In Mt Druitt

Losing Ground? Issues of Autonomy in an Urban Indigenous Organisation Elise Katharine Adams School of Archaeology and Anthropology, The Australian National University Submitted March 2014 A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University I certify that this thesis is a product of my own original work and has not been published elsewhere. All data collection, analysis and writing, except where cited in the text, has been undertaken and completed solely by the author. _____________________________ Elise Adams School of Archaeology and Anthropology The Australian National University, Canberra Abstract This thesis offers an ethnographic study of one urban Aboriginal organisation, Winanga-Li Aboriginal Corporation; a successful human services agency struggling against the socioeconomic disadvantage faced by Aboriginal Australians. The thesis argues that the difficulties faced by Winanga-Li stem not from Indigenous incapacity, but rather from government policies that maintain Indigenous oppression. Three interwoven theoretical strands serve to explicate this thesis: those of post- colonialism, identity politics, and neoliberalism within contemporary government bureaucracies. Essential to this theoretical framework is the exploration of power relationships between Indigenous Australians and the State. These power relationships not only bear upon Indigenous interactions with other Australians and each other, but also upon both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples’ constructions of Indigenous culture, tradition and behaviour. Australian governments have a poor track record of interacting and consulting with urban Indigenous collectives. This, coupled with the centralised top-down design and development of Indigenous-specific human services, results in the programs intended to ameliorate Indigenous disadvantage producing negligible outcomes. Further frustrating efforts to improve the socioeconomic outcomes of Indigenous Australians is governments’ preferred approach for funding a small number of large non-Indigenous organisations to provide Indigenous-specific human services. Although such organisations have little experience with the Indigenous clients they intend to serve – or credibility in their eyes – these organisations are increasingly being awarded Indigenous service funding through neoliberal tendering processes, since their structure and ideology aligns with those of the State. As a result, Indigenous-controlled organisations are being coerced into adopting an economic imperialist outlook or risk being defunded; thus losing the organic governance culture that has uniquely been producing results in reducing Indigenous disadvantage. i While Australian governments openly acknowledge the egregious disadvantage Indigenous Australians face when compared with their non-Indigenous counterparts, and attempt to decrease it largely through the delivery of Indigenous-specific human services, their policies have failed and are continuing to fail. Evidence demands a new approach to the funding and design of Indigenous-specific human services if positive outcomes are to be achieved, and this thesis puts forth plausible recommendations for more effective Indigenous human service delivery. ii Acknowledgements This work has been greatly enriched by the thoughtful and constructive feedback of Francesca Merlan and George Morgan. Their guidance has contributed to this work’s depth of analysis and recognition of the socio-historical complexity of Indigenous lives in contemporary Australia. Raymond Gibson has provided invaluable insight regarding ways in which Indigenous Australians construct their identities within the confines of broader society. His encouragement to consider White privilege and the power relationships entailed within various societal structures has been essential to shaping the lens through which the events of my fieldwork are viewed. My mother, Carole Adams, has been incredibly supportive with persevering in the face of often difficult conditions, in regards to both the typical pains of undertaking a PhD and the adversity faced when fighting alongside the Mt Druitt Indigenous population for recognition of their views and needs. Francesca Merlan, George Morgan, Raymond Gibson and Carole Adams have each worked tirelessly in the final proofing of this thesis, for which I am deeply grateful. Most important to this work, I must acknowledge Winanga-Li and the members of the broader Mt Druitt Aboriginal community with whom I interacted and are too many to name. Without their willingness to engage with me, this research would not have been possible. The warmth and encouragement of Betty and Lewis, as well as the time both have dedicated to frank discussions of Mt Druitt’s Aboriginal human services landscape, have been essential to my ability to critically engage with the subject matter of this thesis. Aunty Margaret, who is no longer with us, was the first community member who fully embraced my presence at Winanga-Li, making me feel less like an interloper and more like someone whose contribution to the organisation was socially valid. She was a beautiful person and I dedicate this work to her. iii iv Table of Contents 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 Methodological Framework ............................................................................................... 5 Research Context ............................................................................................................ 6 Field Site ......................................................................................................................... 7 Methodological Approach .............................................................................................. 8 Mount Druitt ................................................................................................................. 10 Theoretical Framework .................................................................................................... 14 Postcolonial Theory and the Politics of Aboriginal Identity ........................................ 14 Neoliberalism within Government ................................................................................ 17 Literature Review and Chapter Overview ........................................................................ 19 2. Australia’s Early Indigenous Affairs Policy .................................................................... 28 Aboriginal Affairs Policy in Australia ............................................................................. 29 Protectionist Era ........................................................................................................... 30 Assimilation Era ........................................................................................................... 31 Self-Determination Era ................................................................................................. 32 Self-Determination Policy ................................................................................................ 35 Land Rights ................................................................................................................... 39 Welfare Colonialism ..................................................................................................... 40 Australian Multiculturalism .......................................................................................... 42 Deaths in Custody ......................................................................................................... 44 The Establishment of ATSIC ........................................................................................... 46 ATSIC ............................................................................................................................ 47 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 49 3. Recent Indigenous Affairs Policy ..................................................................................... 51 Removal of Self-Determination from the Policy Agenda ................................................ 53 The Howard Government’s Approach to Aboriginal Affairs........................................ 54 The End of ATSIC ........................................................................................................... 57 Shared Responsibility Agreements................................................................................ 60 The Intervention: the Northern Territory Emergency Response ...................................... 64 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................ 70 v 4. The Face of Mt Druitt ....................................................................................................... 73 Welcome to Mt Druitt .......................................................................................................74 Settlement ..........................................................................................................................79 Income and Welfare Reliance ...........................................................................................85 Aboriginal Population .......................................................................................................87 Infrastructure

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