Migration and Identity in Protohistoric and Colonial Shawnee Society

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Migration and Identity in Protohistoric and Colonial Shawnee Society Stephen Warren. The Worlds the Shawnees Made: Migration and Violence in Early America. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Maps. 336 pp. $39.95, cloth, ISBN 978-1-4696-1173-0. Reviewed by Jamie Mize Published on H-AmIndian (July, 2014) Commissioned by F. Evan Nooe (University of North Carolina, Charlotte) In The Worlds the Shawnees Made, Steve colonial period; therefore, historical approaches Warren examines Shawnee identity, and how, should avoid this designation as well. even though they lacked a shared sacred ground, Even though Shawnee identity was not ho‐ the Shawnees maintained a cultural distinctive‐ mogenous, cosmologies, ritual practices, and a ness from their various American Indian neigh‐ shared language knitted the Shawnees together bors. According to Warren, a renowned Shawnee while dispersion and migration became central scholar and associate professor at Augustana Col‐ aspects of their lived experience. According to lege, migration and reinvention allowed the Warren, Shawnee cosmologies do not focus on Shawnees to maintain their culture in the face of place, but rather, they “emphasize transience, mo‐ violence and other pressures brought by colonial‐ bility, and alliance” (p. 21). In light of their tradi‐ ism. Central to Warren’s thesis is his idea of the tions of migration it is not surprising that no Shawnees as “parochial cosmopolitans.” Due to archeological markers of the Shawnees exist. their migrations, the Shawnees were highly at‐ Warren traces the shortage of Shawnee archeo‐ tuned to the complexities of colonial life, but they logical evidence to the lack of archeological stud‐ also remained committed to their villages and of‐ ies of colonial sites. This coupled with the fact that ten maintained a local focus. Because the historians rarely study protohistoric peoples cre‐ Shawnees often lived in completely different geo‐ ates a very real gap in Shawnee scholarship. War‐ graphical regions, and because their social power ren suggests that the best way to remedy this is‐ structures placed authority at a village level, War‐ sue is to rely on “circumstantial” evidence from ren argues that the only way to truly understand the protohistoric peoples of the Ohio River Valley, the Shawnees is to examine them at the local lev‐ known as the Fort Ancient Tradition, to connect el. Shawnees did not think in “tribal” terms in the their culture to that of the colonial Shawnees (p. 19). As such, Warren relies on archeological H-Net Reviews sources along with archival evidence from While clan identity had an impact on Shawnee French, British, and other colonial archives, as migrations, kinship affiliations also “fragmented well as numerous and assorted published mem‐ and coalesced with each other as they moved” (p. oirs and manuscripts. 78). Warren demonstrates this point in the re‐ The Worlds the Shawnees Made is divided mainder of the book as he analyzes Shawnee mi‐ into three chronological sections. The frst section grations through village-based analysis. opens with a survey of Fort Ancient peoples. War‐ The second section examines Shawnee society ren labels these peoples the frst “parochial cos‐ at three different village sites in disparate geo‐ mopolitans” because even as they “adjusted their graphical locations, and the varying colonial chal‐ way of life to suit new, colonial circumstances lenges they faced in each place: the Illinois River they maintained their attachment to their village- Valley, the Savannah River, and the Upper Chesa‐ based way of life” (p. 25). Even though Fort An‐ peake. Regardless of location, Warren argues, con‐ cient peoples left the Middle Ohio River Valley, tinuities existed between precolonial and colonial they moved as villages. Warren asserts that the American Indians, and a failure to acknowledge most likely reason for the migrations of Fort An‐ this fact has led to an overemphasis on the “rup‐ cient peoples was disease. He is rather adamant tures of colonialism” (p. 82). In the Southeast, the that Iroquois raids into the Ohio River Valley were Shawnees obtained a foothold by aligning them‐ not a principal factor in the end of Fort Ancient selves frst with the Westos in the Indian slave Traditions. To support this assertion, Warren re‐ trade, but they achieved a preeminent place for lies on archeological evidence. Archeologists have themselves when they destroyed the Westos at the not discovered “time-sensitive European artifacts behest of the English. The Indian slave trade pro‐ dating to the period between 1650 and 1720.” The vided security for groups such as the Shawnee, absence of such artifacts coupled with the lack of but the slaving of these smaller, autonomous peo‐ archaeological indications of violent deaths leads ples “forced coastal villagers such as the Catawbas Warren to assert that the “absence of such evi‐ and interior tribes such as the Creeks to coalesce” dence proves that the depopulation of the Ohio (p. 84). The use of Shawnee as a trade language by Valley occurred largely before the Iroquois con‐ the eighteenth century offers additional evidence quest of the Ohio Valley” (p. 74). Warren suggests for the influence of the Shawnee in the Southeast. continuity between the Fort Ancient peoples and While the Shawnees warred with other Indi‐ the Shawnees due to the fact that they both prac‐ an peoples during slaving expeditions in the ticed fragmentary migrations. While the Fort An‐ Southeast, in the Upper Illinois River Valley cient peoples moved as villages, the Shawnees Shawnees warred with each other. To demon‐ formed their villages and made decisions based strate the nature of this conflict Warren analyzes on fve patrilineal kinship designations. Prior to a battle in 1680 at the village of Kaskaskias in the historic period, each of the fve society clans which a group of Shawnees, allied with the held a designated territory with a town that French and Illinois peoples, fought against an in‐ shared the clan name. From the historic period vading force of Iroquois and other Shawnee peo‐ forward, however, these larger territorial units ples. Warren argues that previous attempts to ex‐ broke down into smaller, “patrilocal” communi‐ plain this conflict as a civil war overlook the im‐ ties, and the largest clan, numerically, “seems to portance of local concerns to the Shawnee peo‐ have determined the identity and the leadership ples. Rather than viewing themselves as a tribe, of the town itself.” In addition to the fve societal the Shawnee remained “parochial cosmopolitans” clans, Shawnee society was further divided into and made decisions based on a village or local lev‐ twelve clans that held ceremonial importance. 2 H-Net Reviews el. Warren suggests that older alliances brought Shawnees to quit their settlement in Pennsylvania the Shawnees to Kaskaskias, and the lure of trade and return to the Ohio River Valley. with the English, and the violence and depletion According to Warren, “after the Walking Pur‐ of resources at the Grand Village eventually led chase, Native people in Pennsylvania understood the Shawnees to migrate. The fnal chapter in sec‐ that land-hungry settlers would inevitably con‐ tion 2, the weakest chapter in this section in terms sume their estates. The Ohio country became the of source base, discusses the Shawnee presence in only remaining alternative for those seeking eco‐ the Chesapeake. According to Warren, these nomic and cultural freedom” (p. 195). Once back Shawnees chose “absorption into the Iroquois in the Ohio River Valley, Shawnee societal struc‐ Confederacy” rather than a direct alliance with ture underwent an evolution. Charismatic indi‐ the English (p. 153). The Shawnees were permit‐ viduals became chiefs, breaking the tradition of ted to settle in the Chesapeake as long as they act‐ hereditary chiefly lineages. Warren asserts that ed as a bufer against raids on the Iroquois, and as this social change emerged from the “increasingly a result, they experienced many of the retaliatory selective and voluntary nature of Indian identi‐ attacks by the Catawba and other southern tribes. ties” (p. 189). The impacts of colonialism and mi‐ Just as the frst two sections suggest continu‐ gration wrought many changes on Indian soci‐ ity from Fort Ancient Traditions to colonial eties. According to Warren, the Shawnees and oth‐ Shawnees, the third section argues for a reconsid‐ er Indians began to identify a “common racial eration of historians’ periodization of removal. heritage that had supplanted village-based identi‐ Warren argues, “we must situate the Indian Re‐ ties. To the settlers, and perhaps now to them‐ moval Act of 1830 into a much longer history of selves, a kind of 'Indian' racial identity bound forced relocation,” beginning in the 1720s (p. 156). them together in a common fate” (p. 197). This Central to this point are the competing histories of shared “Indian” identity provided the ground‐ the Shawnee and the Iroquois. The Iroquois be‐ work for the revitalization movements that oc‐ lieved that they defeated the Shawnees and curred in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth forced them to relocate, thus the Iroquois equated centuries. The connections that the Shawnees the Shawnee migration to the Upper Chesapeake made with other Indian groups through their and Pennsylvania with subjugation. The many travels and migrations proved beneficial to Shawnees viewed their migrations as voluntary their revitalization and pan-Indian efforts. War‐ rather than coerced. According to Warren the ren’s theme of parochial cosmopolitanism is per‐ memory of the Iroquois (and subsequently the haps best seen in this fnal example. Ultimately, English) regarding the Shawnee migration “has Shawnees chose to relocate for their own local defined Shawnee history since the late seven‐ reasons, but after years of migrations, the teenth century,” ultimately resulting in loss of Shawnees had established intertribal connections sovereignty for the Shawnee people (p. 149). The and alliances in most locations east of the Missis‐ issue of sovereignty and the importance of sippi River.
Recommended publications
  • Indigenous People of Western New York
    FACT SHEET / FEBRUARY 2018 Indigenous People of Western New York Kristin Szczepaniec Territorial Acknowledgement In keeping with regional protocol, I would like to start by acknowledging the traditional territory of the Haudenosaunee and by honoring the sovereignty of the Six Nations–the Mohawk, Cayuga, Onondaga, Oneida, Seneca and Tuscarora–and their land where we are situated and where the majority of this work took place. In this acknowledgement, we hope to demonstrate respect for the treaties that were made on these territories and remorse for the harms and mistakes of the far and recent past; and we pledge to work toward partnership with a spirit of reconciliation and collaboration. Introduction This fact sheet summarizes some of the available history of Indigenous people of North America date their history on the land as “since Indigenous people in what is time immemorial”; some archeologists say that a 12,000 year-old history on now known as Western New this continent is a close estimate.1 Today, the U.S. federal government York and provides information recognizes over 567 American Indian and Alaskan Native tribes and villages on the contemporary state of with 6.7 million people who identify as American Indian or Alaskan, alone Haudenosaunee communities. or combined.2 Intended to shed light on an often overlooked history, it The land that is now known as New York State has a rich history of First includes demographic, Nations people, many of whom continue to influence and play key roles in economic, and health data on shaping the region. This fact sheet offers information about Native people in Indigenous people in Western Western New York from the far and recent past through 2018.
    [Show full text]
  • What Was the Iroquois Confederacy?
    04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 82 What was the 4 Iroquois Confederacy? Chapter Focus Questions •What was the social structure of Iroquois society? •What opportunities did people have to participate in decision making? •What were the ideas behind the government of the Iroquois Confederacy? The last chapter explored the government of ancient Athens. This chapter explores another government with deep roots in history: the Iroquois Confederacy. The Iroquois Confederacy formed hundreds of years ago in North America — long before Europeans first arrived here. The structure and principles of its government influenced the government that the United States eventually established. The Confederacy united five, and later six, separate nations. It had clear rules and procedures for making decisions through representatives and consensus. It reflected respect for diversity and a belief in the equality of people. Pause The image on the side of this page represents the Iroquois Confederacy and its five original member nations. It is a symbol as old as the Confederacy itself. Why do you think this symbol is still honoured in Iroquois society? 82 04 AB6 Ch 4.11 4/2/08 11:22 AM Page 83 What are we learning in this chapter? Iroquois versus Haudenosaunee This chapter explores the social structure of Iroquois There are two names for society, which showed particular respect for women and the Iroquois people today: for people of other cultures. Iroquois (ear-o-kwa) and Haudenosaunee It also explores the structure and processes of Iroquois (how-den-o-show-nee). government. Think back to Chapter 3, where you saw how Iroquois is a name that the social structure of ancient Athens determined the way dates from the fur trade people participated in its government.
    [Show full text]
  • Upper Canada, New York, and the Iroquois Six Nations, 1783-1815 Author(S): Alan Taylor Reviewed Work(S): Source: Journal of the Early Republic, Vol
    Society for Historians of the Early American Republic The Divided Ground: Upper Canada, New York, and the Iroquois Six Nations, 1783-1815 Author(s): Alan Taylor Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the Early Republic, Vol. 22, No. 1 (Spring, 2002), pp. 55-75 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press on behalf of the Society for Historians of the Early American Republic Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3124858 . Accessed: 02/11/2011 18:25 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press and Society for Historians of the Early American Republic are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the Early Republic. http://www.jstor.org THE DIVIDED GROUND: UPPER CANADA, NEW YORK, AND THE IROQUOIS SIX NATIONS, 1783-1815 AlanTaylor In recentyears, historians have paid increasing attention to bordersand borderlandsas fluidsites of bothnational formation and local contestation. At theirperipheries, nations and empires assert their power and define their identitywith no certainty of success.Nation-making and border-making are inseparablyintertwined. Nations and empires, however, often reap defiance frompeoples uneasily bisected by theimposed boundaries. This process of border-making(and border-defiance)has been especiallytangled in the Americaswhere empires and republicsprojected their ambitions onto a geographyoccupied and defined by Indians.Imperial or nationalvisions ran up against the tangled complexities of interdependentpeoples, both native and invader.
    [Show full text]
  • Ojibwe and Dakota Relations: a Modern Ojibwe Perspective Through
    Ojibwe miinawa Bwaanag Wiijigaabawitaadiwinan (Ojibwe and Dakota Relations) A Modern Ojibwe Perspective Through Oral History Ojibwe miinawa Bwaanag Wiijigaabawitaadiwinan (Ojibwe and Dakota Relations) A Modern Ojibwe Perspective Through Oral History Jason T. Schlender, History Joel Sipress, Ph.D, Department of Social Inquiry ABSTRACT People have tried to write American Indian history as the history of relations between tribes and non-Indians. What is important is to have the history of the Ojibwe and Dakota relationships conveyed with their own thoughts. This is important because it shows the vitality of Ojibwe oral history conveyed in their language and expressing their own views. The stories and recollections offer a different lens to view the world of the Ojibwe. A place few people have looked at in order to understand the complicated web of relationships that Ojibwe and Dakota have with one another. Niibowa bwaanag omaa gii-taawag. Miish igo gii-maajinizhikawaawaad iwidi mashkodeng. Mashkodeng gii-izhinaazhikawaad iniw bwaanan, akina. Miish akina imaa Minisooding gii-nagadamowaad mitigokaag, aanjigoziwaad. Mii sa naagaj, mii i’iw gaa- izhi-zagaswe’idiwaad ingiw bwaanag, ingiw anishinaabeg igaye. Gaawiin geyaabi wii- miigaadisiiwag, wiijikiwendiwaad. A lot of Sioux lived here. Then they chased them out to the prairies, all of them. They [were forced] to move and abandon the forests there in Minnesota. But later on, they had a [pipe] ceremony, the Sioux and Chippewa too. They didn’t fight anymore, [and] made friends.1 Introduction (Maadaajimo) There is awareness of a long history, in more modern times, a playful lack of trust between the Ojibwe and Dakota. Historians like William Warren documented Ojibwe life while Samuel Pond did the same with the Dakota.
    [Show full text]
  • Linguistic Notes and Ethnographic Terms for Abenakis Wôbanakiak
    Malian’s Song – Linguistic Notes and Ethnographic Terms for Abenakis By Marge Bruchac Wôbanakiak = Abenaki Indians Wôbanakiak – Abenaki Peoples – Wabanaki Confederacy Abenaki is a common generic term for the Native American Indian peoples of northern New England, southeastern Canada, and the Maritimes. These peoples are also known as Wabanaki (Eastern Abenaki – Maine and the Canadian Maritimes) or Wôbanakiak (Western Abenaki – New Hampshire, Vermont, and southeastern Canada). In the Native language Wôbanakiak roughly translates to mean “People of the Dawn.” The name Wôbanakiak, is created from the morphemes for dawn (wôban), and land (aki) combined with the animate plural ending (-ak) to indicate those people who dwell in that place. (The nasalized “ohn” sound in Abenaki is variously spelled as ô or 8.) During the 15-1600s, English, French, and Dutch mispronunciations of Wôbanakiak resulted in the variant spellings found in colonial and contemporary records. These include the English/Dutch Abnaki (with a hard “a” sound), the English/French Abenaki (also with the hard “a” and stress on the first syllable), and the French Abénaquis (pronounced “Ah-behn-ah-ki” with a flat “e” and stress on the second and final syllables, following French conventions). All of these variant pronunciations are still in use today. The Wabanaki Confederacy today includes two tribes of the Passamaquoddy Nation, one tribe of the Penobscot Nation, several tribes of the Malecite Nation, over 20 tribes of the Mi’kmaq or Micmac Nation, the Wolinak Abenaki, the Abenaki Nation and several other groups of Western Abenaki. The Abenaki Nation includes the St. Francis Sokoki Band or Abenaki Nation at Missisquoi based in Swanton, VT, as well as the Abenaki Nation at Odanak, historically called the St.
    [Show full text]
  • A Native History of Kentucky
    A Native History Of Kentucky by A. Gwynn Henderson and David Pollack Selections from Chapter 17: Kentucky in Native America: A State-by-State Historical Encyclopedia edited by Daniel S. Murphree Volume 1, pages 393-440 Greenwood Press, Santa Barbara, CA. 2012 1 HISTORICAL OVERVIEW As currently understood, American Indian history in Kentucky is over eleven thousand years long. Events that took place before recorded history are lost to time. With the advent of recorded history, some events played out on an international stage, as in the mid-1700s during the war between the French and English for control of the Ohio Valley region. Others took place on a national stage, as during the Removal years of the early 1800s, or during the events surrounding the looting and grave desecration at Slack Farm in Union County in the late 1980s. Over these millennia, a variety of American Indian groups have contributed their stories to Kentucky’s historical narrative. Some names are familiar ones; others are not. Some groups have deep historical roots in the state; others are relative newcomers. All have contributed and are contributing to Kentucky's American Indian history. The bulk of Kentucky’s American Indian history is written within the Commonwealth’s rich archaeological record: thousands of camps, villages, and town sites; caves and rockshelters; and earthen and stone mounds and geometric earthworks. After the mid-eighteenth century arrival of Europeans in the state, part of Kentucky’s American Indian history can be found in the newcomers’ journals, diaries, letters, and maps, although the native voices are more difficult to hear.
    [Show full text]
  • Iroquois Native American Cultural Influences in Promoting Women's
    Iroquois Native American Cultural Influences in Promoting Women’s Rights Ideologies Leading Up to the First Women’s Rights Convention in Seneca Falls on the 19th and 20th of July, 1848 Willow Michele Hagan To what extent did Iroquois Native American culture and policies influence the establishment of the first ever women’s rights convention at Seneca Falls on the 19th and 20th of July, 1848? Abstract In Iroquois culture women have always shared equal treatment with men. They regard women with respect and authority; women can participate in equal labor and can own their own property. With these ideals so close in proximity to Seneca Falls, to what extent did Iroquois Native American culture and policies influence the establishment of the Seneca Falls Convention and the arguments for women’s rights it proposed? To answer this question, Iroquois relationships between women’s rights activists and other leaders in American society will be examined; including the spread of matrilineal thought into the minds of those who had ties to the Iroquois, predominantly with the leaders of the Seneca Falls Convention. The proposals put forth by the Declaration of Rights and Sentiments will also be addressed to look at the parallels between the thoughts promoted for women’s rights and those ideologies of Iroquois culture. Newspaper articles, as well as other primary and secondary sources, will be consulted in order to interpret this relationship. Through the exploration of the association between Iroquois culture and the Seneca Falls Convention, it can be determined that the culture of the Iroquois did have influence over the Seneca Falls Convention.
    [Show full text]
  • The Shawnee in Pennsylvania
    Pennsylvania 178 The Shawnee In The Shawnee In Pennsylvania It is not the intention of the author of this brief mono- graph to give a history of the wanderings of the Shawnee previous to their appearance within the Colony of Pennsyl- vania. No single tribe in the history of the United States has had a more varied and interesting pathway of migra- tion. Nor has any single tribe had as important an influ- ence in the conflicts with the white settlements in the region east of the Mississippi river. It seems highly probable that the Shawnee occupied the headwaters of the Ohio previous to the time of their southward migration. Some of the mounds and other earth- works along the upper Ohio and in south-western Pennsyl- vania seem to have been erected by the ancestors of the historic Shawnee. The author, however, willnot at present attempt to cover the history of this most interesting period, but simply to state a few theories and facts as to the relation- ship with other Algonkian tribes and of their early habitat. The Shawnee belong to the group of Algonkian tribes occupying the Atlantic region. According to the tradition of the Walum Olum they were united with the Delaware and the Nanticoke previous to the time of the expulsion of the Cherokee from the North. After this time the tribes separated, the Shawnee going southward, hence the desig- nation Shawnee, or Southerners. When first known, in the historic period, they were occupying the Cumberland basin and the region in South Carolina. The history of the Shawnee commences in 1669-70, when they were occupying the regions in Tennessee and South Carolina.
    [Show full text]
  • Ojibwe, Missisauga Ojibwe, Ir- the French’S Side During a War with the Mesquaki Tribe, Also of Wiscon- Sin
    The Lakes and Their People A Collection of Legends from the Great Lakes Region Menominee: The Menominee have always found their home in Wis- consin. The tribe was mainly settled along the Menominee river. They he First Nations of the Great Lakes region were a friend to the French, often trading furs, and even standing by Tinclude the Ojibwe, Missisauga Ojibwe, Ir- the French’s side during a war with the Mesquaki tribe, also of Wiscon- sin. Following the end of the Revolutionary war, the Menominee were oquois, Winnebago, Potawatomi, Ottawa Wy- reluctant to make any peace with the United States, but eventually andot, Delaware, Menominee, Meskwaki Sauk, they were moved to reservations in Minnesota. Sioux, Miami, and Shawnee tribes, who had Iroquois: The Iroquois originally held territory in New York, south inhabited this land for the past 10,000 years, of Lake Ontario. While their territory slowly expanded to encompass or perhaps even longer. These tribes brought much of the southern shores of Lakes Michigan and Erie, for the most part, the people still physically lived in northern New York. However, with them the first civilizations to our region, they were forced back into their original territories following wars with learned how to work with copper, to cultivate the Algonquin and British colonialism. And following the Revolution- ary War, and the defeat of the British, with whom the Iroquois had sid- and work with the land while leaving it plenti- ed, much of their territory was signed away to the United States, and ful for the future. These tribes make the histo- many Iroquois retreated to their territories in Canada.
    [Show full text]
  • Historic American Indian Tribes of Ohio 1654-1843
    Historic American Indian Tribes of Ohio 1654-1843 Ohio Historical Society www.ohiohistory.org $4.00 TABLE OF CONTENTS Historical Background 03 Trails and Settlements 03 Shelters and Dwellings 04 Clothing and Dress 07 Arts and Crafts 08 Religions 09 Medicine 10 Agriculture, Hunting, and Fishing 11 The Fur Trade 12 Five Major Tribes of Ohio 13 Adapting Each Other’s Ways 16 Removal of the American Indian 18 Ohio Historical Society Indian Sites 20 Ohio Historical Marker Sites 20 Timeline 32 Glossary 36 The Ohio Historical Society 1982 Velma Avenue Columbus, OH 43211 2 Ohio Historical Society www.ohiohistory.org Historic American Indian Tribes of Ohio HISTORICAL BACKGROUND In Ohio, the last of the prehistoric Indians, the Erie and the Fort Ancient people, were destroyed or driven away by the Iroquois about 1655. Some ethnologists believe the Shawnee descended from the Fort Ancient people. The Shawnees were wanderers, who lived in many places in the south. They became associated closely with the Delaware in Ohio and Pennsylvania. Able fighters, the Shawnees stubbornly resisted white pressures until the Treaty of Greene Ville in 1795. At the time of the arrival of the European explorers on the shores of the North American continent, the American Indians were living in a network of highly developed cultures. Each group lived in similar housing, wore similar clothing, ate similar food, and enjoyed similar tribal life. In the geographical northeastern part of North America, the principal American Indian tribes were: Abittibi, Abenaki, Algonquin, Beothuk, Cayuga, Chippewa, Delaware, Eastern Cree, Erie, Forest Potawatomi, Huron, Iroquois, Illinois, Kickapoo, Mohicans, Maliseet, Massachusetts, Menominee, Miami, Micmac, Mississauga, Mohawk, Montagnais, Munsee, Muskekowug, Nanticoke, Narragansett, Naskapi, Neutral, Nipissing, Ojibwa, Oneida, Onondaga, Ottawa, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot, Peoria, Pequot, Piankashaw, Prairie Potawatomi, Sauk-Fox, Seneca, Susquehanna, Swamp-Cree, Tuscarora, Winnebago, and Wyandot.
    [Show full text]
  • Numbers in American Indian Mythology
    Numbers in American Indian Mythology Oksana Y. Danchevskaya Moscow State Pedagogical University The universal belief in the sacredness of numbers is an instinctive faith in an immortal truth. D. G. Brinton Since time immemorial people have attributed sacred meanings to numbers. The most significant numbers for the indigenous population of North America are three, four, and seven, and they play an important role in the lives of American Indians: in their mythology, rituals and ceremonies, chants, literature, architecture, visual arts, households, etc. American Indian numerical symbolism has much in common with that of other traditional societies, but in some aspects it is unique. Mythology not only helps understand the meaning of certain numbers, but also regulates their use in daily and ceremonial life. Numbers are not simply the expressions of quantity – they are archetypes and symbols. It is especially true about the first ten numbers, which “pertain to the spirit. The rest are the product of combinations of these basic numbers” (Керлот 574). As the environment has greatly influenced American Indians, certain numbers are closely connected with natural – and mainly astronomical – phenomena (Григоров 95). No wonder that the mythological picture of the world, i.e., the very world order, is described with the help of numbers: “The space in the myth is measured both horizontally and vertically, and usually it is expressed in the symbolism of numbers 3, 4 and 7. Generally speaking, all numbers from 1 to 12 are strongly loaded with symbolism; however, the abovementioned three numbers are especially distinguished in this sense. Through their symbolism, numbers not only unite time and space, but, due to their inherent abstractness, are even able to lead us beyond the limits of time and space” (Ващенко 232-33).
    [Show full text]
  • Manahatta to Manhattan Native Americans in Lower Manhattan
    Manahatta to Manhattan Native Americans in Lower Manhattan Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian The Alexander Hamilton U.S. Custom House, home to the Smithsonian National Museum of the American Indian. NMAI photo. Lower Manhattan, the area south of Houston Street, is home to the New York Stock Exchange, major U.S. financial institutions, Wall Street, and the Federal Reserve Bank. This vibrant area is also home to the Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI), George Gustav Heye Center. The Smithsonian’s National Museum of the American Indian (NMAI), founded in 1989 by an act of Congress, is the first national museum dedicated to Native cultures of the Western Hemisphere, which includes North, Central, and South America. The NMAI also has a museum located on the National Mall in Washington, D.C., and its expansive collection is housed in a state-of-the-art facility, the NMAI Cultural Resources Center, in Suitland, Maryland. The NMAI features exhibitions, public programs, and educational activities that highlight the diversity and strength of the Native peoples of the Americas. The NMAI in New York City is located in the U.S. Custom House. It was designed by architect Cass Gilbert (1859–1934) and built between 1900 and 1907. The Custom House was the location where merchants paid money, known as “duties,” to transport goods in and out of the United States. The NMAI moved into this building in 1994. 2 Manahatta The Lenape, Manhattan’s original inhabitants, called the island Manahatta, which means “hilly island.” Rich with natural resources, Manahatta had an abundance of fruits, nuts, birds, and animals.
    [Show full text]