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Community Ownership in Glasgow: the Devolution of Ownership and Control, Or a Centralizing Process

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Community Ownership in Glasgow: the Devolution of Ownership and Control, Or a Centralizing Process McKee, K. (2007) Community ownership in Glasgow: the devolution of ownership and control, or a centralizing process. European Journal of Housing Policy, 7 (3). pp. 319-336. ISSN 1461-6718 http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/6233/ Deposited on: 24 June 2009 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk Community Ownership in Glasgow: the devolution of ownership and control, or a centralising process? The largest housing stock transfer in Europe, the 2003 Glasgow transfer promises to ‘empower’ tenants by devolving ownership and control from the state to local communities. This is to be delivered through a devolved structure in which day to day housing management is delegated to a citywide network of 60 Local Housing Organisations, governed at the neighbourhood level by committees of local residents. The receiving landlord, the Glasgow Housing Association, has further made commitments to disaggregate the organisation via Second Stage Transfer in order to facilitate local community ownership, as well as management of the housing stock. This paper argues that whilst the Glasgow transfer has enhanced local control in the decision making process within the limits permitted by the transfer framework, it has nonetheless failed to deliver the levels of involvement aspired to by those actively engaged in the process. Displaying at times more of the semblance of a movement than an organisation, the Glasgow Housing Association operates a classic centre-periphery divide. These tense central-local relations have contributed to the emergence of conflict which has further undermined negotiations surrounding the realisation of full community ownership via Second Stage Transfer. 1. Introduction Prior to the stock transfer1, Glasgow City Council was a large municipal landlord (circa 85, 000 properties) with council housing comprising a key aspect of its political power base. Yet it had to operate in a very difficult financial and political environment. Given the package of incentives including £900 million pounds of debt write-off and £4 billion pounds of investment if stock transfer was to proceed it is 1 perhaps unsurprising the City Council positively endorsed the proposals (Gibb 2003; Daly et al 2005). Following a tenant ballot the transfer was transacted in 2003, establishing the Glasgow Housing Association (GHA) as the UK’s largest social landlord. Explicit in the pre-transfer framework and statutory consultation documents was a commitment to local control and ownership of the housing (Glasgow City Council 2001, 2002; Glasgow Housing Partnership Steering Group 2000). This was to be achieved at the outset by the creation of a citywide network of 60 Local Housing Organisation (LHOs), each governed by a management committee made up of a majority of local tenants which would be responsible for management of the stock on a day-to-day basis. These LHOs are small-scale, locally based, tenant-controlled organisations (for further discussion, see McKee 2006). In addition to devolved management of the local housing stock, a pre-transfer commitment was also made to local ownership via a process of Second Stage Transfer (SST). SST is a concept unique to the Glasgow transfer and involves the LHOs embarking on further smaller stock transfers in order they might break away from the GHA and independently own the local housing (Glasgow City Council 2001, Glasgow Housing Partnership Steering Group 2000). Whilst the GHA is committed to balloting tenants on SST within the first ten years from the original transfer (Glasgow Housing Partnership Steering Group 2000), and has endeavoured to accelerate the process via a programme of prototype funding pilots (GHA 2004), progress has been both slow and difficult and no Second Stage Transfers have as yet occurred (McKee 2006). An emotive and politically controversial issue within Glasgow and beyond, community ownership remains a relatively under-researched policy area. This paper 2 aims to provide some insight into the present interim stage of transfer (i.e. post transfer from the City Council but prior to any SST), by exploring how housing governance has changed in the city. This involves comparing pre-transfer tenant involvement in the decision making process with the present situation, in particular the extent to which tenants have autonomy to make decisions on local housing matters and the perceived limits upon their local control. Secondly, given the express commitment to local ownership of the housing this paper also explores the perceived importance attached to SST and the conflict and tensions that surround the realisation of this coveted prize. Empirical evidence from this study is presented in sections 5 and 6. To contextualise this evidence there is firstly a discussion of the relevant governance literature, followed by an exploration of the policy context of community ownership. 2. Governance, Power and Active Citizenship Governance has become a “shorthand” label to describe a particular set of changes in the way in which society is being governed (Newman 2001: 11). Whilst it is an ambiguous concept which is defined and applied differently across a range of academic disciplines in general terms it represents both a change in the meaning of government and the emergence of new methods by which society is to be governed (Rhodes 1996; Kooiman 1999). The emergence of this socio-political field therefore represents an attempt to capture this dynamic of change: it reflects the transcendence of hierarchy and markets by other forms of public-private mix (Rhodes 1994); the inter-dependence of state and non-state actors (Kooiman 1993); and the devolution of autonomy and responsibility from government to local communities (Rose 2001). These transformations have 3 been driven by broader patterns of economic and social change, which has made the task of governing society along traditional lines more difficult – the outcome of which is that the state is no longer perceived as having the expertise or the ability to solve all of society’s problems (Rose 1999; Newman 2001). Uniting these disparate strands within the governance literature is a critique of the classical concepts of political sociology, particularly the dichotomous divisions between the state and the market, the public and private and so forth (Rose 1999). Despite these insights, the literature remains somewhat descriptive and normative: it focuses on describing the way organisations are, or should be, governed; and implicitly if not explicitly, portrays networks, partnerships and self-government as more desirable than both hierarchies and markets (Rose 1999; Newman 2001). Perhaps more fundamentally issues of power and agency have also been neglected, and are largely absent from debates (Newman 2001). The exception to this has been the field of governmentality derived from Foucault, for it places power relations firmly at the centre of analysis by drawing attention to the way in which we think about power and rule in modern society (Foucault 2003a; see also Dean 1999). Unlike traditional conceptions of power (see for example, Dahl 1961; Bachrach and Baratz 1970; Lukes 1974), governmentality proposes an investigation of political power beyond the state; indeed, Foucault’s definition of government as the “conduct of conduct” (2003b: 138) highlights that power is endemic in all social relationships: it is both diffuse and local, and it is to be located in the multiple micro- practices of rule that authorities deploy in order to shape and direct the action of others towards desired ends. Governmentality therefore lends itself to a wide variety of research agendas, which attempt to illuminate the problematic of government and the plethora of political rationalities and practical programmes that have emerged as a 4 result. In addition, unlike traditional interpretations which conceive power as a negative, repressive act, a Foucauldian analysis emphasises its productive nature (Foucault 2003b). Power does not attempt to exclude or control individuals, but puts people into action by a plethora of mechanisms which work through their political subjectivities, not always against them; here authorities try to enlist, maximise, and facilitate individual voluntary engagement in the political process in order the objectives of the ‘governed’ and the ‘governors’ may be reconciled (Cruikshank 1994; 1999). This is not however necessarily a reduction in government but rather a form of regulated freedom: governance from a distance (Rose 1999). Whilst governmentality highlights how modern liberal governance exercises a productive form of power which aims to promote active, responsible citizenship it also encourages us to be critical of democratic mechanisms such as user involvement, citizen empowerment and participatory democracy and so forth. No matter how well intentioned these programmes may be they nonetheless represent a means of shaping the behaviour of citizens whose problems are deemed as needing to be addressed, and thus have the potential to be regulating as well as liberating (Cruikshank 1994; 1999). This mode of analysis therefore mounts a challenge to the traditional understanding of ‘empowerment’ as a radical political project or a process to maximise citizen control. The implications of this are two-fold: firstly, that a potential disjuncture exists between how practices of empowerment are portrayed by their champions and the logic of such practices as embodied in strategies of government; and secondly, that promoting
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