000 to 8,000 ft) Datil Yucca (D 187). Identified as Yucca baccata (A 11-49; B 23). Slopes of Baboquivari, Comobabi, and Quin lan Mountains (A IV-76). 62
Table 3. Food Plant Distribution: August
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Amaranthus sop. Leaves continued to be gathered for greens (B 14). Since population of valley is still located in field villages, collecting localities are pre sumed to be the same. For other information about use of Amaranthus refer to Table 2.
Capsicum baccatum L. Fruit gathered in August for seasoning and trading (A 11-40). Chilipiquin Elevation: 1,220 m (4,000 ft) (D 755). Identified as Capsicum frutescens var. bac- catum (B 19). Identified as C. frutescens (A 11-40). In the state of Arizona, grows only in the Baboquivari Mountains (B 19). C . baccatum reported on the west slope of the Baboquivari Mountains in a canyon (D 755).
Cercidium microohvllum Beans gathered for flour (B 45). (Torr.) Rose and Elevation: 1,220 m (4,000 ft) or lower (D 407). Johnston) Identified as Cercidium microohvllum (A 11-40). Identified as Parkinsonia microohvllum (B 24). Little-leaf Palo Verde Principal clusterings in beds of washes on b ajad as (C 35).
Opuntia enaelmannii Fruit collected and dried; stems gathered for Salm -D yck greens (B 47). For other information about use of this species, Prickly Pear refer to Table 2.
Prosopis iuliflora Beans collected for flour (B 45). (Swartz) DC Elevation: 1,525 m (5,000 ft) or lower (D 402). Identified as Prosopis iuliflora (A 11-47). Common Mesquite Identified as P. velutina (B 24). Common chiefly along streams where water table is relatively high. Scattered as small shrubs on grasslands and lower mountain slopes (D 402). Collected from near summer field villages (B 25). 63
Table 3. Food Plant Distribution: August—Continued
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Prosopis pubescens Beans gathered for flour (D 402). B enth. Elevation: 1,220 m (4,000 ft) or lower (D 402). Screw bean Identified as Prosopis pubescens (A 11-48). Not so abundant as common mesquite but occurs on flood plains, often in saline soil (D 402). 64
Table 4. Food Plant Distribution: September
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Amaranthus spp. Seeds are collected (D 265). For further notes about identification and Pigweed topographic association, see Table 2
Descurainia pinnata Seeds collected for tea (B 27). (Walt.) Britton Elevation: below 2,135 m (7,000 ft) (D 349). Identified as Sophia pinnata (A 11-49; B 24). Tansy Mustard No observations were made on the distribution of this species.
Monolepis nutalliana Seeds of this chenopod gathered for meal to (Schult.) Greene make pinole (D 254). Abundant in southern Arizona (D 254) P atata Elevation: 915 m (3,000 ft) or lower (D 254). Identified as Monolepis nutalliana (B 24). Identified as Monolepsis (A 11-44). Field observations were not made on the dis tribution of this plant.
Opuntia engelmannii Gathering of fruits and stems continues (B 47). Salm -D yck For other information about this species, con sult Table 2. Prickly Pear
Sporobolus spp. Seeds of this grass collected when ripe in September and October (B 24). D rop-seed Elevation: 305 to 1,830 or 2135 m (1,000 to 6,000 or 7,000. ft) (Dll 3-114). Identified as Sporobolus wriahtii (A 11-49; B 24). 65
Table 5. Food Plant Distribution: October
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r .
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
O puntia spp. Fruits and stems gathered between June and October (B 47). C holla For other information about use of Opuntia see Table 2.
Opuntia enqelmannii Fruits and stems gathered between June and Salm -D yck October (B 47). For other information about use of this species, Prickly Pear refer to Table 2.
Snorobolus spp. Seeds continue to be gathered (A 11-49). For other information about Sporobolus, see D rop-seed Table 4. 66
Table 6. Food Plant Distribution: December and January
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Aaave so n . Three species of agave were collected (crowns only, at this time of year) and Agave roasted. They are Agave deserti, A. palmeri, and A. schottii (A 11-38).
Agave deserti Engelm. Crowns gathered and roasted by Papago living not far from the Baboquivari Mountains (A IV -73). In Arizona, does not colonize appreciably (D 194). Elevation: 153 to 1 ,068 m (500 to 3,500 ft) (D 194). Identified as Agave deserti (A 11-38, IV-73). No observations made on the distribution of this species in the Baboquivari Valley.
Agave palmeri Engelm. Elevation: 1,068 to 2,135 m (3,500 to 7,000 ft) (D 195). No observations made about distribution of the species in the valley.
Agave schottii Engelm. Elevation: 1,220 to 2,135 m (4,000 to 7,000 ft) (D 194). Occurs on exposed mountain sides (D 194). 67
Table 7. Food Plant Distribution: March and April
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Agave spp. Stalks gathered at high elevations in the Baboquivari Mountains (A IV-73) and roasted (B 46). For additional information about Agave, see Table 6 •
Dichelostemma Bulbs gathered and eaten raw (A 11-40). pulchellum (Salisb.) Elevation: below 1,525 m (5,000 ft) (D 182). H eller Identified as Brodiaea capitata (A 11-40; B 17). Papago Blue-bells No observations made on distribution within the Baboquivari Valley.
Rumex hvmenosepalus Leaves used as greens (D 245). Torr. Petioles roasted or stewed (D 245). Elevation: 1,830 m (6,000 ft) or lower Canaigre or wild (D 245). rhubarb Identified as Rumex hvmenosepalus (A 11-48; B 14). Common and conspicuous in sandy stream beds and fields (D 245). 68
Table 8. Food Plant Distribution: May
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Allium spp. Roots gathered by specialists, either hunters or other individuals (B 18). W ild Onion Grows only in the Baboquivari Mountains in the Papagueria, although there are both desert and mountain onions in Arizona (B 18). Hackenberg (A 11-39) stated that the species of Allium available to the Papago included A. geveri, A. plummerae, A. macropetalum, A. kunthii, A, palmeri, and A. cernuum. Castetter and Underhill identified the wild onion used bv the Papago as Allium unifolium (B 17).
A. creveri W ats. Elevation: 1,525 to 3,050 m (5,000 to 10,000 ft) in pine woods (D 179).
A. plummerae W ats. Baboquivari Mountains, elevation: 1,678 to 2,745 m (5,500 to 9,000 ft) (D 179).
A. ma crop eta lum Rvbd. Elevation: 305 to 2,135 m (1,000 to 7,000 ft) (D 179).
A. kunthii Don. Elevation: 1,220 to 1,525 m (4,000 to 5,000 ft) (D 180).
A. palmeri W ats. Elevation: 1,220 to 2,288 m (4,000 to 7,500 ft), often in pine forests (D 181). A. cernuum Roth. Elevation: 1,525 to 2,593 m (5,000 to 8,500 ft), mostly in pine forests (D 180).
Dasvlirion wheeler! W ats. Hearts gathered and roasted (D 190). Elevation: 1,220 to 1,830 m (4,000 to 6,000 Sotol ft) (D 190). Identified as Dasylirion wheeler! (A 11-42; B 14).
Opuntia spp. Buds gathered as an ingredient for stews (B 16). C holla For further information about Opuntia, see Table 2. 69
Table 9. Food Plant Distribution: June
Sources: A—Hackenberg (1964); B—Castetter and Underhill (1935); C— Spalding (1909); D—Kearney and Peebles (1969); page number follows le tte r.
Genus and Species Gathering Location and Part of Plant Used
Carneaiea aiaantea Fruits gathered and eaten fresh or stored as Engelm. sirup, dried, or made into wine (D 569). Elevation: up to 1 ,068 m (3,500 ft) (D 569). Saguaro Identified as Cameqiea qiqantea (B 18). Identified as Cereus qiqantea (A 11-41). Thickest on rocky slopes where moisture and warmth are available (A IV-73). An excellent stand at the south end of the Santa Rosa Valley (A IV-73). Each family camps for 2 weeks on a slope having a cactus stand (B 20).
Opuntia enaelmannii Fruits and stems gathered (AW-75). Salm -D yck For further information about this species, see Table 2. Prickly Pear 70 of settlement location since they do not affect all segments of the popu
lation of a settlement each day. In addition, the ethnographic literature
does not present adequate documentary evidence for seasonal use of these kinds of products, and it is known that Papago settlement in the
central zone was seasonal.
Gathering of plants in the vicinity of the summer villages was
usually done by women if the gathering expedition did not require more
than one day. If more time was necessary, whole families camped in
the vicinity of the resource until collecting was finished, then returned
to the field village (Castetter and Underhill 1935:5). Winter collecting
was confined to plants growing on high mountain slopes, and these foods
were gathered by men on hunting expeditions or by families who spent
the winter hunting and trading but did not settle in any of the well vil
lages (Castetter and Underhill 1935:5).
The lists of seasonal plant-food collection were compiled using
the following methods. Accounts of Papago ethnobotany were consulted
for genus and species, common name, part of plant collected, and sea
son and type of collecting locality. Kearney and Peebles (1969) was used
as a source for current Latin and common names, with other names and
their sources being identified in each list. Additional designations of
topographic affinity were assigned on the basis of observations made in
the field about occurrence of the densest populations of that species in
relation to land forms in the valley.
Data used to construct the charts are derived from several
sources. Each will be indicated in the lists by a letter of the alphabet
following a statement attributed to the source. 71
In summary, beginning with the return to the field villages,
July was the time for gathering edible greens produced by the summer rains. These included the leaves and stalks of both annuals and peren nials . Wild fruits continued to be collected from June throughout the summer, as each edible species ripened. The major harvest in August was that of mesquite beans to be ground and stored for flour. Septem ber's harvest concentrated on seeds ripening at that time.
In October, after the move to the well villages was completed, collecting of wild plant foods decreased and no gathering activity was reported by any author for the month of November. December and January were devoted to gathering a single resource, the Agave. After the Agave was harvested and roasted for food, no collecting activity took place in
February. Collecting resumed in March and continued throughout May, adding the bulbs and leaf buds of several plants to the diet. In June, the first cactus bruits and stems were collected, beginning the summer consumption of fruits and greens.
Gathering Locations and Seasonality
Using data provided in the series of tables, the locations of nineteenth-century field and well villages and possible campsites can be discussed with reference to proximity to plant foods gathered during each season. This relationship of resources, topography, and settle ment will provide a setting for similar approaches to the late prehistoric sites in the Baboquivari Valley and, specifically, to the cerros de trin- cheras. If all of these sites can be plotted in co-distribution with topo graphic features and potentially edible plant foods, the hill sites may 72 then be observable as part of a settlement system, rather than as unre lated to any pattern of subsistence and settlement.
, Settlement location and plant food collecting in the nineteenth century divided the topography of the valley into three culturally signifi cant strata used by its inhabitants: the valley floor, the bajadas, and the hill and mountain slopes. Papago food plants growing on each of these today differ by density within each stratum, rather than by exclu sion of any food source from any topographic feature. Each of the three topographic units has its characteristic vegetation association, with dominant and subdominant species. Delineation of each unit is based on the scheme used by Shreve and Wiggins (1964:70-72), using soils, vegetation, and gradient to define topographic differences.
Personal field observations indicate that the valley floor in the vicinity of the field villages is dominated either by Larrea (creosote bush) or by Prosopis (mesquite). Subdominants are Franseria (bur-sage) and several species of Opuntia (cholla or prickly pear). The bajadas sur veyed in the Quinlan, Comobabi, and Artesa Mountains were dominated by Cercidium (palo verde) or Opuntia (cholla), with Encelia (brittlebush)
J being the most frequently appearing subdominant. Although mountain
slopes above the bajadas were not surveyed on foot, observations from the Kitt Peak road (State Route 386) in the Baboquivari and Quinlan Moun tains indicate that Cercidium (palo verde) is dominant on the lower
slopes, with Quercus (oak) dominating the upper slopes and the high
boulder flood plain of the mountain washes.
Information about distribution of Papago food plants may be
briefly summarized from the tables as follows: Plants most 73 characteristically occurring on the valley floor and probably gathered in the vicinity of the field villages are Amaranthus (pigweed), Chenopodium
(goose-foot), Celtis (hackberry), Franseria (bur-sage, Prosopis (mes- quite), and Rum ex (canaigre), all of which, with the exception of Rumex, were collected between July and November when the summer settlements were occupied. Those which would require traveling to the bajada from the field location are the various species of Opuntia (cholla), Cercidium
(palo verde), and the fruits from Carnegiea (saguaro), as well as Yucca
(datil). Summer collecting on the higher mountain slopes would have been necessary to acquire the roots of Solarium (wild potato), acorns from Ouercus (oak), and the fruit of Capsicum (chilipiquin). Collecting localities for grass seeds have not been documented, but Humphrey
(1958:17), citing an earlier work by Richard Hinton, quotes that author's observations in the middle of the last century about "fine grazing land" and "a country of fine grass" occupying the area extending for 38 miles west of the Baboquivari Mountains. Castetter and Underhill (1935:24) stated that grasses were gathered near the villages. Hastings and Turner
(1965:109) added that desert grasslands today are distributed between
915 and 1,220 m (3,000 and 4,000 ft) elevation. Combining these state ments with present-day observations made for this study, it may be pos sible that the nineteenth-century occupants of the valley collected grass seeds in the vicinity of field or well villages in areas that have since been invaded by mesquite. This invasion has been described by Hum phrey (1958:6).
Resources of the bajadas and hill and mountain slopes were usually more accessible from the winter well villages, and it was at this 74 time of year that food products on the mountain slopes, such as Agave,
Dasvlirion (sotol), Dicholestemma (Papago blue-bells), and Allium (wild onion), became important components of the diet. Opuntia (cholla) joints and buds were probably gathered from the bajadas in the vicinity of the well villages during the early spring months.
The population appears to have been more mobile in search of wild plant foods at the field villages than at the well villages, with col lecting at the latter often done by individuals who were at the same time on a hunting or trading mission. That these individuals were usually men instead of women was verified by a Papago man on the basis that these plants grew too far away from the settlement for women to go and gather them .
Valley-floor Field Villages. Analysis of nineteenth-century village locations has demonstrated that field villages in the flood plain of the Baboquivari Valley are in direct proximity to harvestable sources of such important summer plant foods as mesquite, pigweed, and goose- foot. An average 16-km (10-mile) round trip would have to be made from the summer villages to the lower bajadas to gather such perennial greens and fruits as cholla and prickly pear, as well as palo verde beans, from the densest colonies of these plants.
Field villages were on the alluvial flats of a flood plain pro duced by a major wash system. The following locational characteristics of field villages in the Baboquivari Valley are drawn from direct observa tion and analysis of the environmental setting of mid-nineteenth-century
settlements which continue to be occupied in the twentieth century
(Table 10): Table 10. Field Villages in the Baboquivari Valley
Wash within 0.8 and 1.6 km V illage (0.5 and 1 mile) Elevation Vegetation Association
Ali Chukson Sells Wash and its tributary, Between 785 and 793 m Dispersed settlement pattern Ali Molina Wash (2,575 and 2,600 ft) in cleared areas supporting Compositae. Remnants and adjacent vegetation are mes- quite and palo verde.
Topawa Fresnal Wash, tributary to Between 724 and 732 m Has been cleared, but Proso- Vamori Wash (2,375 and 2,400 ft) pis still dominant , with Franseria and Compositae as subdominants.
Komalik Chutum Vaya Wash, tribu Between 778 and 793 m Larrea dominant? Compositae tary to Vamori Wash (2,550 and 2,600 ft) subdominant
C houlic unnamed wash, tributary Between 747 and 763 m Cleared, with sparse Larrea to Vamori Wash (2,450 and 2,500 ft) and Pro so pis
San M iguel Vamori Wash Between 747 and 763 m Village area cleared, but (2,450 and 2,500 ft) remnants in village are mes- quite, and south of village as well as to the north, mes- quite is dominant. 76
1. All are situated in flat, open areas adjacent to flood-plain al
luvium .
2. All are approximately 0.8 km (0.5 mile) to 1.6 km (1 mile) from
a major wash in a level area where the wash loses its steep
gradient and would overflow, depositing silt on the flood plain.
3. All are in immediate proximity to stands of Prosopis and to al
luviated areas which could support seasonal growth of Amaran-
thus and Chenopodium.
5. Greatest distance from a field village to a lower bajada that
could support dense stands of Cercidium and several species
of Opuntia is 13 km (8 miles). The least distance is less than
0 .8 km (0.5 m ile).
Bajada Well Villages. From September or October through May,
Papago families lived at well locations on the bajadas that form the pedi ment and outwash slope of the Baboquivari, Comobabi, and Quinlan
Mountains. Although wild plant food collecting was minimal during these months, the location of settlements on the bajadas gave inhabitants of these villages accessibility to the mountain slopes which produce Agave and bulbs of Dichelostemma and Allium. Villages were not situated in the low hills which vaguely define the western perimeter of the valley.
It is possible that appropriate water and food resources did not exist th e re .
Seven well villages observed in the Baboquivari and Quinlan
Mountains foothills have the following locational attributes. With the exception of Pavo Kug, they are still occupied (Table 11). Table 11. Well Villages in the Baboquivari Foothills
Village Canyon Location Elevation Vegetation Association
Pavo Kug Pavo Kug Wash Between 961 and 976 m Palo verde predominates with some (3,150 and 3,200 ft) cholla and prickly pear
Gu Chuapo All Molina Canyon Between 1,052 and Not recorded 1068 m (3,450 and 3,500 ft)
Kohl Kug unnamed canyon Between 991 and 1,007 Cleared, possibly grazed. Cholla and m (3,250 and 3,300 ft) ocotillo predominant, sparse mesquite, some Comnositae.
Chiuli Shaik Fresnal Canyon Between 960 and 991 m Mesouite, cholla, and Compositae. (3,150 and 3,250 ft)
Pitoikam Sycamore Canyon At 930 m (3,050 ft) Palo verde and ironwood predominate; subdominants cholla and prickly pear
Kuit Vaya unnamed canyon Between 976 and 991 m Not recorded (3,200 and 3,250 ft)
Sapano Vaya Coyote Canyon At 1,220 m (4,000 ft) Not recorded 78
1. All are on the bajada that forms the foothills below a major
mountain range.
2. All are situated in the lower portion of a canyon cut through the
bajada by a stream originating in the mountains.
3. All are at elevations higher than the field villages, always be
tween 914 and 1,220 m (3,000 and 4,000 ft) above mean sea
le v e l.
Temporary Campsites. The activities necessitating temporary camp construction ranged from an individual's hunting expedition into the mountains to the food-collectiong camps occupied by families for several weeks each year. Their locations were determined by the sea sonal availability of plant and animal foods in their various habitats.
Collecting camps included saguaro harvesting stations and temporary settlements used while gathering acorns. As explained to me by a Papa- go man, even though a family might return each year to the same area, evidence of camp placement on the landscape would be minimal because of the impermanence of ramadas used as shelters and because utensils were removed when collecting had been completed. '
The saguaro camp is the best-documented type of campsite, yet literature on that is scarce. The description provided by Castetter and Underhill (1935:20) notes that "every family has an accustomed camp on some slope where sahuaro grows, and here they have a rough shelter, with a water jar, perhaps a metate, and a cooking pot." They add that collecting usually took two weeks and that a family would spend each day during that time revisiting saguaros within a half-mile area as new fruits ripened. 79
Haury (1950:41-43) documents the use of Ventana Cave in the
Santa Rosa Valley as a temporary Papago camping place. A major attrac tion at that site was the presence of a perennial spring in the cave. A cactus camp was photographed in use at the base of Ventana Cave (Haury
1950: Plate 8). The cave is in one of an isolated series of hills with a thick saguaro stand on the eastern, southern, and western slopes. Also, the bajada east of the hills displays a dense population of the cactus.
Although no plant geography exists for the Baboquivari Valley,
Spalding (1909:31-34) documented the kinds of localities where saguaro grows best in the Santa Cruz Valley, Arizona. Personal field observation indicates that these are similar in the Baboquivari Valley. Spalding noted that the cactus requires warmth and moisture and grows best on the southernmost aspect of hills and slopes. It usually is present in inter mediate numbers on eastern and western aspects and sparsely distributed or absent on northern slopes. Density increases as steepness of the slope increases, with the largest stands immediately below the talus belt on a hill, where finer soil and more moisture are retained than at other locations.
Since documentary evidence for cactus camps is scarce, an attempt must be made to determine the kinds of locations they would have occupied with the use of the photograph cited above and the infor mation about plant distribution supplied by Spalding. Since Castetter and Underhill (1935) have stated that the camps were on a slope bear ing saguaro, it may be inferred that these settlements were situated on a southern, eastern, or western aspect of a hill, group of hills, or moun tain range, or on the bajada immediately adjacent to any of these where 80 the lower and intermediate slopes supported a dense population of Car- negiea gigantea. Temporary camping, then, represents the only kind of settlement historically documented on mountain and hill slopes. The prehistoric cerros de trincheras demonstrate that there have been other uses for hill and mountain slopes in the past. The extent of the boulder wall and terrace construction at these late prehistoric sites indicates that their use may have been for a purpose other than temporary camping near a seasonal food resource.
Social Patterning of Settlement
Investigation of prehistoric and historic land use in the Babo- quivari Valley should include a determination of the social interrelation ships between field, well, and camp locations. However, the system is so complex ethnographically, seldom involving the same social group at all 3 locations, that no attempt can be made toward this level of analy sis on the prehistoric horizon within the scope of this study. The nine teenth century pattern of subsistence and settlement necessitated that a nuclear family might belong to 2 different economic groups throughout the year, one functioning in the rainy summer months and one in the drier winter season (Underhill n.d.:22). Settlements in which a family partici pated might be separated by as much as 16 km (10 miles) or as little as
9.6 km (6 miles) from one another. Well villages contained fewer in habitants than did the field villages because the reduced water supply could not support a dense population at any location (Hackenberg 1964:
IV-78). Crosscutting the kinship ties operating in these two situations was a seasonal food-procuring activity, the cactus camp, which involved participation of a female activity group composed of relatives from 81 several field villages. These forays provided opportunities for social contacts cementing intervillage ties (Underhill n.d.:23-25). Further social complexity is introduced by the existence of settlements belong ing to 3 separate village units in the valley during the nineteenth century.
Nineteenth-century field and well villages belonging to 3 sepa rate social groupings are within the geographical area defined in this study as the Baboquivari Valley (Fig. 1). The several localities belong ing to each originated by expansion from older and larger settlem ents, which served as defensive units against Apache raids (Hoover 1935:262).
These were not fortresses but functioned to gather a large population into one place so that sufficient numbers could be mustered to fight on short notice. They were consistently located away from water sources to les sen the possibility of contacts with the Apache (Hackenberg 1964:IV-20).
Daughter settlements of each of the units sprang from 3 defense locations in the mid-nineteenth century when removal of Apache pressure by United
States Government intervention permitted dispersal of people from the protective centers.
Komelik Village Unit. Before the middle of the nineteenth cen tury most defensive communities were west of long 112° W ., leaving most of the Baboquivari Valley unoccupied. The only earlier village unit was the Komelik complex in the lower half of the valley, using wells in the Fresnal area. Komelik was its defensive location and was reported to have had a fort near its fields, although that fort is not described by
Hackenberg (1964:IV-99). Two of the Fresnal well villages are the same
age as Komelik. These are Chutum Vaya and Chiuli Shaik (Hackenberg
1964:IV-30). 82
By the middle of the nineteenth century, 2 field villages sepa rated from Komelik and established locations at Choulic, 6.4 km (4 miles) south of Komelik, and at Topawa 11.3 km (7 miles) northwest of
Komelik. Topawa uses wells in the Fresnal area, 16 km (10 miles) away in the western foothills of the Baboquivari Mountains. This earliest oc cupation had a visual orientation north to south on the landscape along the long axis of the valley. Its social relationships, however, were east to west, linking field settlements on the valley floor with the use of specific well locations on the bajada to the east.
Migration of people from 2 other village units populated the northern and southern peripheries of the Baboquivari Valley. These were occupied by the Kui Tatk system and the Tecolote system.
Kui Tatk Village Unit. The villages in the Comobabi and Quin lan Mountains foothills north of the Komelik complex are a result of mid-nineteenth-century expansion from a parent defense location in the
Gu Oidak Valley, 19 km (12 miles) west of the Baboquivari Mountains.
The parent village was Gu Oidak, and it was the original field location for this cluster. Its well was Kui Tat, also a defensive settlement, 17.7
km (11 miles) north of Gu Oidak in the Santa Rosa Valley. Formation of daughter villages oriented the system eastward and northward on the
landscape. The first new settlements were a field village at Pan Tak,
50 km (31 miles) east across the Baboquivari Valley, and 2 well locations
at Vainom Kug and Kaihon Kug, 14.5 km (9 miles) north of Gu Oidak
(Hackenberg 1964:IV-96). Later additions were field locations atHaivana
Nakya and Viopuli and at Pavo Kug, which was a well. Two additional
well villages were established in the Baboquivari Mountains, Gu Chuapo, 83
22.5 km (14 miles) east of Sells, and Chiawuli Tak , 9.7 km (6 miles) northeast of Sells.
In addition, the Kui Tatk system established the following wells in the Comobabi Mountains: Koson Vaya or Santa Cruz, Rincon or Lincon,
Nawt Vaya or Alamo, Ko Vaya or Cobabi. Field settlements eventually established near the Comobabi Mountains were Nolia, San Luis, and Not
Tak. Sells, in the Artesa Mountains, was part of this complex (Hacken- berg 1964:IV-97).
Tecolote Village Unit. The Tecolote Village unit originated in the Tecolote Valley, 29 km (18 miles) west of the Baboquivari Valley, with the original settlements being the field villages of Tecolote (Chukut
Kug) and Sivili Chuchg and the well village of Ak Komeli. Between A.D.
1875 and 1900, the unit expanded into the Baboquivari Valley by estab lishing San Miguel as a field location with Sapano Vaya as its well.
Other daughter settlements were Buenos Aires and Hasan Chuchg, ap proximately 3.2 km (2 miles) north of the present International Boundary.
The remaining Tecolote system members are either in the Tecolote Valley or in the Kom Vo Valley, and the social orientation of the entire complex was southward into Mexico, where there were additional villages (Hack- enberg 1964:IV-95-96). The complex extends visually across the south ern extremity of the Baboquivari Valley.
Settlements that previously had been summer or winter villages became permanently occupied after 1933, when the Federal Emergency
Conservation Work Program improved reservation water supplies by drill ing government wells at some of the villages. The settlement pattern on
. . 84 the landscape has not changed except for recent addition of numerous
stock watering locations (Underhill n.d.:41-42).
In summary, the presently observable locations of many settle
ments in the Baboquivari Valley were established in the nineteenth cen
tury when a seasonally shifting pattern of subsistence and settlement
was employed. It remains to be demonstrated in the course of this study
whether a similar pattern can be perceived in the distribution of late pre
historic sites in the valley. Once the immediately prehistoric pattern of
settlement has been established, the cerros de trincheras can be ana
lyzed within the framework provided by a consideration of environment,
subsistence, and settlement through time in the Baboquivari Valley.
Late Prehistoric Settlement Pattern
Review of Arizona State Museum survey files indicates that the
late prehistoric settlement pattern in the Baboquivari Valley was similar
to that recorded for the nineteenth-century Papago, with the exception of
use of cerros de trincheras. A series of Sells Phase villages are recorded
at the base of the Baboquivari Mountains, with others occurring in the
low foothills of the Coyote, Quinlan, and Comobabi Mountains. All are
in locations resembling those of nineteenth-century Papago well villages.
Jackrabbit Ruin, which provided the definition of the Sells Phase, is in
this kind of setting (Scantling 1940).
Other sites assignable to this phase are adjacent to the flood
plains of washes on the valley floor, as are the nineteenth-century
Papago field villages. Valshni Village (Withers 1941), dating slightly
earlier than Jackrabbit Ruin, occupied this position in relation to the 85 landscape. In this study, sites are assigned to the Sells Phase if they exhibit a series of diagnostic pottery types described by Scantling (1940:
27-33). These are Sells Red, a red-on-brown ware designated as Tanque
Verde Red-on-brown, and a late plainware. The Sells Phase at Jackrabbit
Ruin was assigned "a relative date of 1200 to 1400 A .D ." on the basis of intrusive ceramics (Scantling 1940:35).
Evidence for prehistoric settlement in the Baboquivari Valley prior to the Sells Phase is documented only in isolated instances, as at the excavated site of Valshni Village (Arizona DD:1:11), with occupation there dated A.D. 800 to 1250 (Withers 1941:77). Another instance of
earlier settlement exists at Arizona DD:2:7 where a sherd area composed
of Sacaton Red-on-buff pottery from the Hohokam sequence appears in the
same location as a Sells Phase site and a historic Papago village. The
artifacts on the cerros de trincheras indicate that the sites were not used
before or after the late prehistoric horizon.
There is more evidence of Sells Phase settlement in relation to
the landscape than for any other prehistoric period. In addition, it is the
latest phase defined prior to historic Papago. The following information
summarizing the characteristics of Sells Phase sites in flood plain and
bajada location is gathered from Arizona State Museum survey cards.
The listing of attributes shared by the cerros de trincheras was gathered
during independent survey on the hills.
Sells Phase Villages Adlacent to Flood Plains
Sells Phase valley-floor sites are reported at 14 locations in
the Baboquivari Valley and are related to 1 of 2 major wash system s,
either Sells Wash at the northern end of the valley or Vamori Wash, 86 which flows north from the southern periphery. The sites share the fol lowing characteristics:
1. Location below 763 m (2,500 ft) in elevation.
2. Situation in mesquite flats or creosote flats, either adjacent to
a wash or between 2 washes. Papago villages established in
the nineteenth century are located on land populated by either
mesquite or creosote.
3. A ceramic complex represented by redware, red-on-brown, and
plainware, with the plainware predominating. The site cards do
not always give the pottery type by name but often only by ware
class, therefore a Sells Phase designation is assumed when
redwares and red-on-brown pottery occur together with plain-
w ares .
4. Presence of manos and metates, but infrequently reported.
5. Presence of lithic debris, but noted as not abundant.
6. Presence of trash mounds at a few sites.
7. Other artifacts: some shell and spindle whorls.
In all, there is little material culture other than ceramics re
ported at these sites. The scarcity of food-grinding implements, also
noted at Valshni Village by Withers (1941:57-59), indicates that the in
habitants of these sites may have used plant foods that did not require
grinding by mano and metate. The nineteenth-century Papago emphasis
on boiling or roasting wild greens while living in the summer field vil
lages before the planted crops matured may have been the pattern prac
ticed at valley-floor villages in the prehistoric past. 87 Sells Phase Villages on Baladas
Sells Phase occupation in the western foothills of the Babo- quivari Valley is represented by 11 sites. One is recorded in the vicinity of the Comobabi Mountains, and the Coyote and Quinlan Mountains have
18. They range from sherd scatters to villages with trash mounds. The larger bajada sites have the following in common:
1. Location above 702 m (2,300 ft) in elevation.
2. Situation on a high, usually grassy terrace above a wash, with
vegetation characteristic of bajadas, such as Prosopis, Cer-
cidium, and Opuntia s p p .
3. A ceramic complex represented by Sells Red, Tanque Verde Red-
on-brown, and plainware, with plainware predominating.
4. Presence of manos and basin metates; fragments of each of
these in quantity.
5. Presence of bedrock mortars .
6. Presence of lithic debris, often in quantity.
7. Presence of trash mounds at some sites.
8. Presence of hearths at some sites.
9. Additional artifacts recorded as occurring sporadically: spindle
whorls, fragments of shell, projectile points, petroglyphs, fig
urine fragments, and cremations in jars; a hoe and 2 palette
fragments also recorded.
The complex of features at these sites indicates that activities
performed there may have been similar to those historically recorded at
Papago well villages. Presence of manos and metates in quantity indi
cates the importance of plant food processing. The abundance of lithic 88 debris implies use of time while in these villages to manufacture tools.
Production and repair of utilitarian items is noted as an activity per formed at winter well villages (Hackenberg 1964:11-58—11-59). Jackrabbit
Ruin, too, produced numerous mano and metate fragments, indicating that
it may have been occupied when wild or domestic seed-producing plants had matured. These plants used by the nineteenth-century Papago were harvested in September and October, just before the move to the winter well villages, and that harvest presumably provided a portion of the sub sistence during residence at those villages.
The difference in type and quantity of food-processing equipment
represented at flood-plain and bajada sites may reflect a change in food
preference or availability through time. But the apparent continuity in
settlement location indicates that seasonal subsistence and settlement
may have a long history in the Baboquivari Valley.
Cerros de Trincheras
Papago legends state that the terraced hill sites in foothill
areas were forts for protection of the Papago people from Apache raids.
However, no eyewitness accounts record the use of these as forts and
no Papago ceramics appear on the hills. Pottery on all of these hill sites
is late prehistoric, consisting of red-on-brown and plainware, indicat
ing that the sites are single component sites constructed for a special
purpose. Therefore, they cannot be considered as part of the locational
continuity discussed above.
Not all are of equal size or complexity, nor do they all contain
the same features, although enough similarities exist to classify them 89 as walled and terraced hill sites. There are 3 at the base of the Quinlan Mountains foothills and 3 in the vicinity of the South Comobabi Moun tains and the adjacent Ko Vaya Hills. Seven sites are recorded in the valley (Fig. 1).
The cerros de trincheras share the following features:
1. Location on hills ranging in height between 61 and 137 m (200
and 450 ft). 2. Hill bases at elevations ranging between 671 and 991 m (2,200 and 3.250 ft) above mean sea level; valley floor slopes down ward from east to west, with the bases of the westernmost hills at the lowest elevations. 3. Situation on hills that are either isolated from a mountainous
are or near one or on hills that are part of the mountain mass but form a semi-isolated spur or knoll. 4. Hills frequently situated in a cove formed by other hills or by the adjacent mountains. 5. Frequent proximity, but not without exception, to a Sells Phase village site. 6. Construction of site on a hill capped by a rocky know. These knobs make the hills visually outstanding features on the land sc a p e .
7. Presence of walls rising above ground surface or of terraces with earth flush with the upper course of rock construction, or presence of both kinds of features on a hill. 8. Height of walls above ground surface never more than 0.9 m
(3 ft), although a portion of wall contoured to the hill face may
add greater total height. 90
9. Presence on some sites of circular stone constructions with an
average diameter of 1 or 2 m (3.4 or 7 ft).
10. Scarcity of artifactual material on the hills. Pottery is the most
plentiful item on the surface, with plainware predominating.
Where decorated wares occur, they are red-on-brown. Lithic
debris is scarce by comparison with ceramics, and mano and
metate fragments are almost nonexistent. Some hills exhibit
more surface artifacts than others, but there is no apparent
correlation between number of features and density of artifacts
on a s ite .
11. Presence of bedrock mortars on some of the hills.
The prominence of massive rock construction and the scarcity of artifacts are the most striking similarities on these sites.
In summary, 3 factors indicate that the cerros de trincheras and the Sells Phase villages on the bajadas may have been associated. The scarcity and selective nature of artifacts on the hills and the geograph ical proximity of the late sites to the cerros both indicate that the hills may have been activity foci for residents of the villages. The possibility of association is further strengthened by the presence in each case of red-on-brown ceramics and late nonmicaceous plainware. Late prehis toric settlements in the flood plains and on the bajadas have the same locational attributes as do historic Papago field and well villages.
Walled and terraced sites of the same time period on hills represent a pattern of land use that apparently did not continue into the nineteenth c en tu ry . CHAPTER 6
ANALYTICAL APPROACH
Cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari Valley all appear to be single component sites, and most are in proximity to similarly dated sites below them. Surface evidence does not exist in quantity for occu pation of the valley prior to the late prehistoric Sells Phase, when the cerros de trincheras were used. This combination of factors indicated that a settlement pattern context would provide the most useful frame work for data gathering. Using a framework relating sites to their phys ical surroundings and to other sites, questions may be asked and inferences made from data gathered by survey about activities performed on the hills.
A comparative approach was employed throughout the analysis of data to accomplish these objectives, and field techniques were chosen with this approach in mind. Comparison was employed from the artifact and feature levels through that of entire sites. Broader comparisons were made between hill sites in the Baboquivari and Santa Cruz Valleys in
Arizona and in the Altar Valley in Sonora, Mexico. Finally, using eth nographic analogy, comparisons of hills and their environmental and cultural setting were made with the early historic settlement pattern in the Baboquivari Valley. This level of comparison produced a series of questions or propositions about activities occurring on the hills. These propositions, if phrased as hypotheses stating a series of observed
91 92 relationships, could be tested against another set of data gathered by another study.
The Baboquivari Valley was chosen as a study area for the fol lowing reasons. The number of hill and other late prehistoric sites noted in the Arizona State Museum's files is larger for that valley than else where in the Papagueria, presenting a previously documented base from which to depart. In addition, ethnographic accounts of nineteenth- century Papago subsistence and settlement are most complete for the central zone of the Papagueria, including the Baboquivari Valley, permit ting comparison of the late prehistoric pattern with a settlement system observed in the same valley. The area is also far enough removed from any population center that weekend visitors would not consistently re arrange the deposition of artifacts and features on the sites. Finally, the valley presented a study area within short driving distance from The
University of Arizona, so that expenses could be minimized and contacts with university personnel could be maintained throughout the collection of field data.
Data Collection and Analysis
In presenting a research design for data collection and analysis, the levels of questioning employed throughout the study must be consid ered. One is a descriptively typological level where questions may be asked about the kind of site, the presence or absence of different arti facts and features, and the broad cultural classification in which the site belongs on the basis of features and artifacts. Another level of questioning is chronological, where consideration must be given to placement of sites within a framework of archaeological phases. With 93 the broad chronological scheme established for the valley during initial field work, the remainder of the study can be devoted to the behavioral level of inquiry, with the application of a comparative approach to the formation of hypotheses about activities on the hills.
Sampling
Another consideration is sampling design, or what constitutes an adequate sample of any archaeologically designated population in the valley, whether hill sites, sites on bajadas, historic villages, vegeta tion communities on sites, or artifacts and features within sites. The sampling design rests upon the desired results of the study combined with the time and financial resources available.
A preliminary survey of 12 other hills in the valley, none known to support sites, was conducted to determine the approximate number of hills used prehistorically and to record similarities and differences in hills that have sites and those that do not. The peaks surveyed repre
sented approximately one-third of 30 hills designated as the total popula
tion for possible survey. Sample size and distribution during this
preliminary effort was determined by the linear north to south orientation
of the valley and the need to survey the maximum number of hills in each
of its longest mountain ranges. Time limitation permitted walking only 9
hills on the western side of the valley and 3 on the eastern side. Within
this sample, only one other walled site was found, east of Arizona
DD:1:3. One of the easternmost hills produced an Early Papago cemetery,
and 1 of the western hills supported a quarry site.
Information provided by this brief survey indicated that all 7
hill sites known in the valley should be included in this study to provide 94 a maximum sample of the known cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari
Valley. In reality, financial limitations permitted survey of 5 hills.
Questioning of Papago residents did not reveal any other hill sites, and / if others do exist, they can only be located by extensive and expensive su rv ey .
With the 5 hills selected as a basis for this study, a decision was made to record their relation to other sites and to vegetation com munities within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) of each hill. Designed to provide an environmental setting for each site, this distance was derived from the occurrence of washes within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) of each hill site, forming a physical boundary that provides a convenient survey unit around each hill. Use of this method is justified by the observation that washes ap pear to follow the same directional trends today as in the past, indicated by lack of major arroyo cutting through bajada sites. Another reason exists in the assumption that contemporaneous sites within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) of one another must have been separate components of the same settlement and subsistence system. Finally, although nineteenth-century records document mobility of Papago families over distances up to 16 km
(10 miles) between habitation sites, the extension of survey beyond 0.8 km (0.5 mile) from the hills would lead to inclusion of sites whose rela tionship to the hills could only be hypothesized on the broad level of chronological association.
Field Procedures
Using combined techniques of archaeological survey, aerial photography and pollen analysis, data were gathered about the 5 hills, 95 as well as about their relationship to nearby sites, topography, and vegetation communities.
Survey Forms . Arizona State Museum Site Survey cards were •
completed for each hill. To supplement this information, a form was con
structed for the hills themselves, designed to gather data about type and
distribution of artifacts, features, and vegetation that could be compared
with that recorded for every other hill. The form also provided space for
discussion of relationships of artifacts, features, and topography within
each site and for recording geographical relationship to other sites and
to topographic features.
Arizona State Museum cards were also used for each site within
0.8 km (0.5 mile) of a hill base. A specialized form was constructed for
these sites containing space for recording presence and distribution of
any visible activity locations and for notation of artifacts by location
and density within the site. In addition, the form required statements
about relationship to other sites and to surrounding topography and vege
tation. With the data recorded on these forms, sites on hills and those
below them can be compared within each category as well as across the
two categories.
Aerial Photography. Aerial photographs were taken of 5 of the
hills from a Cessna 170 on black-and-white, color, and infrared film.
The black-and-white photographs were taken with a 4x5 Graf lex, and
the others with 35 mm cameras. The black-and-white pictures show re
lationships of features to the hill and of each hill to its surroundings.
The infrared film was used so that there would be a record of some of the
sites in color infrared if they can be interpreted at a later date. 96
Mapping. A topographic map was constructed of 1 hill, Arizona
DD:2:4, to show relationship of features to one another and to the topog raphy of the hill. Time limitation did not permit mapping of other hills.
However, sketch maps were made of the other 4 sites.
Pollen Analysis. Pollen samples were collected from the sur face and below the surface of 12 features distributed between 3 hills.
The 3 were chosen because they represented entirely different kinds of sites in the arrangement of rockwork features, although all 3 had simi larities when compared on the level of single features and artifact types.
Arizona DD:1:5, in the Baboquivari Valley, displayed a series of long walls enclosing terraces and circular features. Arizona BB:13:2, Mar tinez Hill, in the Santa Cruz River valley, has a boulder wall surround ing its summit with circular features at its easternmost end and terraces below the summit. Arizona AA:7:11, Cerro Prieto, is also in the Santa
Cruz Valley and has terracing from near the top of the hill to the base, with check dams extending over the bajada north of the hill. An attempt was made to sample 1 of each kind of feature at each site, but time limitation prevented accomplishing this goal in its entirety.
Artifact Recording. Artifact recording was designed to provide data that can be compared from site to site so that statements about similarities and differences in type, quantity, and distribution can be made. Artifact collections were not taken because of permit restrictions requested by the Papago Tribe. Instead, ceramics and lithics were typed and described in the field and were not removed from their provenience on any site. No detailed quantitative treatment was given to artifacts, since time and money allotments did not permit in situ counting methods. 97
Artifacts on the hills were separated by feature and were also noted for 2 m (6.6 ft) upslope and downslope from a feature. This pro duced a comparative list of artifact type and relative quantity on features and immediately surrounding them. Relative densities of each category were recorded by an estimate of quantity to the square meter where fea tures did not cover the entire hill. Since sites below the hills rarely contain visible surface features, artifacts were recorded by type and density of distribution over the surface according to an estimated number per square meter, 300 m (983.6 ft) apart, traversing the length and width of the site.
Analytical Procedures
The comparative method was utilized throughout the analysis of data gathered by means of the techniques and procedures described above.
Comparison of each hill site with the others and of hills with sites below them provided statements about regularity and uniqueness. These helped to determine the degree of similarity or difference existing between sites
in any of these categories.
The following attributes of hills were compared: vegetation
inventories, proximity to stands of edible wild plant resources, total
site configuration, orientation of site on the hill face, and direction and
distance to a nearby bajada site, as well as features (walls, terraces,
and circles), artifacts and their distributions, pollen profiles, and re
lationship of hills to larger topographic features (mountains, other hills, b a ja d a ).
Attributes of sites below the hills most useful for comparison
with hill sites are: vegetation inventory, proximity to stands of 98 potentially edible plant foods, proximity to a hill site, size and kind of features, type, density and distribution of artifacts, and proximity to
sites other than hills.
Summaries of similarities and differences between individual
sites and between types of sites have resulted from the comparative ap
proach to raw data. These summary statements provided the basis for a typology of late prehistoric sites in the valley. The typology served as
an organizing framework for attribute analyses leading to propositions
or hypotheses about activities performed at hills and immediately sur
rounding them.
Typology of Rockwork Features
To begin analysis of the hill sites, a typology of rock features
constructed by man was required as the basis for description and com
parison. The listing of features includes any modification by man of the
stone that is the parent material of the hill. The morphological typology
(Steward 1954:54) was designed to lead toward interpretation of hillside
use. Derived from this was a functional typology (Steward 1954:55) em
phasizing cultural choice in construction and placement of rockwork
features on a hill. Formulation of a typology was rendered more difficult
by the absence of any mortar used in construction of the features and by
the absence of shaping on any of the construction materials.
Morphological Typology. To make the typology, a first step
was to define grossly 5 kinds of rockwork features on the basis of attri
butes within each category shared by all of the examples recorded. These
categories are: walls, terraces, circles, trails, and bedrock mortars.
The definition of each is as follows: 99
1. Walls . Linear rock alignments . Constructed of loosely piled
boulders. Space upslope from feature free of fill. Boulder con
struction rises above ground surface. Boulders up to 1 m (3.3
ft) in diameter incorporated in the feature.
2. Terraces. Straight or semicircular rock alignments. Con
structed of loosely piled boulders. Upslope earth fill is flush
with top of the rockwork. Boulders incorporated in the feature usually measure less than 1 m (3.3 ft) in diameter.
3. Circles. Circular or semicircular rockwork features. Con
structed of loosely piled boulders arranged on surface of the
hill. Contain no earth fill. Boulders used for construction
measure no more than 0.5 m (1.6 ft) in diameter.
4. Trails. Ascending or descending pathways. Cleared of boulders
and pebbles. Surface of gravel or bedrock.
5. Bedrock Mortars. Conoidal depressions. Ground into bedrock
or into a large boulder in situ.
The first four features share common construction materials and techniques. The differences lie in the placement of rockwork on the hills
in relation to the natural topography, to constructed features, to bedrock,
and to earth fill enclosed by the features. Relative sizes of the features
form the basis for distinguishing further variation.
In order to refine the typology, a list of attributes observed on
the hills was made for each category (Tables 12 through 16). Every hill
site incorporated in this study was tabulated for the attributes its fea
tures displayed (Tables 17 through 21). These attribute lists were
checked for clusterings within each category, and the clusterings were 100
Table 12. Attributes of Walls
No. Attribute
1. Height under 1 m.
2. Height between 1 and 2 m.
3. Height between 2 and 3 m.
4. Width less than 1 m.
5. Width 1 to 2 m.
6. Abutting other walls .
7. Abutting or incorporating a feature other than a wall.
8. Incorporating upright boulders in the wall.
9. Abutting or incorporating bedrock.
10. Breaks in wall for entry or pathway.
11'. Use of dry laid masonry technique in stacking boulders flat to construct wall, using stone with a tabular fracture. Used in 12. combination with loosely piled boulders.
Orientation with the contour.
13. Orientation across the contour.
14. Length more than 8 m.
15. Length less than 8 m. 101
Table 13. Attributes of Terraces
No. Attribute
1. Height under 1 m.
2. Height between 1 and 2 m.
3. Height over 2 m.
4. Width at top under 1 m.
5. Width at top 1 to 2 m.
6. Width at top over 2 m.
7. Straight shape.
8. Semicircular shape.
9. Isolated from other features.
10. Abutting other terraces.
11. Abutting features other than terraces.
12. Incorporating bedrock.
13. Below all walls (downslope).
14. Above bottom wall on hill.
15. Above middle walls on hill.
16. Above top wall on hill.
17. Length more than 5 m.
18. Length less than 5 m. 102
Table 14. Attributes of Circles
No. Attribute
1. Height 0.5 m or lower, single course of boulders.
2. Height 0.5 to 1 m, multiple courses of boulders.
3. Height 1 to 2 m, multiple courses of boulders.
4. Diameter 1 m or less.
5. Diameter 1 to 2 m.
6. Diameter 2 to 3 m.
7. Diameter over 3 m.
8. Isolated from other circles or other features.
9. Grouped in arrangements of more than one circle together.
10. Abutting other circles.
11. Abutting features other than circles.
12. Below all walls on the hill (downslope).
13. Above bottom wall on the hill.
14. Above middle walls on the hill.
15. Above top wall on hill. 103
Table 15. Attributes of Trails
No. Attribute
1. Stone-lined.
2. Terminates at a feature.
3. Follows contours.
4. Crosses contours abruptly.
5. Used by cattle.
6. Only one trail on the hill.
7. More than one trail on the hill.
8. Traceable from the valley floor.
9. Observable on the hill but not upon the valley floor.
Table 16. Attributes of Bedrock Mortars
No. Attribute
1. Occur singly.
2. Occur in groups.
3. In bedrock.
4. In a boulder.
5. Below cultural features on the hill.
6. In an area on the hill having cultural features.
7. Associated with a drainage or area where water stands. 104
Table 17. Attributes of W alls on Five Hill Sites
Long W all Short W all i—I CO i n TT r—l r —l CO in ?! 1—1 r—l 1—1 i—i CM UD r-H r—l r-H CM CD O Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q § P Q P Q Q Q
NNN N N N N NNN
A ttribute s 5 s s s . s s s s s
Interior height, under 1 m XX X XXX X
Exterior height, under 1 m XX X XX Exterior height, 1 to 2 m X X
Width at base, under 1 m X X X X
Width at base, 1 to 2 m X XX
Abutting other walls X XX
Abutting other features X XX
Incorporating upright boulders XX
Abutting or incorporating bedrock X X XX
Breaks in wall XX X
Masonry technique X
Orientation with contour X X X X
Orientation across contour XXX
Enclose features X X X X 105
Table 18. Attributes of Terraces on Five Hill Sites
Long Terrace Short Terrace
r-H CO LO ^ rH • • • • • • • • • • «—I• • •CO • •• to • *3* • rH•• r-H i—I i—« 0 3 CD r—I r—4 i—I 0 4 CO • • •• • • •• •• Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q
N N N N N N N N N N _ | •!—I **H -1—1 *rH * r-t 1 ••—I -*-» •«-! Attribute 5 S S < S
Exterior height, under 1 m X X X X X X X X
Exterior height, 1 to 2 m X
Exterior height, over 2 m
Width at top, under 1 m X X
Width at top, 1 to 2 m X XXX X X X
Width at top, over 2 m
Straight shape X X X X X X X
Semicircular shape X X X X X
Isolated from other features X X X X X X
Abutting other terraces X X XXX
Abutting other features X X
Incorporating bedrock X X X X X
Below all walls X X
Above bottom walls X X
Above middle walls X X X
Above top wall X
Located on hill away from w all area X X 106
Table 19. Attributes of Circles on Five Hill Sites
C ircle
A ttribute
Height, 0.5 m or lower
Height, 0. 5 to 1m, multiple courses
Height, 1 to 2 m, multiple courses
Diameter, 1 m or less
Diameter, 1 to 2 m
Diameter, 2 to 3 m
Diameter, over 3 m ) Iso lated
Grouped
Abutting other circles
Abutting other features
Below all walls
Above bottom wall
Above middle walls
Above top wall
Incorporating bedrock
Entrances 107
Table 20. Attributes of Trails on Five Hill Sites
T rail in N -H -rH I -i—I eH A ttribute % ^ ^ ^ ^ Stone-lined Terminates at a feature Follows contours X X X X Crosses contours X Used by cattle X X X One tra il X X More than one trail X X Traceable from valley floor Observable only on hill X X X Cleared of rocks and pebbles X X X X 108 Table 21. Attributes of Bedrock Mortars on Five Hill Sites Bedrock Mortar co m r-H r-H CN O P Q Q Q Q • • . • N N N t H *rH -r-1 Attribute Ariz. DD:6:1 Ariz. DD:1:1 I % £ £ Occur singly X X Occur in groups XXX In bedrock XX X In a boulder X Below cultural features X With cultural features X X X Associated with drainage or standing water X X 109 evaluated for cultural significance. Clusterings of attributes deemed significant for description and comparison of rockwork were formalized as functional types, sharing a larger number of attributes within the category than between categories (Gorodzov 1933:99; Ford 1954:45). Derivation of formal, or morphological, types from the attribute clusterings presented in Tables 17 through 21 was based on a majority presence of the attributes on at least 3 out of 5 hills. The types listed in Table 22 are not selected for their cultural significance. They are morphological types as defined by Steward (1954:54) who states that "the 'morphological' type is the most elementary kind, since it is based solely on form-on physical or external properties." Accompanying the listing of attributes for each type is a verbal description of the rock features composing that type. Less frequently occurring attributes, which represent variation within the type, are listed as additional attributes. The morphological types are: long w alls, short walls, long terraces, short terraces, circles, trails, and bedrock m o rtars. The rockwork types listed in Table 22 suffice for classifying the most frequently occurring stone features on the 5 hills surveyed in the Baboquivari Valley. Each type, however, possesses a range of variation. Exceptions will be described rather than granted subtype status, since the sample size of sites is so small that even the majority type cluster ings probably do not have statistical validity. Each of the variations possesses the diagnostic attributes of its feature type. Long walls possess, in addition to the attributes described in Table 22, incorporation of upright boulders into the dry-laid masonry. Table 22. M orphological Typology of Rockwork on H ill I Q 4H H I r2 .2 $ I ••H 4-J b a (0 ti O a o w 0) CO o Q) O) 3 0) 11 •H •H iti s a 43 ti 4-i S § Cn o £ CD i t CDtJ> CO ^ 2 r—j O O 3 CO O CO rC S 2 33 2 i S S % "S ti 0 - E ^ 0) 8l M •8 s i l 73 l!1 > O co ti CD ) (D Q) 3 h h - y-4 4-4 H (0 O -H S 1 x 1 1 2 O 2 0 2 0 o O 2 1 Is C73 u O m Q)O 0 . ii if . T I 0) M M 0) I T X r m •§ O m O ^ l l l l l ! 1 1 1 il!c a f S - I .IM D CD O CDO 5 5 8 3 . - i t 73 O in - 8 o t rd co .ti ^ wJSjg j S J w E c c/1 5 O y 0) i-X 4 10 t ) 0 3 <0 0) >t > D v-. CD -> 4, ' & b + j ^ rO rO ^ j + 3 i t 3 E 3 ti $ ^ 5 o 5 _ i . CO • rC s O I & h t; i t r s I __ 73 fd fd 73 II 8o O • CO CD D i t CD 8 CD d ^ CD rd i t _ 4-» H s - 3 p u i = 3 ° 8 5 3 5 : w w CO 0 0 CO II ^S|? t o ti 0) o 1 § o ti Typology Majority Attributes Description of Type Additional Attributes Long Terraces Length over 5 m Terraces measure over 5 m in Sometimes there is a Exterior height below length, with width at top of semicircular shape 1 m platform being between 1 and variant Width of platform 1 to 2 m. Long terraces are straight Sometimes abut other 2 m in shape. They usually incor terra ce s Straight shape porate some bedrock in their Incorporating bedrock construction. They exhibit Variety in distribution variety in their placement on a on hill in relation to hill in relation to other fea other features tures . They occur below all w alls, above bottom wall, above middle walls , or totally isolated from other cultural features on hill. Short Terraces Length less than 5 m Short terraces are below 5 m in May have a straight Exterior height below length and have an exterior shape variant in a mi 1 m height below 1 m. They are nority of cases. Some Platform width 1 to 2 m semicircular in shape with a times isolated from other Semicircular shape platform width of 1 to 2 m. features on hill. Some Abut other terraces They abut other terraces. They times incorporated Located near other cul are consistently located close bedrock in the con tural features on hill to other cultural features on struction rather than isolated hill rather than isolated. . Table 22. Morphological Typology—Continued Typology Majority Attributes Description of Type Additional Attributes C ircles Height of rockwork 0.5 Circles are 0.5 or lower in Sometimes constructed m or lower height. Diameter is either of multiple courses of Diameter 1 to 2 m; 2 between 1 and 2 m or between boulders to 3 m 2 and 3 m. Circles are grouped Sometimes abut other Grouped with other together on hill rather than iso c irc le s c irc le s lated. They may be located Above middle walls; either above the middle series above top walls of walls or above the top wall Have entrances on a site. They consistently have entrances. Trails Follow contours Trails are cleared of rocks and Sometimes there is Observable only on pebbles. They follow the con more than one trail on h ills tours of a hill. They are ob a h ill Cleared of rocks and servable on the hill but not on pebbles the valley floor. They are fre Used by cattle quently used by cattle. Bedrock Mortars Ground into bedrock Bedrock mortars are features Sometimes placed near Occur in groups that are usually ground into a wash bed or a place Placed with cultural bedrock. They occur in on the hill where water features groups rather than singly and stands after rains are always placed near other cultural features on the hill. 113 This variation in construction technique occurs at Arizona DD:1:5 and at Arizona DD:6:1. Shape differences are noted in both long and short terrace cate gories. Long terraces, even though classified as straight, may curve as they follow hill contours, as seen at Arizona DD:1:3 and Arizona DD:1:5. Short terraces are occasionally straight rather than semicircular, as at Arizona DD:1:1 and Arizona DD:2:4. Rock circles show a size variation larger than the mean diameter stated in the type description. Arizona DD:1:1, Arizona DD:1:5, and Arizona DD:6:1 all possess one or more circular features measuring 2 to 3 m (6.6 to 9.8 ft) in diameter. One instance of a cricle 15 m (49.2 ft) in diameter occurred at Arizona DD: 1:5. Functional Typology. The final step in derivation of rockwork types from attribute clusterings is to describe functional types based on attributes of rock construction that appear to have been culturally deter mined. Steward (1954:55) states that "functional types are those based on cultural use or role rather than on outward form or chronological posi tion. The same materials may be treated in terms of functional type or of morphological type." This would exclude from the type definition attri butes that were conditioned only by such natural environmental factors as hill shape or contour. While the definitive attributes must have had some meaning in the minds of their makers, the existing archaeological techniques of data recovery and analysis cannot reproduce the cognitive maps of people who no longer exist. Therefore, functional types will be formed using the technique of broad ethnographic analogy to interpret function and use of the kinds of rockwork features on the hills. 114 Table 23 lists the functional types with their diagnostic charac teristics , which are attributes that appear to have been culturally deter mined . Attributes that may have been conditioned or caused by terrain or other noncultural circumstances are listed in the same table as other characteristics. Each type was formulated on a functional basis according to the purpose it appeared to serve as a component of the hill sites studied. Therefore, the typology includes enclosing w alls, dividing w alls, straight and semicircular terraces, and circular structures or houses. Using the same functional approach, features less frequently occurring on the hills were noted. These are trails and bedrock mortars. The following discussion will present a justification for assum ing cultural determinism as the causal factor for existence of the func tional types listed in Table 23. Included as culturally meaningful attributes are those concerned with relation of features on the hill to one another and with techniques of construction that do not appear to have been conditioned by topography. Enclosing walls follow hill contours, enclose other features, and have entryways. They are 1 to 2 m (3.3 to 6.6 ft) wide and not over 2 m (6.6 ft) high. These are the culturally significant attributes that de fine this feature category as a functional type. This significance was determined in the following manner. Long walls have been observed at Arizona DD:3:5 (Fig. 2) in the Avra Valley, crossing contours and not enclosing features. Therefore, the placement of walls more than 8 m (26.2 ft) in length along existing hill contours, enclosing other rockwork features, represents a cultural choice in wall location. Presence of Table 23. Functional Typology of Rockwork on Hills Feature Functional Equivalent Diagnostic Characteristics Other Characteristics Enclosing walls Rampart with gates Enclose other features Abut or incorporate bedrock Follow contour of hill Have entryways Height 1 to 2 m above surface Width 1 to 2 m at base of wall Dividing walls Wing w alls Do not enclose other features None Abut other features Cross-hill contours Width less than 1 m Height less than 1 m Straight terraces Residence or work Isolated from other features Height under 1 m sp ace Length over 5 m Width under 1 m Incorporate bedrock Semicircular Residence or work Grouped with other semi Length under 5 m te rra c e s sp ace circular terraces Exterior height below 1 m Associated with area hav Width 1 to 2 m at top of ing other cultural features terrace C ircular H ouses Grouped with other circular None stru ctu res stru ctu res Entrance exists for each c irc le Diameter 1 to 2 m Height 0.5 to 1 m (single or multiple courses of boulders) Located above middle and top walls on site 115 Table 23. Functional Typology—Continued Feature Functional Equivalent Diagnostic Characteristics Other Characteristics Trails Access routes Associated with other fea Follow contours of hill tures (lead through areas Observable on hill but not occupied by site) on valley floor Cleared of boulders and Frequently used by cattle pebbles Bedrock Mortars Food-proces sing Occur in groups None d evices Associated with other cul tural features on hill Frequently placed near a drainage channel 116 117 0 B E D R O C K CONTOUR INTERVAL 1.5M □ CONSTRUCTION \ T E R R A C E Figure 2. Contour Map of Arizona DD:3:5, Avra Valley, Arizona 118 entryways through the w alls, usually offset in each successive wall, with a pathway leading through the series of openings, is a culturally determined attribute. These apertures are not caused by collapsed rock- work, as evidenced by the care used in constructing them with upright stone jambs and in offsetting them to create an irregular pathway through the site. Height and width are culturally determined, as the width of the wall's base must be planned to support the desired height. A natural ly determined attribute is the incorporation of bedrock, which represents an adaptation of nonportable raw material to lend strength to construction. Dividing walls cross hill contours, do not enclose other features, and consistently abut other w alls. With this combination of attributes they can only have functioned as a divider or space breaker, arranged perpendicular to other w alls. Their short length must but culturally chosen, as it has been observed at Arizona DD:3:5 that hills present no limitations of length for walls crossing contours. Other culturally deter mined attributes are width and height. The standard width, less than 1 m, could be a function of the wall's length or could be culturally deter mined by absence of necessity for a stronger divider which would occupy more space. Height may also be culturally significant, since a higher wall could conceivably have been constructed by building a wider base. All of the attributes of dividing walls appear to be culturally significant. Straight terraces are usually isolated from other cultural fea tures and from other terraces. The cultural choice is evident in hill space used for placement of these features, as there are locations with similar hill contours elsewhere within each site. Lengths of these ter races appear to have been allowed, but hot determined, by the type of 119 terrain on the hill chosen for terrace placement. Choice of a location with shallow contours would have made it equally possible to construct a short terrace, but the longer form was chosen. Attributes which do not appear to be culturally determined are terrace height, terrace width, and incorporation of bedrock in construction. Shallow hill contours would have required special engineering to build the hill face higher or wider to accommodate larger terrace. As with enclosing walls, bedrock is more easily incorporated than removed. Semicircular terraces are grouped together wherever they occur and are always in an area occupied by other features. Cultural choice is represented by this grouping technique where single terraces could have been constructed. This is also evidenced by their situation in juxtaposi tion to other rockwork features. Attributes which may be determined by agents other than cultural choice are terrace length, width, and height. The short length characteristic of semicircular terraces is probably de termined by steepness of the hill contours, since construction of larger terraces would require additional effort to build a higher retaining wall. The circular structures found on all but one of the hills are grouped together, have entrances frequently facing east, are usually limited to a diameter of 1 m (3.3 ft) in height. They are consistently placed above upper walls on a site, never behind the lowest walls nor below them. All of these locational and constructional attributes repre sent a cultural choice. It is seen in the association of circles with one another and with upper portions of sites, although they are always small enough to have been placed singly anywhere on the hill. Available space would have allowed construction of circles with a larger diameter, but a 120 rock circle 1 m (3.3 ft) wide could have physically supported several courses of boulders higher than was actually found in any structure. No attributes were observed that would have defined any characteristic of the structures as nonculturally determined. Trails display a combination of cultural choice and response to natural terrain used in their construction. Cultural choice is seen in their placement near other features, providing access to and through sites. If it were not for this attribute, they might be classified as trails made by cattle, wild animals, or later human populations in the Babo- quivari Valley. The fact that trails follow hill contours is conditioned by topography and ease of access from hill base to summit. The fact that they are observable only on the hill may mean that valley-floor evidence has been obliterated through disuse, vegetation growth, or the operation of the geological processes of erosion and deposition. Use of remote sensing devices may, in the futre, reveal presence of trail segments on valley floors. Bedrock mortars are grouped with one another, are usually as sociated with other features on a site, and are frequently situated near a drainage. Grouping may signify that there were work groups which used these together. Grouping may also be conditioned by the scarcity of suit able bedrock outcroppings elsewhere on the hill. Placement with other features indicates that the processing activity involving their use was an integral part of other activities conducted at the site. Location near a drainage indicates either that this was where the most suitable rock outcrops occurred or that water was useful in preparation of whatever the 121 mortars were used to process. No attributes were noted for bedrock mor tars that were not culturally significant. In summary, circular structures, dividing walls, and bedrock mortars appear to represent features whose attributes of location and construction were all socially significant. There are attributes of en closing walls and of terraces that could have been limited or permitted by terrain rather than by socially meaningful choice in feature location and construction. However, there is sufficient clustering of attributes in each case to indicate that all features that are members of a category or type must have had social significance to the people who manufac tured them and used them. This is the criterion on which creation of functional types was based. CHAPTER 7 DESCRIPTIONS OF HILL AND VALLEY-FLOOR SITES The following descriptions of 5 hill sites and the sites on the valley floor below them will serve as a basis for comparisons leading toward a type description for cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari Valley. All 5 hills had been assigned Arizona State Museum survey num bers before this project began. These are: Arizona DD:1:1 (Suwuk Tontk, or Wauch Cowlic), Arizona DD:1:3 (Etoi-ki), Arizona DD:1:5 (Shi-kik), Arizona DD:2:4, and Arizona DD:6:1 (Haak Muerto, or Nachi Kulik). Several of the sites below hills had previously been recorded in the Arizona State Museum's survey files. These were Arizona DD:1:2 below Etoi-ki, Arizona DD:2:5, Arizona DD:2:6, Arizona DD:2:7, and Arizona DD:2:8, all below Arizona DD:2:4. H ill Sites Several physical characteristics are present for each hill. These are isolation from other geological features, Tertiary volcanic origin, often resulting in volcanic plugs, which stand as rocky knobs over the sites, and gentle, accessible slopes where rockwork features are located. In every case, the steepest slopes do not support any man made features. All 5 hills in the Baboquivari Valley are igneous in origin, either granite or andesite composing most of the rockwork. None of the sites extends all the way to the hill base. They are usually situated on the upper portion of the peak they occupy. 122 123 Arizona DD:1:1 (SuwukTontk. or Wauch Cowlic) Arizona DD:1:1 is located 2.9 km (1.8 miles ) south of Sells, Arizona, immediately east of the highway from Sells to San Miguel. Description of the Hill. The hill is part of a Tertiary lava flow eroded out of softer deposits and left standing in isolation on the valley floor (Bryan 1925:246). Its shape is elongate, with the long axis oriented northwest to southeast. It is composed of andesite. Its surface is covered with andesite boulders interspersed with quartz pebbles, which have weathered from the matrix. A lava flow forms the cliff below the site on the southern face of the hill. Easiest access is up a saddle on the eastern periphery or, alternatively, up the northern slope. The western slope is difficult of access and has no material culture on it. The cliff on the south slope prevents access by that route. The hill is 153 m (500 ft) high, with an elevation of 915 m (3,000 ft) at its summit. It is situated within a rincon formed by several of the surrounding peaks but is connected to only one by a low saddle. The dominant vegetation association on both the site and the remainder of the hill is creosote bush and bur-sage, with localized stands of oco- tillo and cholla. Rockwork Features. Arizona DD:1:1 has enclosing walls, cir cular structures, a trail, and bedrock mortars. Artifacts are abundant on the site. Valley-floor sites within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) of the hill base consist of lithic quarrying areas to the north and a sherd and lithic scat ter to the south. 124 The site occupies the eastern slope, extending from just below the rocky peak down to a low saddle (Figs. 3 and 4). There are no fea tures in the saddle. The 3 enclosing walls are less than 1 m (3.3 ft) in height and width. The bottom wall displays 2 gaps, which appear to have served as entrances. It does not enclose any features; however, the upper 2 walls contain a number of circular structures. Ceramics and lithics are concentrated in the vicinity of the structures, indicating that activities involving these kinds of artifacts took place there. Terraces are not associated with the enclosing walls or with the circles. They occupy portions of the northern slope adjacent to the eastward-projecting ridge, which supports the site. The terraces are long and straight. They average 1 m (3.3 feet) in height and width. The circular structures above the upper walls are consistently grouped 2 or 3 together. They are small, measuring 1 to 2 m (3.3 to 6.6 ft) in diameter, with rockwork courses piled less than 1 m high. Each has an entryway with no predominating direction for its orientation. The 3 circles, which are below all enclosing w alls, are larger than the ones at the top of the hill. They measure 3 to 4 m (9.8 to 13.1 ft) in diameter and up to almost 2 m (6.6 m) in height of rockwork. All 3 have openings oriented eastward, downslope toward the saddle. A single trail leads up the northern face of the hill through the area occupied by the terraces. It is used by cattle and peccaries, and therefore, it may not have been one of the original access routes to the s ite . One bedrock mortar occurred on the site. It was in a rock out crop incorporated into the bottom wall. Three other mortars were 125 Figure 3. Aerial View of Arizona DD:1:1 — WALL y CONTOUR INTERVAL 30M o CIRCULAR FEATURE » i « i M n 0 100 200 300 AWV TERRACE ( •tv ROCK PILE Figure 4. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:1 126 127 observed in an outcrop by a drainage channel at the northeastern periph ery of the hill. Artifacts. Both ceramic and lithic artifacts are more plentiful than on many of the cerros de trincheras. Their densest distribution is immediately outside the circular structures above the uppermost 2 w alls. Sherds and lithic flakes also occur scattered between the circles. They are scarce immediately behind the w alls, within circles, and on terraces. Occasional sherds and flakes were seen immediately downs lope from the walls and terraces. Ceramics are less abundant than lithics. The sherds are in small fragments and are mostly grit tempered plain brownware. They are probably Sells Plain, as described by Scantling (1940:33-35). They have a rough surface contributed by angular quartz inclusions. Other inclusions in the paste are rounded sand particles. As Scantling (1940:35) notes. Sells Plain resembles Gila Plain from the Hohokam se quence, except that Sells Plain possesses no mica particles and has greater wall thickness than does Gila Plain. Unless differences are noted in the text, further references to plain brownware will indicate this type. Those sherds at Arizona DD:1:1 that present enough surface for determination of vessel shape appear to be jar fragments, since they lack interior smoothing. A few red-on-brown sherds occur with the plain wares and can be designated as Tanque Verde Red-on-brown, as defined for the Rincon Valley in southern Arizona (Kelly 1938; Zahniser 1966). This designation was used by Scantling (1940) for the red-on-brown ceramics found at Jackrabbit Ruin and by Haury (1950) for those occurring at Ventana Cave. Sherds from both of these sites had design elements and arrangement, as 128 well as paste characteristics and surface finish, like those occurring at Arizona DD:1:1 and several other hill and valley-floor sites recorded in the course of this survey. Therefore, this study follows the established procedure for designating sherds with angular, banded designs in red paint on a smoothed but unslipped background, with quartz and sand tem per as Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. However, attention should be given to Zahniser's (1965:136) warning that a Tanque Verde Phase designation should not be assigned in areas west of the Santa Cruz and Rincon val leys until the ceramics are more thoroughly researched. Redwares do not appear on the hill or on the sites below it. Where they occur in other sites near the hills that are a part of this study, they possess the characteristics of Sells Red, as described by Scantling (1940:62), including the thickened rim and polishing striations, as well as presence of a slip. Lithics are entirely different at this hill site than at any of the others. They consist almost entirely of secondary reduction flakes from cryptocrystalline nodules. The quarry source may have been on a gravel ridge immediately northeast of the site where primary and secondary re duction flakes of the same material were co-distributed with some ceram ics. The material used is a red jasper and a white chalcedony. A few andesite cortex flakes are present at the site but are not common. Frag ments of a mano and 1 metate appeared in the uppermost part of the site at the base of the hill's rocky crest. Both were made of basalt, which is foreign to the hill. 129 Arizona DD:1;3 (Etoi-ki) Etoi-ki is located7.9 km (4.9 miles) northwest of Sells, Arizona, adjacent to the eastern side of State Highway 86. Description of the Hill. The hill bearing the site is elongate, with its long axis oriented east-west. The hill is composed of andesite, a Tertiary volcanic formation. The rocky knob rising at the peak of the hill over the site is a volcanic plug, and the palisaded cliff surrounding the base of the site on all sides is a remnant of a lava flow (Bryan 1925: 245). The andesite fractures sometimes with an angular pattern, weath ering into large, free-lying boulders. Some of the boulders were used to construct the man-made walls and terraces. The hill is joined to two others by low saddles. The 3 hills together form a rincon within which the site is situated (Fig. 5). A rocky crest, 763 m (2,500 ft) in elevation, rises over the site. The hill is 107 m (350 ft) high. The steepest slopes are on the north and northwest, with easiest access on the southern and eastern exposures. The dominant vegetation association on both hill and site is creosote, with some palo verde. Rockwork Features. Arizona DD:1:3 has enclosing walls, ter races, a trail, and bedrock mortars. Artifacts are abundant. Evidence for valley-floor occupation at the base of the hill appears to the north, west, and east, as well as in the small rincon south of the site. The site encircles the hill surface below the rocky crest, with features occurring on all faces (Fig. 6). A series of 4 walls is on the eastern face, and another series of 3 walls is on the northwestern face. All are below 1 m (3.3 ft) in height. They follow the contours and incor porate outcrops of bedrock. The eastern walls do not enclose any 130 Figure 5. Aerial View of Arizona DD:1:3 t = > WALL v. CONTOUPCONTOUR INTERVAL 3 0 M • BEDROCK MORTAR ______- M > 0 15 3<3 0 ~vw TERRACE Figure 6 . Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:3 131 132 features, as they occur just below the steep cliff face that rises above the site. However, the western ones enclose a series of terraces and bedrock mortars. The walls occupy comparatively shallow contours, whereas the terraces adhere to the steeper slopes. Terraces occur on northern, southern, and western slopes, with the longest ones appearing on the southern face. Terraces are low and narrow, height and width both remaining below 1 m (3.3 ft). Both straight and semicircular shapes occur, but the semicircular ones, contoured to the natural hill shape, are often longer than the straight ones. Maximum length is 70 m (230 ft). Terraces are grouped with one another but are not associated with other features. A trail leads from the base of the hill up the southwestern slope to an area occupied by several terraces below the enclosing walls. The bedrock mortars are all grouped together on the northwestern slope, im mediately below the rocky knob. They are associated with short walls but not with terraces. Artifacts. More ceramics and lithics appear on this hill than on Arizona DD:1:5 or Arizona DD:6:1. Ceramics predominate over lithics. They are largely plain brown wares. Sherds appear to represent jar frag ments, as only the exteriors are smoothed. Painted wares represent ap proximately 1.0 percent of the total ceramic complex. These are consistently Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. Some bowl fragments may be represented among the painted sherds, if interior smoothing is charac teristic of bowl shapes. No redwares appeared, although they are on the sites below the hill. Ceramics are distributed on or just below the 133 terraces. They are not common immediately behind the walls or near the bedrock mortars. Lithics occurred in the form of large chopper tools, which may have been multipurpose implements. There were also a number of large primary flakes. Both kinds of stone artifacts are composed of fine grained , gray basalt. Secondary, or refining, flakes are not present, and it does not appear that the basaltic rock would lend itself to further refinement. The stone is not indigenous to the hill, since the bedrock is andesite. Lithics followed the same distribution as did ceramics. A few sherds and flakes occur along the trail but are not as plentiful there as in the vicinity of the terraces. One metate fragment appeared on the north side at the base of the rocky cliff about midway along the hill's long axis. It is basaltic and is therefore imported into the site. Arizona DD:1:5 (Shi-kik) The hill is 7.2 km (4.5 miles) northwest of Sells, Arizona, and is situated 1.6 km (1 mile) southwest of Arizona DD:1:3. Description of the H ill. The geological feature on which the site is situated is part of the dissected summit of a series of fault blocks (Bryan 1925:246). It is composed of andesite, which fractures in to angular boulders. The Tertiary volcanic rock formed a sheer cliff face on the northeastern and southeastern faces, leaving a gentle slope trend ing down the north face above a wide saddle, which connects this hill to the one north of it. The northern and western slopes are the shallowest ones, while the eastern slope is accessible, but the southern slope is blocked from access from the valley floor by the steep lava cliff. The 134. hill is one of a series trending northwest to southeast across the south ern limits of the Ko Vaya H ills. The surrounding peaks form a rincon in which the site is situated. There are no rockwork features on the sur rounding ridges. The hill bearing the site is 137 m (450 ft) high, with an elevation at its peak of 808 m (2,650 ft). The dominant vegetation cover is palo verde, A cholla stand occupies both eastern and western slopes below the saddle. Rockwork Features. The site possesses enclosing walls, ter races, circular structures, and a trail. Artifacts are scarce. There do not appear to be any valley-floor sites within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) of the hill, but 2 small sherd scatters west and northwest of it indicate that sites may be buried under alluvium. The site occupies a gently sloping ridge facing north (Fig. 7). The 5 enclosing walls (Fig. 8) are massive in size, averaging from 1 to 2 m (3.3 to 6.6 ft) in height and approximately 1 m wide at the base. Each of them incorporates bedrock into the feature. One of the middle walls abuts another, presenting a branched effect. Upright stones were frequently used in construction. Every wall does not enclose other fea tures, although most of them do. However, the majority of the rockwork is situated above the uppermost 2 w alls. Four of the 5 have 1 or more breaks in its length, the opening usually faced in cross section with up right stones. The breaks are offset in each case to 1 side of the opening in the wall below it, providing a winding trail through the site. In addition to the enclosing walls, which parallel contours, Arizona DD:1:5 has a few short dividers placed perpendicular to the con tour, abutting the interior of retaining walls on terraces. Height of these, mm Figure 7. Aerial View of Arizona DD: 1:5 DD: Arizona of View Aerial 7. Figure * r r * £ 136 LEGEND Wall SCALE Meter# 2 0 0 4 0 0 CONTOUR I NTERVAL-30metef t Figure 8. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:1:5 137 in every case, is below 1 m (3.3 ft), as are width and length. Most are represented by a single course of boulders similar in size to those used to construct the enclosing walls. Terraces varied in length from 6 to more than 12 m (19.7 to 39.3 ft). The longer ones occurred on the lower slopes, behind the bottom w alls. Size and shape may have been conditioned by position of each type on the slope, the shallower lower part of the hill permitting con struction of long straight terraces. Both kinds are broad and flat, rather than steep, measuring less than 1 m (3.3 ft) in height. They are grouped either 2 or 3 together and never occur singly. The terraces are mostly located on the northeastern part of the site, situated below the circular structures and set apart from them by an intervening area unoccupied by any features. The circular structures are large, usualy 2 m (6.6 ft) in diam eter, with boulders piled in construction to a height of almost 1 m (3.3 ft). They are grouped together above the upper 2 w alls. Each appears to have an entryway oriented northeastward, on the upslope side of the structure. Several incorporate existing bedrock. A large circle, cleared of boulders and outlined with a single course of them, occupies the saddle north of the site. It has an entrance oriented southwest, leading upslope to the lowest enclosing wall. Two smaller circles adjoin the northeastern side of the large one, slightly upslope toward the next hill to the north. Two small, shallow terraces are placed immediately down- slope from the saddle below on its western side. Both the large circle and the small terraces lie below all of the enclosing w alls. 138 The top of the hill is entirely bedrock and does not appear to have been used as part of the site. It bears no features, and no artifact debris is present there to indicate that the area was utilized. Artifacts. The scarcity of ceramics and lithics at Arizona DD:1:5 contrasts with their density at the 2 sites previously described and at Arizona DD:2:4. No decorated ceramics were found anywhere on the hill. Sherds were large fragments of plain brownware with un smoothed interiors and exterior and may represent fragments of large jars. Pottery was not consistently associated with features on the site. A pile of sherds on a terrace may have been collected and placed there by later visitors . Other than this, the majority of the ceramics appeared outside the lowest group of circular structures, scattered down slope from the features. Sherds and lithics were not co-distributed. No artifacts appear on the hill slopes below the saddle. Lithics were especially scarce. A few large primary flakes of porphyritic andesite were noted, as were a few flakes of fine-grained basalt. They were not associated with any feature. All were scattered on slopes within the enclosing walls but separated from any rockwork. An exception is the appearance of 3 basalt flakes inside the large circle occupying the northern saddle. A metate fragment and a single basalt core appeared immediately upslope from the lowest wall. Arizona DD;2:4 Arizona DD:2:4 is located 22,5 km (14 miles) east of Sells, Arizona, and 4 km (2.5 miles) south of that point from State Highway 86. 139 Description of the H ill. The site is on a hill in a rincon of the Quinlan Mountains formed by the main mass of that range. The hill is igneous in origin, with a volcanic plug forming the rocky knob that sur mounts the site. The bedrock is granite, while the plug may be composed of porphyritic felsites, as are many of the intrusive rocks in this moun tain range (Bryan 1925:247). The hill is elongate, with the long axis oriented north-south. It bears 2 peaks and a saddle, the northernmost peak being lower than the one over the site. The site occupies the sad dle between the two and the northern and western slopes of the southern most peak. The hill is 122 m (400 ft) high. Elevation of the southern peak is 1,125 m (3,690 ft). The steepest slopes are on the western and south ern faces. Easiest access is up its eastern face to the saddle where Arizona DD:2:4 begins. The dominant vegetation is palo verde and oco- tillo, with some jojoba. Rock work F eatures. The most prominent features at Arizona DD:2:4 are terraces. In addition, there are a single enclosing wall, two circular structures, a trail, and a single bedrock mortar. Artifacts are abundant on the surface. A more detailed description of this site was possible because a map was constructed with aid of a transit (Fig. 9) and vegetation and artifacts were recorded for every feature. A single enclosing wall is at the base of the site, marking the northern periphery of the ridge where the terraces are located. Terraces begin just above the area where circular structures are located immedi ately behind the enclosing wall and continue up to the top of the rock peak. Those lower on the hill are longer and wider than the ones at a higher elevation. Some are straight in shape. Height of these lower Rock Odcrop Figure 9. Contour Map of Arizona DD:2:4 141 terraces is consistently below 1 m (3.3 ft) and width averages 1 to 2 m (3.3 to 6.6 ft). The upper ones are short and semicircular in order to fit the steeper contours on the higher slopes. Their average height is between 1 and 2 m, and they often incorporate a solid bedrock base. Average width is 1 m. A strong wind blows in the winter and spring mak ing most terraced areas cold and uncomfortable. An exception is in a protected niche on the southwestern side of the hill, just below the highest terraces. Two circular structures are each 2 m (6.6 ft) in width. They lie on the northwestern periphery of the site below all the terraces and just above the enclosing wall. They are in an area that was noticeably warm er and less windy than most other parts of the site during the winter and spring months. Two main trails provide access to and through the site. The lower one leads up the northern face of the adjacent ridge, then around its eastern face to enter the northwestern portion of the site. The higher one leads up the northern face of the adjacent ridge, then turns west across the rocky knob and leads to the portion of the site immediately below the highest terraces. Ascent to these terraces may be had only by climbing the steep, boulder-filled slope below them. A single bedrock mortar occurs in an isolated boulder in the saddle. It is not near any drainage channel. Vegetation. The enclosing wall and all of the terraces support small palo verde or mesquite trees, ocotillo, and catclaw acacia around their rock periphery. The smaller growth at the same location includes tarbrush (Haplonappus lariafolia), switch sorrel (Dodoraea viscosa) , 142 Eriogonum sp., and several kinds of Compositae.. The terrace surface is usually bare of vegetation, exposing the gravel and sand on the flat sur face. If any plant growth is supported on the flat terrace, it is small Compositae and some grasses. Hackberry appears infrequently along rocky terrace alignments. The circular structures support growth of palo verde trees and Compositae. Artifacts. Artifacts are plentiful on the site, with ceramics predominating numerically over lithics. Ceramics occurred densely be hind and immediately below the enclosing wall and on and around ter races, as well as within and around the circular structures. Also, a quantity of sherds are scattered over the flat part of the saddle. Density of the scatter lessens away from the features as the slope is ascended. Ceramics occur on and near features in the following quantities. Ter races seldom possess more than 50 sherds on the feature and down slope from it, with the quantity usually falling well below this limit. The larger features, long terraces and enclosing walls, produce more sherds in quantities up to 85 per feature. Higher terraces produce fewer sherds than do the lower ones. The largest quantity of ceramics occur in the saddle and on the features closely associated with it. The two circular structures contained 22 and 29 sherds within the feature. Those scat tered up slope and slownslope from these features for a distance of 2 m (6.6 ft) numbered, respectively, 32 and 18 sherds. In every case, they were small, making differentiation of jar and bowl fragments impossible. The majority ceramic type, composing approximately 98 percent of the total ceramic inventory, is plain brownware. A mica schist-tempered plainware represented approximately 0.50 percent of the plainwares on 143 the hill and perhaps 1.0 percent of all the ceramics. Painted sherds, composing approximately 1.0 percent of the ceramic inventory, were all Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. The plain ware was on every feature where ceramics occurred. The mica schist-tempered ware occurred as single, isolated sherds on several terraces. Chipped stone was scarce everywhere on the hill. Almost every occurrence was located in the saddle near the enclosing wall and the lower terraces. Upper terraces had less lithic debris than lower ones. Primary cortex flakes of rhyolite occurred in several locations, never more than a single flake at a time. Two secondary reduction flakes of obsidian were noted in the saddle. No lithic material appeared in any concentration. The only tool fragments noted were a chalcedony scraper below a terrace near the saddle and a single metate fragment in the saddle but not associated with a feature. Arizona DD:6:1 (Haak Muerto, or Nachi Kulik) Haak Muerto is located 8.0 km (4.3 miles) north of the Inter national Boundary and 9.7 km (6 miles) by dirt road east of the town of San Miguel. Description of the H ill. Arizona DD:6:1 is conical in shape and stands completely isolated on the floor of the Baboquivari Valley 4.5 km (2.8 miles) west of the Baboquivari Mountains. It is composed of Ter tiary volcanic rock, mainly andesite. Although no information is avail able about the geological processes involved in formation of this particular hill, it may be an eroded remnant of an earlier mountain pedi ment like those that Bryan (1925:248) describes near Fresnal in the 144 Baboquivari Mountains. The hill slopes gently on northern and western faces and is steeper on the east. The south side is made inaccessible from the valley floor by a steep cliff. The hill is further removed from a mountain foothill area than any other one which is a part of this study. Easiest access to the site is up the northern or western face. Total height is 107 m (350 ft). Elevation at the summit is 930 m (3,050 ft). Dominant vegetation is palo verde, with some jojoba, Compositae, and g r a s s e s . Rock work Features. The hill possesses enclosing walls, divid ing walls, circular structures, and bedrock mortars. Artifacts are scarce. Indication of a site below the hill consists of 2 sparse sherd and lithic s c a tte rs . The site occupies the northern and western faces of the hill (Figs. 10 and 11), the slopes facing away from the Baboquivari Moun tains. Walls appear on the west side, beginning close to the base of a westward-extending ridge, while terraces first appear a third of the way up the northern face. Most of the features are concentrated on the upper third of the hill. Reuse in historic times appears on the eastern face where a Papago shrine includes a rock trail, some shallow terracing, and a wooden cross set into a rock cairn. A weathered wooden stick occupies a rock cairn on the hill summit, indicating existence of a shrine which was not refurbished during the 3 years devoted to this study. The 8 major enclosing walls encircle the northern and western slopes. They are massively constructed, averaging between 1 and 2 m (3.3 and 6.6 ft) in height and up to 1 m in width at the base. Many of the enclosing walls incorporate bedrock. Most of them have 1 or more 145 Figure 10. Aerial View of Arizona DD:6:1 146 — WALL CONTOUR INTERVAL ISM VX ROCK PILE * * M TERRACE 0 IOO 200 300 n CIRCULAR FEATURE A PAPAGO SHRINE Figure 11. Sketch Map of Arizona DD:6:1 147 breaks in their length, permitting passage through the wall to other areas of the site. There does not, however, appear to be a trail leading be tween these entrances. The two uppermost walls have upright boulders incorporated into their construction. All enclosing walls follow natural contours. The lower ones are built of smaller boulders and are less mas sive than those higher on the hill. All of the walls do not enclose other kinds of features. Dividing walls cross the contours and abut the enclosing walls on the upper slopes. Their narrow width and attenuated height, both be low 1 m (3.3 ft), may indicate that they served as space dividers rather than as enclosing devices. Haak Muerto has both long, straight terraces and short, semi circular ones. Both kinds of terraces occur isolated from one another. They are also, for the most part, isolated from the part of the hill where the enclosing walls are located. They are, however, co-distributed with circular structures on the upper slopes. Circular structures are massive in size, averaging from 2 to 3 m (6.6 to 9.8 ft) in diameter. Height of the rockwork courses ranged from 0.5 or lower to 1 m. Structures are grouped above the longest upper wall on a broad, flat part of the hill. They are aligned roughly north to south near the summit. Each has an entrance, usually oriented east. Some circles nearest the hilltop have a stacked masonry technique, possibly involving shaped stones, used in construction. Bedrock mortars are grouped below the flat, rocky peak. A series of natural holes in the bedrock on top of the hill appear to have been enlarged by grinding. The mortars below are located near a series 148 of terraces and circular structures. They are in and near a small drain age channel, which brings water off the hilltop. Artifacts. Artifacts are scarce on Haak Muerto. Ceramics pre dominate numerically over stone artifacts, but neither occurs in quantity. No painted pottery and no redwares were noted. The plain brownware is rough on both exterior and interior. Therefore, it may represent jar forms. There are no ceramic concentrations on the site. Sherds are distributed, 3 or 4 to a feature, in circles, on terraces, and immediately behind walls. They occur in similar quantity scattered between features on the slopes. A scattering of equal density appears downs lope below the site on western and northwestern hill faces. Lithics consist of heavy basalt choppers, which appear to be multipurpose tools. There are also large primary flakes of the same ma terial, some of which show modification and possible use scars. Stone artifacts are generally absent on features but are sparsely scattered on the slopes around them. A few flakes occur downslope, below the site. Sites below the Hills Independent survey was initiated for 0.8 km (0.5 mile) around the base of each hill to determine if there were sites which contained an artifact inventory similar to that on the cerros de tr inch eras. For this purpose, any evidence of human use of the landscape was designated as a site. Each of the hills has some manifestation of a use area below it. However, all could not be classified as discrete sites. Sherd and lithic scatters are often small or discontinuous. However, without exception, each contain 1 or more of the 3 ceramic types defining the Sells Phase. 149 Therefore, all sites located during survey are considered in this study as contemporaneous with the hill sites. Although separate site designations were given to all of the artifact concentrations noted, some of them will be grouped together in the following discussion because they appear to represent an activity area connected with the hill site. The ceramic types that the other sites shared with the hills were plain brown wares and, usually, Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. Most sites were different from the hills because they possess the ceramic type Sells Red (Scantling 1940:62) in addition to the other two types. The appearance of Sells Red dates these sites in the Sells Phase, A.D. 1200 to 1400 (Scantling 1940:35). The sites consistently display a greater artifact density at any point on the surface than did sites on the hills. This density applies to both ceramics and lithics. In addition, these sites often show a greater variety of artifactual debris than the hills. Lithic material usually con sists of volcanic rock, either basalt or andesite. Sometimes larger chop per tools made of the same materials are present. Cryptocrystalline material appeared adjacent to 2 hill sites. Sites near Arizona DD:1:1 Three distinct areas showing lithic flaking activity are situated immediately north of Arizona DD:1:1. In all instances, they represent visible use of an immediate rock outcropping or other natural occurrence of the raw material. Two flaking areas show use of cryptocrystalline rock, while the third has debris from volcanic rock. Although they are given separate numbers, the sites have accompanying ceramics, which 150 indicate that they may have been used as quarries at the same time the hill was in use. In addition, flakes from the material contained in these quarries is found in the hill site. Arizona DD:1;41. The northwesternmost flaking station (Fig. 12) consists of widely scattered primary flakes of andesite. Usually they are cortex flakes. Some large cores of the same material are in evidence, also widely scattered. Total area covered by the site is approximately 100 m^. The use area appears to have resulted from in situ flaking of raw material where it occurred as scattered pebbles and boulders. The finished product may have been the large chopper tools noted at other sites below hills. In some cases, the large flakes themselves appear to be utilized. None of the large choppers appear immediately in the flak ing a re a . Arizona DD;1:38. The second chipping station is directly north of Arizona DD:1:1 (Fig. 12). This one displays the use of small crypto crystalline nodules. The pebbles occurred naturally on a gravel ridge above a wash. The site measured approximately 60 m (197 ft) in diam eter. There were some secondary flakes on the locality. Some exhausted cores are also in evidence. Plain brownware and Tanque Verde Red-on- brown sherds are sparsely distributed in the flaking area. Primary and secondary flakes and small cores of the same material were found on the s ite . Arizona DD:1:39. The third flaking area centers around a vis- i ible outcropping of red jasper northeast of Arizona DD:1:1 (Fig. 12). Pri mary and secondary flakes of the cryptocrystalline material occurred scattered south and southeast of the outcropping. A few plain brownware 151 SCALE Kilometers CONTOUR INTERVAL - IOO Feet NORTH 0 .5 SCALE Miles Figure 12. Sites near Arizona DD:1:1 152 sherds, a single mano, and a fragment of a shallow metate were associ ated with the quarry area. There may be several individual chipping stations, as evidenced by areas less than 1 m (3.3 ft) in diameter con taining several sizes of flakes made from the same material. The inter mediate occurrence of chips somewhat removed from the center of flaking activity suggests that tool manufacture was not always stationary but may have occurred as individuals carried raw material away from the quarry. Flakes are sparsely distributed between the quarry and the base of the hill but are not continuous up the hillslope to the site. The area encompassed measures approximately 80 m (262 ft) in length east to west and 25 m (82 ft) in width north to south. Arizona DD:1:40. Immediately south of Arizona DD:1:1 is an other kind of site (Fig. 12). This one consists of a ceramic and lithic scatter on a ridge immediately south of the wash at the base of the hill. No features appear on the surface, and the soil is not ashy. The site is confined to a single ridge, approximately 30 m (98 ft) in diameter and ■ does not extend to neighboring rises. Natural geological ground cover consists of small andesite boulders and pebbles . Sherds are all plain brownware, occurring in small fragments. Lithics are primary reduction flakes, often cortex flakes, made from both cryptocrystalline material and volcanic rock. A single cryptocrystalline core was noted. Sites near Arizona DD:1:3 Arizona DD:1:3 is surrounded by evidence of valley-floor and bajada habitation. To the west, north, and southeast of the series of hills where the site is located lie dense sherd and lithic concentrations 153 with several mounds visible on the surface. The area is divided into several site designations based on discontinuities in cultural material. Arizona DD:1:2. This site has been previously recorded with the Arizona State Museum, but its total extent was not then noted. Sev eral activity areas are discernible. They may represent reoccupation from year to year or may have all been utilized simultaneously. Immedi ately west of the westernmost of 3 hills (Fig. 13), 3 low mounds are visible on the surface, each littered with a dense scatter of sherds and lithic flakes. Ceramics consist of plain brownware and Sells Red, as defined by Scantling (1940:62) at Jackrabbit Ruin in the Baboquivari Val ley. Lithic debris consists of primary cortex flakes of fine-grained an desite. No features other than the mounds appear on this portion of the site. The ceramic and lithic area extends in sparse distribution a third of the way up the adjacent hill slope. It extends west and northwest for nearly 0.8 km (0.5 mile). Immediately north of Etoi-ki, the same distri bution continues without interruption to the northeastern corner of the central hill on which the site is located. Here features begin to appear on the alluviated, eroded valley floor. There are 3 circular hearths, each identified by fire-cracked rock in a circle on the surface. Stone tools and flakes are clustered around each hearth, indicating that ac tivities using these tools took place there. Lying in the vicinity of the features were several mescal knives (Brown and Grebinger 1969:193-194), large andesite cores, large chopping tools, scrapers, and primary flakes, none made of cryptocrystalline material. Some of the flakes appear to be utilized. One hearth also exhibits two mano fragments and a metate frag ment in association with the feature. Sherds in this activity area are 154 SCALE Kilometers H -H -'- l- '- l- 'i111111 rr CONTOUR INTERVAL- 50 Feet NORTH 0 .5 I SCALE Miles Figure 13. Sites near Arizona DD:1:3 and Arizona DD:1:5 155 plain brownware, Tanque Verde Red-on-brown, and Sells Red. The brownware predominates, with Sells Red forming the second most numer ous category. Arizona DD:1:33. Northeast of the easternmost hill in this series, the valley floor is heavily alluviated, and if there is a continua tion of the site into that area, it does not appear on the surface. How ever, further, evidence for Sells Phase habitation exists southeast of that hill. Immediately east of a wash skirting the hill base, 2 mounds are visible, densely littered with ceramics and lithics. The artifacts are densely distributed for 305 m (1,000 ft) north to south and 610 m (2,000 ft) east to west. Ceramics consist of plain brownware, Tanque Verde Red-on-brown, and Sells Red. Plainware predominates, but the redware occurs more frequently than the painted ware. Painted ceramics form a minority percentage of the ceramic inventory but are more plenti ful here than at any other site encountered in the course of the survey. Lithics consist of large primary flakes of volcanic rock, some of them possibly utilized. They are accompanied by several large cores of the same material. Arizona DD:1:35. A fourth area near Etoi-ki is represented im mediately south of the hill bearing the site. It is smaller in extent than the areas on the other side of the hill, probably limited in size by the extent of the rincon it occupies. It is situated in deep alluvium just south of Etoi-ki (Fig. 13). Evidence of occupation consists of ceramics and lithics co-distributed over the surface. There are no features. Ce ramic types are plain brownware, Sells Red, and Tanque Verde Red-on- brown. Lithics are primary flakes of volcanic material and cores made 156 from the same kind of rock. The area measures approximately 30 m (98.4 ft) in diameter. It is being eroded by a series of small washes that dis sect the rincon. South of the site, the ground surface is heavily alluvi ated. Soil deposition there may have obscured evidence for continuation of the site in that direction. Arizona DD:1:34. Immediately east and south of the eastern most hill in a series of ridges south of Etoi-ki is a site that may represent a continuation of Arizona DD:1:35. It consists of 4 low, eroded mounds with ceramics and lithics scattered on and between them. Two hearths appear but do not appear to have finished stone tools asso ciated with them. Ceramics are mostly plain brown wares. Sells Red is present in small quantity. There are a few sherds of Tanque Verde Red on-brown. Lithics are large primary flakes and cores of andesite and several chopper tools. Fire-cracked rock is in evidence near the mounds. The site is contiguous with activity areas on the adjacent hill. The ceramic and lithic types occur for two-thirds of the distance up the hill's eastern face. Features on the hill consist of a series of bedrock mortars low on the eastern and southern faces and several more in the high saddle. Above the saddle is a shallow cave with plain brownware sherds distributed in quantity east of it. There are no artifacts in the cave. No other rockwork features exist on the hill. Arizona DD:1:36 and Arizona DD:1:37. No large sites appear immediately below Arizona DD:1:5 nor are there any within 0.8 km (0.5 mile). The only evidence for valley-floor occupation is 2 sherd scatters (Fig. 13). One scatter of several small red-on-brown and plainware sherds occurs immediately southwest of the hill. The painted sherds are 157 too small to determine whether their design elements resemble those on Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. Another indication of valley-floor occupa tion is given by 21 plain brownware sherds occurring at the base of the pediment immediately south of the hill. No lithics occur in either scat ter. The valley floor all around the site is so heavily alluviated that if a site existed it could have been buried or washed away. Sites near Arizona DD:2;4 The land below Arizona DD:2:4 exhibits evidence of habitation from the Gila Butte and Sacaton Phases of the Hohokam chronology through the Sells Phase and into the early twentieth century. Arizona DD;2:1, Arizona DD:2;5, and Arizona DD:2:6. North west of the hill, at the edge of its pediment, lies a Sells Phase village (Fig. 14). It is represented on the surface by a mound and several sherd and lithic areas, each of which had been given a separate site designa tion in the Arizona State Museum Survey files. Although the distribution of ceramic and lithic material is not always continuous, the scatters are so close together and all represenative of the same phase that for pur poses of this study they will be considered parts of a single area. The site does not occupy any portion of the rocky hill pediment. The remains extend 305 m (1,000 ft) west toward Pavo Kug Wash and 915 m (3,000 ft) or more south, following the wash. Independent survey confirmed exis tence of the ceramic types noted on the site survey cards. These are Sells Red, a mica schist-tempered plain brownware, a grit-tempered plainware, and Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. The site's long axis lies northwest to southeast along Pavo Kug W ash. The greatest depth of I 158 \ \ SCALE Kilometers r-i"i-Pi~l~rrr x h* OC O CONTOUR INTERVAL-250 Feet z 0 .5 SCALE Miles Figure 14. Sites near Arizona DD:2:4 159 cultural deposition is around a small isolated knoll where ashy soil ap pears on the surface and in the eroded areas crossed by small washes. Large plainware jar sherds are eroding out of some of the washes at this locality, indicating subsurface depth for the site. A single mound is in this area. No other surface features are visible. Arizona DD;2:7. Although the site was not relocated during this survey, an Arizona State Museum site card reports Gila Butte and Sacaton Red-on-buff and Gila Plain sherds associated with a cremation (Fig. 14). Erosion southwest, west, and northwest of the Sells Phase settlement is exposing the cultural material. This site provides the only instance of settlement earlier than the Sells Phase located in the area surveyed for this study. It also provides a suggestion that evidence for connection with the Gila Basin to the north or colonial extensions from it should be sought in subsequent surveys. Arizona DD:2:8. This is an abandoned historic Papago village names Pavo Kug (Fig. 14). Situated on the wash having the same name, the remains consist of the church foundations and bell tower, adobe foundations of several houses, and a wide scatter of historic Papago ceramics and machine-manufactured utensils utilized by the community. The village was abandoned in 1922 following a smallpox epidemic. The scattering of material culture begins just south of an exist ing charco located adjacent to two small hills. The site extends west almost to Pavo Kug Wash and south approximately 0.8 km (0.5 mile). Within this area are Papago Plain and Papago Red ceramics, both indica tive of late nineteenth and early twentieth century occupation (Fontana, Robinson, Cormack, and Leavitt 1962:105-109). Artifacts that were not 160 manufactured by the Papago include iron skillet and pot fragments, a Log Cabin Syrup can, hand-painted china, transfer printed china, and undecorated ironstone ware. The historic-period artifacts were co distributed, in part, with the late-prehistoric Sells Phase ceramics and lith ic s . Sites near Arizona DD:6:1 Evidence for valley-floor occupation near Haak Muerto is not substantial. Two sparse sherd and lithic scatters appear, indicating that the valley floor had been utilized in the late-prehistoric Sells Phase. Further evidence for occupation may have been obscured by heavy alluvi ation from the washes north, south, and east of the hill. Arizona DD:6:16. The site encompasses an area 305 m (1,000 ft) in diameter immediately northwest of the hill, extending out onto the flat alluvial plain (Fig. 15). No features are visible on the surface. Sherds and lithics are co-distributed for 153 m (500 ft) north and west of the hill base. Flakes occur alone further south and west. Ceramic types are plain brownware. Sells Red, and 3 sherds of an interior-scored plain- ware with quartz particle inclusions. Redware constitutes approximately 1 percent of the total ceramic inventory. Lithics are large primary flakes of cryptocrystalline rock. They do not occur clustered together but are widely scattered over the ground surface, as are the sherds. Arizona DD:6:17. A second manifestation of habitation below the hilltop is evidenced by presence of sherds and flakes on the south western hillslope. The cultural debris is distributed among large boul ders and occupies what appears to be a natural drainage channel 161 O v SCALE Kilometers —I- -M -'T '-I ' 1 -+v - 0 i 2 CONTOUR IN TERVAL- IOC > Feet 0 .! 1l 1 1..1 1 1 1 1 I I SCALE Miles Figure 15. Sites near Arizona DD:6:1 162 leading to the valley floor. Therefore, the artifacts could have been washed over or dumped over the hill, rather than being the result of in situ use. Ceramic types are all plain brown ware. No painted sherds occur here or at Arizona DD:6:16. Lithics are primary flakes of the same cryptocrystalline material as those distributed on the valley floor north west of the hill. Comparison of Cerros de Trincheras Cerros de trincheras in Arizona occur in both desert and riverine environments. All of those reported in Sonora are in the major riverine valleys of that state. The ones in the Baboquivari Valley are desert sites and form a type that appears to be unique to this valley. Sites in the Baboquivari Valiev, Arizona Arrangement of features on the hill slope in relation to one an other is similar in 4 of the 5 hills that are the subject of this study. These, with the exception of Arizona DD:2:4, form a type of site that is characteristic of the Baboquivari Valley. The definitive rockwork features are (1) a series of enclosing walls which surround other features, (2) circular structures, and (3) terraces. Circular features occur together behind one of the uppermost walls. Terraces are grouped together, either in the vicinity of the circles or away from the area occupied by the walls and structures. The site is always situated on a hill of volcanic origin, which is isolated or semi-isolated from a major mountain range. The rockwork features are on the upper portion of the hill, frequently above a saddle adjoining another peak. Sites in the Baboquivari Valley do not 163 have features distributed all the way to the hill base. Features occupy 1 or 2 slopes, usually not encircling the entire peak. Two kinds of rockwork features, trails and bedrock mortars, show no patterning in placement in relation to the rest of the site. Bed rock mortars appear wherever there are suitable rock outcrops, frequently by a drainage channel, and not always within the confines of the enclos ing walls. Trails go through some sites (Arizona DD:1:5 and Arizona DD:2:4) but only lead to others (Arizona DD:1:3). Ceramics occur abundantly at Arizona DD:1:1, Arizona DD:1:3, and Arizona DD:2:4. Lithics are plentiful at Arizona DD:1:1 and present at Arizona DD:1:3, with sparse occurrence at the other sites. Arizona DD:1:5 and Arizona DD:6:1 have fewer artifacts of any kind on the sur face than do the other 3 hills. Artifact categories on the hills may be more significant for the absence of certain kinds of manufactured goods than for the presence of others. None of the cerros de trincheras exhibits Sells Red pottery, a type found in Sells Phase sites below the hills and primarily represented there by bowls. Instead, the majority type on every, hill is Sells Plain, which appear as fragments from jars. Tanque Verde Red-on-brown is a minority type on 3 hills, Arizona DD:1:1, Arizona DD:1:3, and Arizona DD:2:4. No decorated ceramics appear on Arizona DD:1:5 or Arizona DD:6:1 (Table 24). The type and quantity of lithic material varied more than did that of ceramics. Finished tools of chipped and ground stone were scarce everywhere. Some of the primary flakes that appear on every hill may have been utilized. No projectile points were seen on any of the Table 24. Artifacts on the Hill and Valley-floor Sites Lithics Cryptocrystalline Ceramics Volcanic Rock Rock TJo 0 CZ) 1 a w Arizona DD:1:3 X X X X Arizona DD:1:5 XX X X Arizona DD:2:4 X X X X X Arizona DD:6:1 X X Vallev-floor Sites Arizona DD:1:2 X XX X X Arizona DD:1:33 XXXX X Arizona DD:1:34 XXXXX Arizona DD:1:35 X XXXX Arizona DD:1:38 X X X X Arizona DD:1:39 X Arizona DD:1:40 X X Arizona DD:1:41 XXX Arizona DD:2:3, 5, and 6 XX X X Arizona DD:6:16 XXX X 164 Arizona DD:6:17 X X 165 sites. No cores appear as by-products of tool manufacture. There are no manos, but a single metate fragment was noted on each of 3 hills. Artifacts are usually clustered in the vicinity of the circles or the terraces, often scattered upslope or downslope from these features. They are scarce or absent on other parts of the site. No artifactual de bris appears in the immediate vicinity of any of the bedrock mortars. Ceramics and lithic debris are less plentiful on these hills than on the cerros de trincheras in Sonora. Sites below the hills range from lithic quarrying areas through sherd and lithic scatters to large sites, 0.8 km (0.5 mile) or more in diameter. These sites give more evidence of the kinds of activities that were performed at each of them than do the sites on hills . Artifacts are more abundant and are sometimes clustered into activity areas. Each of the 5 hills has some manifestation of occupation below it. Minimal evidence in the form of sparse sherd and lithic scat ters is found below Arizona DD:1:5 and Arizona DD:6:1. Since the val ley floor is heavily alluviated in each of these instances, the paucity of cultural material may be due to erosion and deposition in the places where habitation occurred. There is no evidence of activity differentia tion on these small sites. However, below Arizona DD:1:3 and Arizona DD:2:4, mounds and hearths are visible on the surface. Mounds are littered with ceram ics and lithic debris. The ceramics belong to the Sells Phase and con sist of Sells Plain, Sells Red, and Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. The lithics are large primary flakes made from andesite or basalt, as well as a few chopper tools and some large cores of volcanic rock. At Arizona DD:1:2, several hearths appear to have been foci for activities involving 166 ceramics and flaked and ground stone tools. In addition to cores and flakes of volcanic rock, there are mescal knives, scrapers, chopping tools, and a few mano and metate fragments around these hearths, Sites north of Arizona DD:1:1 were all lithic quarrying areas. These display the source for the chipping debris found on the hill site. In addition, various stages of workmanship are visible at each of the 3 quarrying areas. Several of the sites below hills are more clearly datable as Sells Phase than are the sites on the hills themselves. This is possible because of the occurrence together of the 3 diagnostic ceramic types for the phase: Sells Red, Tanque Verde Red-on-brown, and Sells Plain (Table 24). All 3 types appear in the series of sites below Etoi-ki and below Arizona DD:2:4. Every valley-floor site, except Arizona DD:1:41, possesses the plain brownware that is probably Sells Plain. Two sites, Arizona DD:1:40 and Arizona DD:6:17 exhibit only plainware, with no decorated sherds and no redwares in the ceramic inventory. Arizona DD:1:41 is a lithic quarry without ceramics. Six sites possess primary flakes from volcanic rock, the most frequently occurring chipped stone category on these sites. Cryptocrys talline flakes appear near Arizona DD:1:1 and at a site below Haak M uerto. Other Desert Sites in Arizona Although selected cerros de tr inch eras in both desert and river ine environments were visited, it was not possible to gather comparable data personally from all of them. Therefore, some information is derived from site survey cards in the Arizona State Museum. In many cases, the 167 cards do not provide the kinds of data needed for comparison. Informa tion gathered from personal observation and from the site cards is pres ented in Tables 25 through 27. Hill sites in other valleys on the desert Papagueria do not closely resemble the 5 that are the subject of this study. Since they do not appear to form any specific type, they are discussed individually. Sites appear in the Santa Rosa and Quijotoa Valleys west of the study area and in the Aguierre and Altar Valleys east of it. There are 9 hills recorded in the desert west of Tucson, excluding the Baboquivari Valley (Fig. 16). They frequently possess one or more types of rockwork found in the Baboquivari Valley sites but have them arranged differently than on that type. The differences indicate that there was no cultural norm which dictated the exact relationship of rockwork features to one another on any site. Wherever information is available, ceramics are plainwares, with the exception of the westernmost sites, Arizona Z:ll:3, Arizona Z:12:16, and Arizona AA:13:4. These sites have Tanque Verde Red-on-brown with the plainware. A brief comparison of the desert sites with the Baboquivari Valley type follows. Blackstone Ruin. Apparently no Arizona State Museum number has been assigned to this hill 43.5 km (27 miles) west of Tucson. Tan ner's (1936:10) map shows 114 circular stone structures and no other rockwork features. It differs from other sites in having no enclosing walls or terraces. A similarity with sites in the Baboquivari Valley ex ists in the scarcity of artifacts, limited to plainwares, a projectile point fragment, and a few obsidian flakes. Bedrock mortars appear on this hill, as in the study area. Table 25. Features and Artifacts on Arizona's Desert Cerros de Trincheras Features Ceramics Lithics O 0 A: V) fO 2 W 0 c Ash Hill Santa Rosa X X X X X (Arizona 2:12:6) Arizona 2:11:3 Santa Rosa XX XX Arizona AA:13:4 Baboquivari X X X X Arizona AA:14:S Aguierre XX X Arizona DD:3:5 Altar X X Arizona DD:5:4 Baboquivari XX X X Arizona DD:7:3 X X 168 Sonora C:2:2 X X Table 26. Features and Artifacts on Arizona's Riverine Cerros de Trincheras Features Ceramics Lithics ^4 ra rC(A a O 1 E V) 1 •a 2 Z3 •—i Q) tZ) ^4 tn s 1 1 2 IS <-S 1 1 (A O Q) V) to 0 c. 3 w 1 1 A o u o Name and Number Location 2 T$ TJ c (0 1 (0 G) ^ O 1 ! G) 0) i l Q 1 ! o a of Site (Valley) £ HE u EH CQp S a, Z 6 2 Tumamoc Hill Santa Cruz X XX X X X X (Arizona AA:16:26) Rock Corral Peak Santa Cruz XX X X (Arizona DD:8:115 and Arizona DD:8:123) Martinez Hill Santa Cruz X X X X (Arizona BB:13:2) Black Mountain Santa Cruz XXX X X X X (Arizona AA:16:2) Cerro Prieto Santa Cruz X X X X (Arizona AA:7:11) Apache Annie Hill San Pedro XXX X X (Arizona EE:8:34) Bronco Hill San Pedro XX X (Arizona EE:8:41) Arizona EE:8:22 San Pedro XXX X 169 Arizona EE:8:71 San Pedro XXX Table 27. Features and Artifacts on Sonora's Riverine Cerros de Trincheras Features Artifacts o in O CD ro- O O CD T3 u, CD 2 w CD TJ CD in AC W <0 i— CD w 0 CD w CO a o Name and Number 1 a c w Location "o | f II fO % 8 CO CD 1 CD CD x X I of Site (Valley) H O I is I I S o: P O 5 < £ Z Sierra Santa Barbara Santa Cruz X X X X Cerro La Cruz Santa Cruz X X Sonora F:2:4 Altar XX Cerro Prieto de Babocomari Altar X X X X Hill at Oquitoa Altar XXXX Sonora E:7:2 Magdalena XX Cerro de San Lorenzo X X X X X (Sonora F:8:l) Magdalena Sonora F:10:l Magdalena X X X XX Cerro de Las Trincheras Magdalena XXXX X Sonora F:10:2 Sonora F:ll:l Magdalena X X XXX Sonora F:ll:2 Magdalena X X X XX Cerro de Los Metates Magdalena XX X X Cerro de Agua Caliente Magdalena XXX Cerro del Quiche Magdalena XXXX El Claro Magdalena XXXX 170 Hill at Quitovaquita Sonoyta X X X t * t-t-i RESERVATION Tnocfww* "V-Kl/ Figure 16. Cerros de Trincheras in Arizona and in Sonora Mexico 171 172 Ash H ill. Hayden (1942) described Arizona Z:12:16 as having “platforms, terraces, breastworks, enclosures" on the upper two thirds of the hill. Personal observation for this study indicated that all of these are terraces of different shapes and sizes, as no walls stood free of earth fill. In this respect, the hill is reminiscent of Arizona DD:2:4, with its terraces arranged on the upper portion of the hill. Hayden re ported bedrock mortars on the peak, as well as broken metates on the upper terraces. If the metates occur in any quantity, this would be a significant difference in artifact distribution from the Baboquivari Valley sites. Hayden also reported Sells Phase ceramic types on the hill. Like Arizona DD:6:1, this hill was reused by the Papago. Hayden reported Papago sherds on some of the terraces. Arizona Z :ll:3. The site, on the south talus of Window Moun tain, is reported to have rock walls 75 m (246 ft) long, with platforms above the walls. This description displays the characteristic kinds of features occurring in the Baboquivari Valley sites. However, since it was not personally visited and since the site card supplies no informa tion about placement of features in relation to one another, the hill can not be classified with certainty as that type. Also, no circles are men tioned in the description. Arizona AA;13;4. Located at the northern periphery of the Babo quivari Valley, the site occupies an isolated hill 50 m (164 ft ) high. The survey card notes terracing on all sides of the peak. This is unlike any of the 5 hills noted for this study. Its description most accurately matches that of Arizona EE:8:34, a riverine site in the San Pedro Valley. Ceramics reported were Sells Red and Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. 173 Plainwares were not mentioned. However, their absence and the pres ence of Sells Red do not occur on any of the other sites in the Baboqui- vari Valley. Arizona AA:14:5. Rock walls less than 1 m (3.3 ft) high and 2 rock circles are the only features on an isolated hill. The site card does not state relationship of these kinds of features to one another; there fore no comparison with the Baboquivari Valley sites is possible. The card notes an absence of any kind of artifacts. Arizona DD;3:5. The site record reports only some terracing on this hill in the Altar Valley. However, the map (Fig. 2) drawn for this site shows a single wall crossing natural contours. Arizona DD:5:4. The hill is in the Las Animas Mountains on the western periphery of the Baboquivari Valley. The card describes rock alignments across a wash and stone circles on top of the hill. The alignments may be check dams for water control rather than enclosing w alls. The card states that the rock circles may be Papago graves. The site does not appear to be comparable in type and arrangement of features to the other ones studied in the Baboquivari Valley. Arizona DD:7:3. No information about features or artifacts ap pears on the card for this hill. The site is listed only as a "fortified ridge" on the Cerro Colorado Mountains in the Altar Valley. Sonora C:2:2. Located near Manager's Dam, Arizona, this site is noted on the card only as a "trinchera" on the north side of a hill. No features or artifacts are described; therefore, no comparison is possible. 174 Riverine Sites in Arizona The 5 known cerros de tr inch eras in the Santa Cruz River valley are all different in type and arrangement of rockwork features. One re sembles those in the Baboquivari Valley, while others are more like those in northern Sonora. Four addiitional sites are in the San Pedro drainage east of Tucson in southern Arizona. Each of these differs completely from the Baboquivari Valley sites, insofar as the information on the Arizona State Museum cards is sufficient to determine similarity or dif ference . Tumamoc H ill. Arizona AA:16:26 is most like the sites in the Baboquivari Valley. It possesses several long rock walls, beginning on the upper third of the hill. These are on the eastern, southern, and southwestern hill faces. Above the walls, on the hill summit, are num erous circular structures. Terraces are not observed on Tumamoc Hill. Larson's (1972) map shows the relationship of the features to the hill. A portion of a trail is visible on the north face of the mountain leading up to the site, and another is at the hill top on the southwestern side lead ing through the circular structures. Petroglyphs are.on several rocks in the area occupied by the circles. Rock Corral Peak. Arizona DD:8:115 and Arizona DD:8:123 are on Rock Corral Peak near Tumacacori Mission in southern Arizona. The hill has a series of walls and circular rock enclosures on its upper slopes. Information on the site card is insufficient to determine the ar rangement of features or the presence of artifacts, if there were any. Martinez Hill. Arizona BB:13:2, on the east bank of the Santa Cruz River near San Xavier M ission, has a rock wall surrounding its 175 peak. At the eastern end of the site are a series of circles created by extensions of the enclosing wall. These features are most similar to those of some of the sites observed in the Altar Valley in Sonora, Mexi co, where the walls frequently incorporate circular features into their length. This is a different use of the circular feature than was seen any where else in Arizona. The Baboquivari Valley sites consistently have circles located behind the walls but not in any way incorporated into or abutting them. There are several terraces below the enclosing wall on both north and south faces. Artifacts observed consist of a few plain brown sherds and several lithic flakes downslope below the enclosing wall. The paucity of artifacts is characteristic of Arizona cerros de trin- cheras. A valley-floor site is southeast of the hill within 0.8 km (0.5 mile) from its base. It contains Red-on-brown and Gila Polychrome dec orated ceramics and adobe room blocks. Black Mountain. Arizona AA:16:12 was described by Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy (1959). It has long stone walls and circular en closures as well as trails and petroglyphs. The walls form 2 circles, called "bastions" by Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy, and are located on the north face of the hill. The other circular enclosures are not in the same area as the walls, being removed northeast of them to a flat saddle area. One trail leads to the circles, and another ascends and descends the hill, extending across the top of the ridge bearing the site but not encountering any rockwork features. Ceramics are Sells Plain and Tanque Verde Red-on-brown. Dates for occupation of the hill (Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy 1959) are based on the presence of Tanque Verde Red-on-brown sherds and are placed at A.D. 1100 to 1300. These dates 176 combine those estimated by Haury (1950:349) and Hayden (1957:221) for the Sells Phase. The rockwork features and their arrangement most re semble those at some of the sites in Sonora, Mexico. The arrangement of the features is not reminiscent of the Baboquivari Valley sites, al though the ceramic inventory is similar. Cerro Prieto. Arizona AA:7:11 is unlike any of the other sites visited in Arizona. It is situated on the northern spur of a hill, with the features occurring on a rocky projection and on the slopes below it. The most prominent features are long and short terraces, which extend from the hill base up to the lower edge of the boulder talus slope. Other fea tures are circles, which adjoin the sides of terraces, and several circu lar features on top of the hill above the terraced portion of the site. Check dams on the pediment below align with some of the terraces, which begin immediately at the hill base and appear to be a continuation of the same check dam pattern. Apache Annie H ill. Arizona EE:8:34 differs from any of the other sites visited by this author. It has terraces around all sides of a conical peak, with boulder walls below them but above a saddle. There are no circular structures on the hill. Sherds and lithic debris are abun dant on the hill top, accompanied by ashy soil, which indicates that there is subsurface depth at this site. Ashy soil appears at only one site in the Baboquivari Valley, Arizona DD:2:4. Arizona EE:8:22. The site card reports stone rings and walls on this hill and no ceramics. It does not, however, provide any further in formation . 177 Bronco H ill. Arizona EE:8:41 is reported in the Arizona State Museum survey files as a defensive site occupying the top and east side of a steep rocky hill. Artifacts were noted as being scarce. The site card does not provide more information. Arizona EE:8:71. This site is recorded as a defensive site on the east bank of the San Pedro River. The site occupies an outcrop at the hilltop. No pottery was recorded, but core and flake debris appear. In addition, there was a single quartz projectile point. No further infor mation is provided. Therefore, the similarity or difference of this site from the Baboquivari Valley hills cannot be assessed. Sites in Sonora. Mexico The Sonoran cerros de trincheras that have been reported are all riverine, occurring primarily in the Altar and Magdalena drainages. Other examples are in the minor river valleys of the northern portion of this state. Four of the Sonoran sites were visited for comparative pur poses, including Las Trincheras described by Lumholtz (1971) and Mc Gee (1894-95). Descriptions of others were obtained from Sauer and Brand (1931), from Bowen (n.d.), and from cards in the Arizona State Museum files. The features and artifacts on the hills are recorded in Table 27. These Sonoran sites may be grouped into 3 basic types on the basis of arrangement of rockwork features on the hill. This three-part typology of Sonoran sites should be tested with additional data gathered in the field and possibly revised before it is adopted for use. At this time, it appears to be a convenient way to group the sites for discussion 178 The first type, to be called Sonoran Type I, consists only of one or more rock walls encircling the hill summit. These are called, locally, corrales (corrals), a descriptive term not intended to have any functional implications. The type is represented by Sonora E:7:2 west of Caborca (Fig. 16). Sonoran Type II adds to the corral on the summit a series of rock walls or terraces below it. These features frequently extend from the hill base up to the corral. Many of the sites described by Bowen (n.d.) and Sauer and Brand (1931) are in this category. They include, especially, the large site of Las Tr inch eras (Sonora F:10:2) described by early visitors and recent researchers and other hills in that immediate vicinity (Sonora F:10:l, Sonora F :ll:l, and Sonora F:ll:2). Others that fit this category are Cerro del Quiche and the hill at El Claro in the Magdalena Valley and a hill in the Sierra Santa Barbara in the upper Santa Cruz drainage (Fig. 16). All of these hills were characterized by a great er artifact density than was seen in the Baboquivari Valley. Plain ware is the predominant ceramic type, but that is the only similarity between sites in these 2 regions. Broken manos and metates were noted at all of the Sonoran sites of this type. Sonoran Type III is equally dissimilar to the Baboquivari Valley type. It consists solely of a series of walls or a series of terraces on a hill slope, frequently extending from base to summit on 1 or 2 hill faces. An alternate arrangement is terracing all around a peak only on the upper portion of the hill. Sites which fall into this category are numerous. They include Cerro la Cruz in the Santa Cruz drainage, Cerro Prieto de Babocomari, a hill at Oquitoa, and Sonora F:2:4, all in the Altar Valley, 179 and Cerro de Los M etates, Cerro de Agua Caliente, and Sonora F:8:l in the Magdalena Valley (Fig. 16). These hills all show a predominance of plainwares and have mano and met ate fragments on the terraces. The 3 types do not appear to be confined to any 1 river valley. In fact, representatives of each type are found in 3 major drainages in the northern part of Sonora. None of the Baboquivari Valley sites resembles any of those in Sonora. Although the Sonoran hills have walls and terraces, they are arranged differently than in the Arizona Papagueria. Sonoran sites do not usually have circular structures on them. They apparently were built at the same point in time as were the Arizona cerros de trincheras. Bowen (n .d .) believes that they are late, having been introduced into the northern Sonoran settlement pattern during the fourteenth century A.D. Another difference between the Sonoran and Arizonan sites exists in the quantity and type of artifacts. Sonoran hills invariably have greater density of ceramics and lithic debris than do the ones in Arizona. Also, each hill description in Sonora emphasizes the presence of food-grinding implements on the terraces. This artifact category is not present in quantity on the Arizona sites. In conclusion, some of the Arizona riverine cerros de trincheras resemble some of those in the river valleys of Sonora. However, none of the Baboquivari Valley sites is in anyway similar to any of the 3 Sonoran types. Arizona AA:7:11, on the Santa Cruz River, resembles Sonoran Type III in having terraces from hill base to summit. Arizona BB:13:2, also on the Santa Cruz, is like Sonoran Type II, with terraces below a rock 180 corral surrounding the hill top. Arizona EE:8:34 is also similar to So noran Type II. Descriptions of some of the desert sites in Arizona are like those for Sonoran Type III sites. However, not enough detail is present on the survey cards to affirm that similarity at this time. CHAPTER 8 ACTIVITIES ON THE HILL SITES A comparison of the late prehistoric settlement pattern with the historic Papago system in the Baboquivari Valley reveals that settlement location has been similar through time. Sells Phase villages occupied the valley floor in the same manner as did the nineteenth-century Papago summer settlements. Other Sells Phase sites were in the mountain foot hills in locations similar to those occupied by Papago winter villages. The cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari Valley present an anomalous situation in this pattern. The walled and terraced hill sites are single component sites used during the Sells Phase from A.D. 1200 to 1400. Ceramics on the hill sites do not indicate that the sites were occupied before or after this late prehistoric horizon. The rockwork fea tures on the hills were apparently constructed for specialized activities which may not have been required at that kind of locality after the Sells Phase. The sites may have been used in conjunction with those below them . Similar hill sites appear in other parts of the Arizona Papagueria, in 2 river valleys in southern Arizona, and in the large riverine drainages of northern Sonora, Mexico. Investigators who have done specific re search on these cerros de trincheras assign them to a late prehistoric or historic time period. Hinton (1955:10-11) concluded that all plainware sites in the Altar Valley in Sonora, including the cerros de trincheras. 181 182 were contemporaneous with Early Pima occupation at the time of first Spanish contact. Bowen Cn.d.) thinks that occupation of hills in Sonora was added to an existing settlement pattern after the fourteenth century. Attributes shared by all of the hill sites in Arizona and Sonora are the predominance of plainware ceramics over other types and the placement of rockwork features on hills of igneous origin that are iso lated from a major mountain mass. Other shared traits are presence of trails and bedrock mortars on some hills. Significant differences exist between Arizonan and Sonoran hill sites in the placement and types of rockwork features. Sonoran sites often have terraces below a wall which encircles the hill top. In the Baboquivari Valley, the walls enclose ter races and circular structures. The terracing observed in Sonora often extends to the hill base, whereas in Arizona that is rarely seen. No recorded Sonoran site has circular structures on it. In addition, differ ences in artifact type and density exist. The Sonoran hill sites display an abundance of ceramics and chipped lithics and usually have several mano and metate fragments on some features. The sites in Arizona have artifacts distributed in lesser density, and they yield few recognizable tools. Ashy soil on the Sonoran hills indicates that they were used for habitation. The Arizona sites usually lack ashy soil and other refuse that would indicate long-term occupation. Four of the 5 Baboquivari Valley hill sites appear to form a type characteristic for that valley. The enclosing walls below circular struc tures do not appear on many of the other hill sites described in the Ari zona State Museum files. However, the type concept cannot be rigidly applied to any c err os de trincheras, since arrangement of features on 183 each hill is somewhat capricious, not conforming to a recognizable standard pattern. A descriptive and comparative approach has been employed as the basis for developing hypotheses about hill use. A cultural- ecological approach provided an organizing framework in which environ ment, subsistence, and settlement were viewed together in order to de rive testable hypotheses. Finally, hypotheses about the activities are offered, which are based on the assumptions suggested by several in vestigators for the use of the sites and on data gathered for this study. All sites are evaluated as functional units, geographical features on the landscape where a given set of activities was performed. Previous suggestions about hillside use have been made on the level of W issler's (1926) universal patterns of culture, which are used as organizational categories for anthropological investigations. A single typology for hill sites was suggested by Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cas sidy (1959). It appears to combine universal categories, like ceremonial, and specific activity categories, like agricultural. The 4 categories in to which these investigators suggest that the sites may fall are: defensive, ceremonial, agricultural, and habitational. They also recog nize that sites may have been occupied for more than one purpose and that re-occupation by later populations is possible. The suggestions made by Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy may be useful but should not be applied without testing as explanations for activities on any hill site. Moreover, the criteria set up by these inves tigators (1959:51) overlap too much to be useful in confirming or reject ing any of these categories. In summary of their thoughts, defensive 184 hill sites have stone walls and bastions and a scarcity of ceramics. They occupy a commanding position on hills. Ceremonial sites have rock walls and terraces, a sparse distribution of ceramics, and numer ous petroglyphs. Habitation sites are characterized by dwellings and quantities of pottery and are protected by stone w alls. Agricultural sites have terraces supported by stone facings. There is too much repetition in the kinds of features supposed to characterize each type of site to render this an acceptable typology or a useful set of hypotheses unless other test expectations are established and met. It is suggested that a more workable approach at this time would be to establish and test some hypotheses about the specific activities that were performed on hills. The list of historic Papago uses based on oral tradition is long, and some categories would not be archaeologically testable. The state ments below show the kinds of activities that Papago Indians have per formed on hills. Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy (1959:48-49) recorded Papago traditions that Black Mountain (Arizona AA:16:12) was used to graze horses and to provide protection for them from Apache raids. These investigators also noted a story that stated that the hill had provided refuge for the population of a village escaping from an epidemic. Davis (1920) recorded a legend about a hill providing refuge from a flood. The oral tradition for defensive use of hills is strong among the Papago p eo p le. Personal observation has indicated that Papago have placed burials in rock crypts on hill topes and slopes. Rock cairns have been placed on hill tops as shrines. Underhill (1936) indicated that Papago medicine men went to hills to gain spiritual power. Refuse left by recent 185 visitors appears on some of the cerros de trincheras as well as on other hills in the Baboquivari Valley. Other uses, for which no Papago precedent exists, have been suggested by other authors. Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy (1959:49) thought that the hills could have served as lookout points, as stations in a signaling system, or as imitation temple mounds reminiscent of those in the Valley of Mexico. Agricultural terraces have been hypoth esized at Las Trincheras in Sonora by Huntington (1914). Some of the activities suggested would not be archaeologically testable. What can be ascertained is whether the hills in the Baboqui vari Valley that were occupied at the same time as the sites below them were used as parts of those sites for specialized activities. Those ac tivities were probably multiple in scope, as indicated by Papago oral history and by recent observation. Different kinds of sites may have had different functions, but it is unlikely that a single function can be as signed to any one site or type of site. Possible Reasons for Placing Settlements on Hills Before hypotheses can be formulated about activities on the hill sites, consideration must be given to factors influencing settlement loca tion. A question with archaeological significance can be phrased. Why did people in the past wish to occupy the hills when more space was available on the valley floor? Morrill (1970:10-12) stated that reasons for putting settlements in specific places may be evaluated in terms of the cost of accomplishing activities. The hill sites may fall into a cate gory which economic geographers would consider areas permitting only a 186 limited range of activities. Morrill (1970:6-14) listed 9 factors he be lieved influenced location of settlements: (1) precedence of established patterns, (2) land forms as determinants of energy expenditure, (3) cli mate , soils, and vegetation, (4) availability of natural resources, (5) distance and cost required to cross the space, (6) accessibility to other settlements, (7) benefits of clustering activities, (8) size and complex ity of the units of organization, and (9) shape of organizational units. Some of these factors should be considered in the discussion of late prehistoric use of low hills as space for the performance of tasks. Tradition of Hill Use A pattern appears to have been followed in settlement location on the valley floor and bajadas in the Baboquivari Valley from late pre historic through recorded historic time periods. Hill slopes, too, were used as space for the performance of activities throughout these periods of time. However, the nature of the activities may have changed as in dicated by the kinds of rockwork features on the cerros de trincheras which bear little resemblance to the remnants of Papago saguaro camps, shrines, or cemeteries. It appears that hills in the Baboquivari Valley have been the location for specialized activities throughout a long time sp an . Microenvironmental Conditions on Hills Records of soils and vegetation (Spalding 1909; Shreve 1934), rainfall, runoff, and soil moisture (Shreve 1934), and temperature varia tion (Hastings and Turner 1965) were kept for several years on Tumamoc Hill, a cerro de trincheras in the Santa Cruz Valley in Arizona. Com parable records were kept for the bajada and valley floor below the hill. 187 These studies suggest that the hill slopes provide an unusual set of en vironmental conditions for cultural use. The first of these conditions is the series of different microcli mates afforded by different hill faces for the growth of plants. Each slope shows variation in sunlight, shade, soil moisture retention, and temperature that would affect plant germination and growth. A second condition is the presence of a volcanic clay soil with a higher moisture retaining capacity than soils on the bajada and flood plain below. While ground water is ephemeral on the flood plain and scarce but constantly available on the bajadas, it is present for long periods of time at shal low depths on the hills. Analyses from October 1907 through April 1908 (Spalding 1909:93) indicated that the Tumamoc Hill soil "at a depth of thirty centimeters was in good condition for plant activity throughout the period of observation" and that the soil of flood plain and bajada at the same depth would not support plant life. However, Shreve (1934:155- 156) noted that all plants growing on Tumamoc Hill require less water and grow to smaller sizes than do the flood-plain vegetation. A third condition is the occurrence of fewer freezing nights and a shorter frost season on the low hills than on either the valley floor or higher moun tain slopes. Availability of Natural Resources Water and food supplies would be an initial consideration in a decision to occupy hills. Accessibility to these resources determined the nineteenth-century Papago settlement pattern on the valley floor and bajadas in the Baboquivari Valley (Hoover 1929:38-60; 1935:258). If similar conditions of aridity existed in the late prehistoric horizon in the Papagueria, water and food plants might have been equally important determinants of settlement patterns at that time. 188 Sources of water do not appear to have been available on the low hills above the bajadas at any time in the recorded past. Therefore, the reason for placing settlements on the hills cannot have been the presence of water. However sites situated in mountain foothill areas could have obtained water from nearby springs and seeps like those re ported by Bryan (1925) in the Baboquivari, Comobabi, and Quinlan Moun ta in s . Some wild plant foods used by the Papago are found on the hills. These are palo verde, bur-sage, cholla, saguaro, and wild onion. How ever, none of these appear on hills in stands equivalent to the density of each plant species below the hill sites or nearby on the bajadas. This sparse distribution of food plants on the hills suggests that the sites were probably not placed there to collect plant resources directly from the hill slopes. However, the location of 4 of the 5 hill sites above a band of upper bajada vegetation extending across the northern quarter of the Baboquivari Valley in a zone containing many important food plants may be significant. Proximity to raw material for artifact manufacture apparently was not a consideration in a decision to locate settlements on hills. No outcrops of rock suitable for lithic manufacture were observed on any hill, although quarries appear below Arizona DD:1:1. Yucca and Agave, which the Papago use today to manufacture baskets, were not evident on or near any of the sites. Clay sources in the Baboquivari Valley were not studied. It appears that situation of lower sites in the mountain foothill areas may have been conditioned by proximity to reliable sources of water, food plants, and raw materials for artifact manufacture, but there appears to be no reason relating availability of natural resources to choice of the hill sites for settlement location. 189 Energy Expended in Occupying Hill Sites Hills require additional effort in the performance of activities on their surfaces. Some energy must be expended each time a person climbs a hill to reach an occupied area. Effort is required to pile the boulders into w alls, terraces, and circular features to construct the sites. Additional energy expenditure would be required if food, water, or other materials used in daily living had to be carried up the slopes. Therefore, it appears that any activity performed on a hill would be done at a larger expenditure of energy than if the activity took place on the valley floor. However, the immediate availability of boulders for con structing the rockwork features may have counterbalanced the energy expended in climbing the hills. Settlement Size, Shape, and Relation to Other Settlements The remaining ideas expressed by Morrill (1970) about deter minants of settlement location are difficult to discuss in relation to hill sites in the Baboquivari Valley. The difficulty arises from the present in ability to identify archaeologically the social boundaries of abandoned settlements. Techniques of locational analysis (Haggett 1966; Morrill 1970), especially nearest neighbor analysis (Clark and Evans 1954), might be useful for interpretation of accessibility to other settlements. The presence of a valley-floor site below each hill indicates that the two were probably occupied simultaneously or in connection with one another. Association of 2 or more sites in space and time can be ascer tained, but the reasons for that association are obscure and would re quire a different analytical approach. Morrill (1970:14) believes that compactness leads to greater efficiency in carrying out transactions and activities within a settlement. Location of sites below the hills and utilization of both flat and vertical 190 space may not be a compact arrangement in terms of Morrill's statement, but some stressful factor may have necessitated including the hill sites in the settlement plan. Alternatively, the use of vertical space may have facilitated interaction between people more than if they were dispersed over a kilometer or more on the valley floor. The question is really cog nitive, necessitating knowledge of the way a particular culture views spatial arrangement of settlement. Hypotheses about Activities on the Hill Sites The hill sites were examined for type and distribution of fea tures and artifacts to determine if it is possible to define the kinds of activities that were performed there. Activities which appear to have taken place on any of the sites will be stated as hypotheses, using Chamberlin's (1965:756) method of multiple working hypotheses to pre sent every rational explanation. However, these hypotheses must be tested with independent data gathered in the field. Their validity has not yet been proved. When features and artifacts on the hill sites are compared with those in the sites below them, two different activity configurations emerge. The disparity in material cultural inventory between the kinds of sites indicates that they were designed for different kinds of activ ities. An activity directly observable from archaeological remains on the hills is primary reduction of cryptocrystalline rock for preparation of chipped stone tools. Among the inferred activities are (1) food process ing in bedrock mortars, (2) habitation or shelter in circular structures, and (3) activities involving use of ceramic containers. Conspicuously absent is any direct evidence for food processing with manos and 191 metates or for construction of fires for cooking or warmth. Also absent on all but one hill is any ashy or humous deposit indicative of long-term habitation. The fact that the hill sites were designed for specialized activities can be inferred from the presence of walls and terraces, fea tures that do not appear at the lower sites. Artifacts on the sites below the hills show directly that primary and secondary flaking of volcanic or cryptocrystalline rock occurred there. The following kinds of activities were inferred from the presence of features and artifacts on these sites: (1) food processing using manos and metates, (2) food preparation involving use of mescal knives, (3) trash disposal in low mounds, (4) construction of hearths, (5) use of ceramic containers, and (6) manufacture and processing using large scrapers made from volcanic rock. Probable long-term habitation or con sistent re-occupation of sites is indicated by size of the sites and by presence of ashy soil. All types of sites show evidence of human habitation, the hill sites having circular rock features that were probably structures and the lower sites having trash mounds visible on the surface. Food processing areas are present at both kinds of sites, but the difference in processing tools indicates that plant foods prepared on the hills may have been different than those used on the other sites. All types of sites showed evidence of chipped stone tool manufacture, the primary flakes showing the same size, shape, and technique of removal. There fore, requirements for the same kinds of tools may have existed at all s ite s . 192 Different activities were performed at specific locations within a site. Lithic flaking at the hill sites appears to have taken place in the vicinity of the circular structures or of the terraces. Walls do not show evidence of having had any activity occur near them, as indicated by the lack of artifacts where the walls are located. Food grinding prob ably occurred in bedrock mortars wherever a flat rock outcrop on the hill provided enough space to form mortars. Ceramic containers were either broken or discarded in the vicinity of the circular structures or of the terraces. Apparently, cooking did not take place on the hills, as indi cated by the absence of hearths. However, ashes from open fires not surrounded by rocks or built into a pit could have leached from the hill surface, leaving no evidence for use of fire. On the valley-floor and bajada sites, the remains of ceramic vessels were clustered most densely on the mounds and in their vicinity. Lithic flakes' also occurred in their densest distribution on the mounds. Manos and metates, when they are present, are in the vicinity of the hearths, indicating that food grinding may have taken place immediately prior to cooking or perhaps that the most convenient place to work was close to a fire. Hearths in these sites were clustered together or spaced singly. At no site were they in the immediate vicinity of any visible mounds. The distribution of mescal knives at Arizona DD:1:2 close to hearths in dicates that preparation of Agave or sotol for roasting was done around the hearths. Scrapers do not appear frequently, but where they do they are in the vicinity of the mounds and of the hearths. 193 In summary, it appears that some of the activities performed at the hill sites were the same as those performed at the bajada and valley- floor sites, while others were totally different. A series of hypotheses that should be testable can be phrased about activities at the hill sites. Subsistence Activities The hypotheses easiest to test will probably be those concerned with subsistence and settlement location. There are data for the Babo- quivari Valley about rainfall, soils, and botanical resources. Additional work with plant geography and settlement location through time could provide detailed information to refine studies of late prehistoric and early historic subsistence in the Papagueria. Plant Collecting; Collecting of wild plant foods probably can- . not be tested with archaeological data. However, ethnographic accounts document collecting for saguaro cactus fruit in June on hill slopes where there are cactus stands (Castetter and Underhill 1935; Underhill 1936). Pollen would not be a reliable indicator for collecting, since presence of pollen from edible wild plants growing on the hill would not indicate the intervention of human activity. Ethnographically documented cactus camps visited during this study showed that what was left at these collecting localities were non portable items, the kinds of things that, prehistorically, might have been readily perishable goods. Remaining at collecting localities today are the ramada (brush shelter), chairs, and bed springs. Also left in usable condition were a cooking hearth, a trash disposal area, and sometimes a 194 privy. Small portable tools and containers were not left at the collecting cam p s. Wild food plants important to the Pap ago grow more densely on the bajadas below the hill sites than on the hills themselves. The in habitants of the hill sites may have collected edible plants from stands of palo verde, saguaro, and cholla below the sites but probably did not collect a quantity of food plants from the hills themselves. Wild plant foods were not collected on the cerros de trincheras. Agriculture. Consideration of the agricultural potential provided by the cerros de trincheras involves working with the kinds of features on the sites and with pollen analysis. In addition, microenvironmental anal ysis of temperature, sunlight, moisture, rainfall, soils, and vegetation should be made. The moisture-retentive capacity of soil on Tumamoc Hill reported by Spalding (1909) combined with the shorter frost season on that hill than on the valley floor (Hastings and Turner 1965) may have provided conditions suitable for extending the growing season for some domesticated plants. In addition, it has been noted (Spalding 1909; Shreve 1934) that each hill face provides a different combination of sun light, temperature, and moisture, making each directional slope capable of supporting different kinds of vegetation having different requirements for germination and growth. A rock-free soil that receives enough moisture and sunlight to support plant life is a primary consideration when testing an agricultural hypothesis. Terraces are the only kind of feature seen on these sites that would provide suitable spaces for planting. 195 Pollen samples gathered from features on 3 hills showed no pollen from domesticated plants in any of the samples. Had pollen from domesticates appeared, the evidence would not be conclusive for deter mining that agriculture was practiced. The terraces could have served as processing areas for domesticates, which would also account for the presence of pollen. Terraces on the cerros de trincheras provided small agricultural plots on the hills. Food Processing. Archaeological tests can be devised for food processing. Food-processing implements that have been identified at archaeological sites are manos, metates, mortars, pestles, and bedrock mortars. Presence of any of these on cerros de trincheras would indicate that processing activity was taking place. The presence of bedrock mortars on a majority of the Baboquivari Valley sites indicates that some kind of processing was being done. An ethnographic analogy exists in the statement of a Papago consulted in the course of this study, who said that mortars on a hill in the Aguierre Valley were used until recently for grinding palo verde beans. The lack of manos and metates or other mortars and pestles on the cerros de trincheras in Arizona may indicate that preparation of wild or domesticated vegetal foods for which these implements were used was not practiced on these hills. Also lacking were mescal knives, indicat ing that this plant may not have been prepared on the sites. The knives occurred on the valley floor at Arizona DD:1:2 below the hill on which Arizona DD:1:3 is situated. Processing tools might not be found on the 196 hill sites, since Papago tradition requires removal of pots, baskets, and other implements when a camp is abandoned. If types or quantities of pollen from edible plants should appear to be significantly different from that of vegetation native to the hill, food preparation may be suspected. Cards in the Arizona State Museum survey file almost consis tently record several mano and metate fragments at Sells Phase sites in the mountain foothills and almost none at sites of this phase on the flood plain. The sites below the cerros de trincheras in the mountain foothills should display these implements, but when they do appear, only a small sample is present. The food processing that occurred on the hills, then, must have been limited to preparation of either a single food or of a cate gory of things that had to be processed in bedrock mortars. Papago traditionally roasted most things that were cooked. This technique avoided wasting scarce water resources (Castetter and Under hill 1935). Prickly pear and cholla stems were cooked in this way, as well as roots, tubers, and any other kind of plant that would withstand this method. Hearths would be the obvious indications that cooking was an activity performed at the hill sites; however, hearths may also be cen ters for other processing and manufacturing activities or may simply pro vide human comfort. No hearth appears on any hill site. Therefore, unless cooking was done on open fires without benefit of a rock circle or firepit , it must be surmised that this activity was not performed at the hill sites. Lack of ashy soil at all sites except Arizona DD:2:4 would indicate that this may have been so. This would strengthen the case for 197 viewing the cerros de trincheras as parts of the sites situated below them, for hearths do appear in those sites. Leaching of soil by rain water runoff may have destroyed evidence of ashy soil but should have left intact the stones outlining any hearth. Since fires would be required for roasting, it is possible that no cooking was done on the hills. Fires would also be needed to reduce saguaro fruit to syrup. Therefore, the task related to saguaro collecting and processing may not have taken place. Specialized processing of vegetal foods took place on the hills, but cooking did not take place. Settlement Activities These activities include construction and use of shelters. A unique hypothesis was suggested by Julian Hayden (personal commun. 1972). He thinks that people in the Papagueria may have utilized the hills seasonally as breezeways, using the microclimatic variation in temperature and wind currents to make summer or winter campsites more comfortable. Shelter. The circular features grouped behind the enclosing walls on the cerros de trincheras appear to have provided shelter for the inhabitants. Ezell (1954:4) called them sleeping shelters, formed by clearing stones from a portion of the hill and stacking them around the sleeping area to provide shelter from the wind. The possibility that these may be domestic structures is strengthened by the appearance around them of ceramic and lithic debris, often in greater quantity than elsewhere on the site. These kinds of features do not appear in the sites 198 below the hills. They are not reported on the Sonoran cerros de trin- cheras. Neither early or later styles of Papago houses resemble them. Circular features were structures, providing shelter for the hill site's inhabitants. Breezeway. Air temperature, wind strength, and amount of sun light on the hills differ seasonally from the quality of these factors on the valley floor below. In winter, northern slopes are colder, windier, and get less sunlight than do others. The southern or southwestern slopes are warmest at this time of year. However, in summer, the north ern slope provides a cooler, shadier area not exposed to maximum sun light (Spalding 1909). The microclimatic differences were observed at Arizona DD:2:4, where the saddle bearing the lower part of the site was warmer in winter and spring than the upper terraced slopes. A ridge east of that hill, lacking man-made features, consistently had a soft, cool ing breeze on summer days that did not exist elsewhere. The 5 sites discussed in this study occupy varying hill faces. Arizona DD:1:5 and Arizona DD:2:4 are on the north face of their respec tive hills. Arizona DD:1:3 occupies all faces of its hill, surrounding the base of a volcanic plug. Arizona DD:1:1 is on the eastern slope of an elongate hill. Arizona DD:6:1 has features on the northern and western hill faces. Cerros de trincheras were occupied because microclimatic vari ation on the hill slopes provided more comfortable living conditions than did the sites below the hills. 199 Manufacturing Activities Evidence for manufacturing artifacts that is visible in the ar chaeological record will probably be limited to stone tools. Perishable items were not preserved at these open sites. Flaking debris, consist ing of primary and secondary flakes and an occasional core, is apparent on every hill. No hill has any hammerstones. A few scrapers appear, one at Arizona DD:2:4 and several at Arizona DD:1:3. Evidence for ground stone tool manufacture or use is scarce on the hills. Tools for manufacture and repair may have been carried away by their makers for other tasks or may have been removed by later visitors to the sites. However, stone tools still lie intact on the hills in Sonora, Mexico. Raw material for tool manufacture does not appear on the hills. Identification was made of the probable source for the lithic material on Arizona DD:1:1 at the sites below the hill. While sites at the hill base show more evidence of flaking ac tivity and of completed tools, they, too, are lacking in hammerstones, and scrapers are scarce. Some of the primary flakes may have been uti lized, but that is difficult to confirm unless experimental work is done with the basalts, andesites, and rhyolites to determine the wear patterns they would show with use. The flakes have not been examined in quan tities suitable to determine if retouch and use scars are present. It appears that manufacturing and possibly refinement of chipped stone tools took place on the hills, but the tools used in those processes are not present. Chipped stone tools were manufactured on the cerros de trin- c h e ra s . 200 Religious Activities There is more ethnographic evidence for this category of Papago hill site use than for any other. Clark (1967) and Underhill (1936) cite the use of hills for shrines, for depositing ritual paraphernalia, and as a place where medicine men in the past might have sought spiritual power. In ancient Papago religion, hills and mountains were the dwelling places of spiritual beings. The old style of Papago burial was in rock crypts on hills. Actual evidence for these activities may not exist in the archaeo logical record, since offerings or paraphernalia made of perishable ma terials would not be preserved. Reuse of one of the cerros de trincheras as a shrine shows that that hill has contemporary significance in Papago religious thought. Burial. What appeared to be Papago crypt graves were observed in the course of surveying the Baboquivari Valley. They appeared grouped together on the slopes of a hill where no other rockwork features were present. They were rockwork circles approximately the diameter and height of those on the cerros de trincheras. Papago plainwares and red wares were sparsely scattered near the circles. Although this cemetery had no other rockwork features like those on the cerros de trincheras, only excavation of some circles on the hill sites can provide data con firming or denying their use as burial crypts. The circular features on the cerros de trincheras were burial c a irn s . Shrines. Shrines are visible today on one of the cerros de trin cheras as well as on other hills in the Baboquivari Valley. They are 201 often composed of a rock cairn on a hill summit visible from the valley floor. Sometimes wooden sticks or a wooden cross may be placed in the cairn. Rock piles were seen on some of the cerros de trincheras but were not near the peak. They do not resemble the cairns built for shrines to day in that the older ones are loosely piled and do not rise far above the ground surface. It is notable that one of the shrines on Arizona DD:6:1 combines a rock-lined trail with a series of shallow rock-walled terraces not unlike those on some of the hills sites. It is not possible to make a testable hypothesis about place ment of shrines on hills because the form required for shrines may have been different in the past. Defensive and Offensive Activities Contact of one kind of people with another can be friendly or hostile (Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits 1936). The same qualities of relationship can apply to intragroup contacts as well as to intergroup contacts. Friendly relationships can take the form of work sharing, trading, labor for wages or barter, and visits to relatives and friends. Hostile relationships may fall into categories of defense, offense, or seclusion from stressful encounters. Pap ago tradition states that hills were used in defensive and offensive encounters. Actual records of Pap ago history acknowledge the existence in the early nineteenth century of defensive settlements. These were usually field villages on the valley floor whose defensive strength lay in gathering many people together to be prepared for Apache attack. Defensive use of the hill sites remains speculative, based on 202 western European ideas of defense and offense. The sites in the Babo- quivari Valley are all on the upper portion of a hill with no features ex tending to the hill base. Walls placed downs lope from other rockwork features appear to be an arrangement potentially designed for defense or se c lu sio n . The cerros de trincheras may have provided additional dwelling space where families in the villages below the hills could retreat in time of danger so that refuge from hostile attacks would be as close to a vil lage as possible. The scarcity of ceramics and lithic flakes on the hill sites and the lack of finished tools indicate that activities at these sites were temporary or intermittent. The scarcity of artifacts in combination with situation of a site enclosed by walls on a hill above a larger village site suggests that the hills might have provided temporary refuge to the inhabitants of the sites below when stress of some kind appeared. There are no historic artifacts on the hills or the bajada sites that would indi- t cate their occupation at the time of Apache pressure. It would be diffi cult to identify specifically another aggressive group in the prehistoric or early historic period, although consideration might be given to intra group factionalism like that among the historically recorded Hop! and Rio Grande Pueblos. Archaeological testing of this possibility presents many problems. The cerros de trincheras were used for protection from other groups of people. 203 Part-time or Intermittent Activities Hypotheses about part-time or intermittent use of the space on hills may be difficult to test. However, the scarcity and limited nature of artifacts and features on the surface of these sites suggest that hy potheses of this general sort should be considered. Use of Hills as Parts of Sites. Rather than being discrete sites, the hills were probably part of the valley-floor sites below them. The scarcity of artifacts, contrasted to the abundance of ceramics, lithic debris, and finished tools at the sites below the hills, indicates that the hill sites were probably used intermittently or by only a segment of the village population for whatever activities were performed on them. Although some activities appear to be lacking in the archaeological record on the hills, the gaps in artifact and feature inventory may reflect occupation of the hills by a segment of a social or political group. In the future, it may be possible to test for male or female activity areas reflecting division of labor within a site. This would be an approach to understanding whether the archaeological remains indicate fewer people at a site, intermittent use, or presence of specialized age, sex, or other divisions of society. The hill sites are part of other sites below them. Seasonal Occupation of the H ills. The main consideration in attempting to deal with questions about seasonal occupation of hill and valley-floor sites will be location of the site in relation to seasonally maturing wild plant foods and the kinds of food-processing artifacts present. Ethnographic evidence for Papago settlement location and plant 204 food gathering and processing would be helpful in evaluation of the pos sibility that the hill sites were occupied in some seasons but not in o th e rs . The geographical situation of the hills would give the occupants access to stands of cholla, saguaro, and palo verde, which form an al most contiguous band across the northern portion of the Baboquivari Val ley. Four of the 5 sites studied were located within this band. The greens provided by cholla stems and buds would have been collected in summer months, as would the cactus fruits and palo verde beans. Plant foods that matured in winter would be accessible from the hills. These are Agave, sotol, Papago blue-bells, and wild onions that grow on the slopes of the Baboquivari and Comobabi Mountains. Therefore, plants harvestable in summer and in winter are available near the cerros de trincheras. Bedrock mortars indicate that a special kind of food processing may have taken place, while absence of other kinds of grinding tools may indicate that plants that were ground on these implements were not processed on the hills. If palo verde beans were ground in bedrock mor tars, as stated by one Papago man, this may indicate that the activity took place on the hills in August, necessitating a trip from the field villages occupied during that month to the bajadas where palo verde stands are most dense. Another reason to occupy the hills seasonally might derive from the microclimatic variation of the hill slopes from the valley floor. Hastings and Turner (1965:17) reported that Tumamoc Hill, which sup ports a site, had fewer freezing nights during winter months than the 205 valley floor or the high mountain slopes. In summer, hills have been observed to provide access to cooling breezes that are not available on the valley floor. In addition to the comfort provided by warmer or cooler temperatures on the hills, the existence of moisture-retentive volcanic soils could have made agriculture on a small scale possible at certain se a s o n s. The cerros de trincheras were used seasonally, rather than throughout the year. Multiple Activities It is evident that several activities were performed on each hill and valley-floor site. Presence of lithic flakes, bedrock mortars, and ceramic sherds indicates that more than one kind of activity was exe cuted on the hills. Further support for this proposition comes from the ethnographic literature that reports Papago using space on hills for graz ing horses, as a refuge from epidemics, for temporary camping (Fontana, Greenleaf, and Cassidy 1959), for harvesting of wild plant foods (Cas- tetter and Underhill 1935), for shrines (Manje 1954; Clark 1967), and occasionally for placement of houses (Lumholtz 1971). Multiple activities were performed on the hills. A summary of activities that may have occurred on the cerros de trincheras is presented in Fig. 17. - j £ S 206 CHAPTER 9 CONCLUSION The series of hypotheses give only a general treatment of the problem of activities that were performed on the cerros de trincheras. To refine the question of activities and of relationships between sites, test expectations would have to be set up for each hypothesis and tried against more data gathered in the field. Since this would be the subject of another study, all that can be done here is to suggest some areas for further work on cerros de trincheras. * Subjective Impressions of Hill Use Several of the hypotheses appear to have more validity than others. For some of these, Papago oral tradition or historical records about Papago life indicate that these possible reasons for occupation of the hills should be studied. In other instances, personal observation or studies done at Tumamoc Hill have indicated that microenvironmental conditions on the hills made them desirable for human activities. Evi dence gathered in the course of this study has been interpreted to indi cate that the hills were not separate sites but were parts of those at the hill base. If this were so, the hills would have been occupied intermit tently or by only a portion of the population gathered at the sites below them. This should be a testable proposition for future study. Papago oral tradition is so strong for defensive use of the cerros de trincheras that this might be the reason that hills were 207 208 occupied. The series of walls at each site and the position of sites on the upper portion of each hill strengthen the evidence pointing toward d e fen se. According to the studies done on Tumamoc Hill in the Santa Cruz Valley, agriculture was potentially possible on the volcanic hills like the cerros de trincheras. The unique combination of temperature and soil moisture conditions on the slopes, quite different from those on the valley floor below, might have made the terraces on the hills suitable locations for growing a small or specialized crop. If weather stations were situated on cerros de trincheras and on the sites below them, information gathered over a period of several years might indicate that the hills were more suitable for occupation during cer tain seasons than the sites below them. The cooling summer breezes noted at Arizona DD:2:4 and the few freezing nights recorded on Tumamoc Hill indicate that this possibility warrants further attention. Areas for Further Research An attribute analysis of artifact and feature distributions was attempted on 5 cerros de trincheras in the Baboquivari Valley. Some pat terns emerged, enough to say that there is a Baboquivari Valley type of hill site and to say that certain kinds of activities were performed on the hills. Other activity patterns were inferred from the presence or absence and distribution of cultural items on the surface. However, the general ized statements with which this study concludes indicate that the at tempted attribute analysis did not fulfill all of the criteria needed for comparison of these sites. The differences that existed between them 209 were often as great as the similarities. This may indicate that different, sites had different functions or that the approaches taken in this study were not able to isolate the data needed for comparability in distribution of cultural items on the sites. It is possible that the system used in re cording the sites was not adequate for phrasing appropriate comparative statements. In addition, the sample of sites studies was so small in size that this may have contributed to the seeming lack of comparability. Three approaches that might be tried in the future to improve the reliabil ity of comparisons leading to interpretation of activities at sites of this kind are suggested. Relation of Sites to Land Forms and Plant Foods An investigation into the relationship of sites to land forms and plant foods is needed. A reconnaissance survey of the entire Baboquivari Valley should be made to determine the kinds of sites, their situation on various land forms, their dominant vegetation associations, and their closeness in time and space to historic Papago settlements whose rea sons for location are known. All Sells Phase sites in the valley should be located and recorded in relation to vegetation and land form. Other land forms that appear to be like those where the hill sites and sites be low them are located should be studied for comparison of their attributes with those of the land forms that support Sells Phase sites. Specific ethnographic work with Papago people living in the Baboquivari Valley and elsewhere on the reservation is needed to determine what the people think are important considerations in settlement location. No cognitive 210 study exists that would provide comparative information from the recent period within the memory of living people who have settled in this arid reg io n . Determination of Seasonality in Settlement Use A second approach would be to determine seasonality in settle ment use. Enough data exist from the Papago ethnographic record to in dicate that some uses of hill sites were seasonally motivated and others were not. The data about microenvironmental conditions on low hills in the Sonoran Desert provide enough information about soil-moisture reten tion and temperature variation to indicate that hill slopes offer special ized conditions not available on other land forms in the Sonoran Desert. It is known that low hills are warmer or cooler than other land forms at certain seasons and that the soil on hills retains moisture longer at a shallower depth than on other land forms. Existence of these special conditions indicates that occupation of the hills seasonally to take ad vantage of the differences was possible. Activities that may be con sidered are growth of a specialized or out-of-season crop, personal comfort, or plant food collection before or after sources matured on the valley floor. Intrasite Variability The third approach would be a study of intrasite variability and how to use a comparative approach so that information from single sites becomes useful to a settlement pattern study. After all Sells Phase sites are located by survey and recorded in relation to vegetation and land form, artifact and feature distribution and density on the sites should be 211 tabulated with minute attention to provenience. Attribute lists should be made for each site so that presence or absence is recorded as well as provenience and distribution. This will give a number of ways in which intrasite variability can be compared within the valley. Using the data recorded about intrasite variability, detailed comparisons should be made to determine the differences between sites below the cerros de trincheras and other Sells Phase sites occupying similar or different land forms. Although investigators have found no continuity in Sells Phase ceramics and historic Papago wares in terms of vessel shape or decoration, it is possible that when more Sells Phase sites are located, perhaps in a single valley, attribute analyses of de sign and shape elements on Sells Phase and Papago ceramics could re veal functional categories which, if continuous through time, could help in analysis of the activities which did occur on different features and within different sites. Similarly, attention to the kinds of lithics on Sells Phase sites could give more information leading toward interpretation of activities. Archaeologists now have the ability to identify mescal knives, scrapers, and food grinding implements because of analogies with known ethno graphic situations. Work is needed with the debris resulting from tool manufacture which should prove useful in reconstructing the technolog ical methods employed at any site. After technological analysis, func tional studies may be possible. The large primary flakes of volcanic rock prevalent at every Sells Phase site should be carefully examined for evi dence of shaping or use scars. Because lithic debris from volcanic rock 212 is difficult to study technologically, replication experiments would be u se fu l. In each of these 3 problem areas, a comparative approach ap pears to be the most useful for deriving patterns and determining simi larities and differences within sites and between them. 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