Americans' Views of Misinformation in the News
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THE EFFECTS of FACT-CHECKING THREAT Results from a Field Experiment in the States
NEW AMERICA FOUNDATION Research Paper THE EFFECTS OF FACT-CHECKING THREAT Results from a field experiment in the states Brendan Nyhan and Jason Reifler* October 2013 Executive summary Politicians in the United States are coming under increasing scrutiny from fact-checkers like PolitiFact, Factcheck.org, and the Washington Post Fact Checker, who examine the accuracy of public statements that are often reported without challenge by traditional news organizations. However, we know little about the effects of this practice, especially on public officials. One possibility is that fact-checking might help to deter the dissemination of misinformation, especially for candidates and legislators at lower levels of government who receive relatively little scrutiny and are sensitive to potential threats to re-election. To test this hypothesis, we conducted a field experiment during the 2012 campaign evaluating the effects of reminding state legislators about the electoral and reputational threat posed by fact-checking. Our experimental sample consisted of nearly 1200 legislators in nine states with state PolitiFact affiliates. We found that legislators who were sent reminders that they are vulnerable to fact-checking were less likely to receive a negative PolitiFact rating or have the accuracy of their statements questioned publicly than legislators who were not sent reminders. These results suggest that the electoral and reputational threat posed by fact-checking can affect the behavior of elected officials. In this way, fact-checking could play an important role in improving political discourse and strengthening democratic accountability. * Brendan Nyhan ([email protected]) is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Government at Dartmouth College. -
In Re Motion of Propublica, Inc. for the Release of Court Records [FISC
IN RE OPINIONS & ORDERS OF THIS COURT ADDRESSING BULK COLLECTION OF DATA Docket No. Misc. 13-02 UNDER THE FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE SURVEILLANCE ACT IN RE MOTION FOR THE RELEASE OF Docket No. Misc. 13-08 COURT RECORDS IN RE MOTION OF PROPUBLICA, INC. FOR Docket No. Misc. 13-09 THE RELEASE OF COURT RECORDS BRIEF OF AMICI CURIAE THE REPORTERS COMMITTEE FOR FREEDOM OF THE PRESS AND 25 MEDIA ORGANIZATIONS, IN SUPPORT OF THE NOVEMBER 6,2013 MOTION BY THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, ET AL, FOR THE RELEASE OF COURT RECORDS; THE OCTOBER 11, 2013 MOTION BY THE MEDIA FREEDOM AND INFORMATION ACCESS CLINIC FOR RECONSIDERATION OF THIS COURT'S SEPTEMBER 13, 2013 OPINION ON THE ISSUE OF ARTICLE III STANDING; AND THE NOVEMBER 12,2013 MOTION OF PRO PUBLICA, INC. FOR RELEASE OF COURT RECORDS Bruce D. Brown The Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press 1101 Wilson Blvd., Suite 1100 Arlington, VA 22209 Counsel for Amici Curiae November 26. 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................................................ ii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ......................................................................................................... iii IDENTITY OF AMICI CURIAE .................................................................................................... 1 SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ............................................................................................. 2 ARGUMENT ................................................................................................................................. -
How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics
GETTY CORUM IMAGES/SAMUEL How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG How White Supremacy Returned to Mainstream Politics By Simon Clark July 2020 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 4 Tracing the origins of white supremacist ideas 13 How did this start, and how can it end? 16 Conclusion 17 About the author and acknowledgments 18 Endnotes Introduction and summary The United States is living through a moment of profound and positive change in attitudes toward race, with a large majority of citizens1 coming to grips with the deeply embedded historical legacy of racist structures and ideas. The recent protests and public reaction to George Floyd’s murder are a testament to many individu- als’ deep commitment to renewing the founding ideals of the republic. But there is another, more dangerous, side to this debate—one that seeks to rehabilitate toxic political notions of racial superiority, stokes fear of immigrants and minorities to inflame grievances for political ends, and attempts to build a notion of an embat- tled white majority which has to defend its power by any means necessary. These notions, once the preserve of fringe white nationalist groups, have increasingly infiltrated the mainstream of American political and cultural discussion, with poi- sonous results. For a starting point, one must look no further than President Donald Trump’s senior adviser for policy and chief speechwriter, Stephen Miller. In December 2019, the Southern Poverty Law Center’s Hatewatch published a cache of more than 900 emails2 Miller wrote to his contacts at Breitbart News before the 2016 presidential election. -
Climate Change in the Era of Post-Truth
09_ARBOLEDA_EDITEDPROOF_KS (DO NOT DELETE) 11/8/2018 2:50 PM Climate Change in the Era of Post- Truth INTRODUCTION In The Madhouse Effect: How Climate Change Denial is Threatening our Planet, Destroying our Politics, and Driving us Crazy,1 climate scientist Michael Mann joins with Pulitzer Prize-winning cartoonist Tom Toles to take on climate change denialism. Mann, the Director of the Earth System Science Center at The Pennsylvania State University, augments his prose with cartoons from Toles, who normally draws for the editorial section of the Washington Post.2 Together, Mann and Toles set out to debunk the main arguments that special interest groups use to undermine climate change policy. The book begins with an introduction to the scientific method and its application to climate change science.3 It then describes the current and potential effects of climate change on everyday life.4 In its second half, the book transitions to the politics surrounding climate change in the United States.5 A major focus of the book is the “war on climate science,” the phrase Mann and Toles use to describe how the fossil fuel industry has created misinformation to discourage action on climate change.6 The Madhouse Effect was published in 2016, at a moment when the United States was choosing between Democratic and Republican presidential candidates whose climate change agendas differed wildly. The book’s publication failed to avert the election of President Donald Trump, a climate change denier who has referred to the phenomenon as a “hoax” created by China.7 Still, The Madhouse Effect presents a valuable depiction of the underground currents that influence DOI: https://doi.org/10.15779/Z38W669857 Copyright © 2018 Regents of the University of California 1. -
Wanting, Not Waiting
WINNERSdateline OF THE OVERSEAS PRESS CLUB AWARDS 2011 Wanting, Not Waiting 2012 Another Year of Uprisings SPECIAL EDITION dateline 2012 1 letter from the president ne year ago, at our last OPC Awards gala, paying tribute to two of our most courageous fallen heroes, I hardly imagined that I would be standing in the same position again with the identical burden. While last year, we faced the sad task of recognizing the lives and careers of two Oincomparable photographers, Tim Hetherington and Chris Hondros, this year our attention turns to two writers — The New York Times’ Anthony Shadid and Marie Colvin of The Sunday Times of London. While our focus then was on the horrors of Gadhafi’s Libya, it is now the Syria of Bashar al- Assad. All four of these giants of our profession gave their lives in the service of an ideal and a mission that we consider so vital to our way of life — a full, complete and objective understanding of a world that is so all too often contemptuous or ignorant of these values. Theirs are the same talents and accomplishments to which we pay tribute in each of our awards tonight — and that the Overseas Press Club represents every day throughout the year. For our mission, like theirs, does not stop as we file from this room. The OPC has moved resolutely into the digital age but our winners and their skills remain grounded in the most fundamental tenets expressed through words and pictures — unwavering objectivity, unceasing curiosity, vivid story- telling, thought-provoking commentary. -
IN AMERICAN POLITICS TODAY, EVEN FACT-CHECKERS ARE VIEWED THROUGH PARTISAN LENSES by David C
IN AMERICAN POLITICS TODAY, EVEN FACT-CHECKERS ARE VIEWED THROUGH PARTISAN LENSES by David C. Barker, American University What can be done about the “post-truth” era in American politics? Many hope that beefed-up fact-checking by reputable nonpartisan organizations like Fact Checker, PolitiFact, FactCheck.org, and Snopes can equip citizens with the tools needed to identify lies, thus reducing the incentive politicians have to propagate untruths. Unfortunately, as revealed by research I have done with colleagues, fact-checking organizations have not provided a cure-all to misinformation. Fact-checkers cannot prevent the politicization of facts, because they themselves are evaluated through a partisan lens. Partisan Biases and Trust of Fact Checkers in the 2016 Election In May of 2016, just a couple of weeks before the California Democratic primary, my colleagues and I conducted an experiment that exposed a representative sample of Californians to the statement: “Nonpartisan fact-checking organizations like PolitiFact rate controversial candidate statements for truthfulness.” We also exposed one randomized half of the sample to the following statement and image: “Each presidential candidate's current PolitiFact average truthfulness score is placed on the scale below.” The Politifact image validated the mainstream narrative about Donald Trump’s disdain for facts, and also reinforced Bernie Sanders’s tell-it-like-it-is reputation. But it contradicted conventional wisdom by revealing that Clinton had been the most accurate candidate overall (though the difference between the Clinton and Sanders ratings was not statistically significant). What did we expect to find? Some observers presume that Republicans are the most impervious to professional fact-checking. -
The Pentagon Papers Case and the Wikileaks Controversy: National Security and the First Amendment
GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works Faculty Scholarship 2011 The Pentagon Papers Case and the Wikileaks Controversy: National Security and the First Amendment Jerome A. Barron George Washington University Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.gwu.edu/faculty_publications Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation 1 Wake Forest J. L. & Pol'y 49 (2011) This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in GW Law Faculty Publications & Other Works by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. V._JB_FINAL READ_NT'L SEC. & FA (DO NOT DELETE) 4/18/2011 11:10 AM THE PENTAGON PAPERS CASE AND THE WIKILEAKS CONTROVERSY: NATIONAL SECURITY AND THE FIRST AMENDMENT JEROME A. BARRON † INTRODUCTION n this Essay, I will focus on two clashes between national security I and the First Amendment—the first is the Pentagon Papers case, the second is the WikiLeaks controversy.1 I shall first discuss the Pentagon Papers case. The Pentagon Papers case began with Daniel Ellsberg,2 a former Vietnam War supporter who became disillusioned with the war. Ellsberg first worked for the Rand Corporation, which has strong associations with the Defense Department, and in 1964, he worked in the Pentagon under then-Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara.3 He then served as a civilian government employee for the U.S. State Department in Vietnam4 before returning to the United † Harold H. Greene Professor of Law, The George Washington University Law School (1998–present); Dean, The George Washington University Law School (1979– 1988); B.A., Tufts University; J.D., Yale Law School; LL.M., The George Washington University. -
Analyzing Language in Fake News and Political Fact-Checking
Truth of Varying Shades: Analyzing Language in Fake News and Political Fact-Checking Hannah Rashkin† Eunsol Choi† Jin Yea Jang‡ Svitlana Volkova‡ Yejin Choi† †Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science & Engineering, University of Washington {hrashkin,eunsol,yejin}@cs.washington.edu ‡Data Sciences and Analytics, Pacific Northwest National Laboratory {jinyea.jang,svitlana.volkova}@pnnl.gov Abstract “You cannot get ebola from just riding on a plane or a bus.” We present an analytic study on the lan- guage of news media in the context of po- True Mostly True False litical fact-checking and fake news detec- -Rated Mostly True by PolitiFact, (Oct. 2014) tion. We compare the language of real news with that of satire, hoaxes, and pro- paganda to find linguistic characteristics “Google search spike suggests many people of untrustworthy text. To probe the feasi- don’t know why they voted for Brexit.” bility of automatic political fact-checking, we also present a case study based on True Mostly False False PolitiFact.com using their factuality judg- ments on a 6-point scale. Experiments -Rated Mostly False by PolitiFact, (June 2016) show that while media fact-checking re- Figure 1: Example statements rated by PolitiFact mains to be an open research question, as mostly true and mostly false. Misleading phras- stylistic cues can help determine the truth- ing - bolded in green - was one reason for the in- fulness of text. between ratings. 1 Introduction Words in news media and political discourse have and Google search trends – are presented ambigu- a considerable power in shaping people’s beliefs ously as if they were directly linked. -
Analyzing Language in Fake News and Political Fact-Checking
Truth of Varying Shades: Analyzing Language in Fake News and Political Fact-Checking Hannah Rashkin† Eunsol Choi† Jin Yea Jang‡ Svitlana Volkova‡ Yejin Choi† †Paul G. Allen School of Computer Science &“There Engineering, are already more University American jobs of in Washington the solar industry hrashkin,eunsol,[email protected] in coal mining.” { } ‡Data Sciences and Analytics, Pacific Northwest National Laboratory True False jinyea.jang,svitlana.volkova @pnnl.gov { } -Rated True by PolitiFact, (May 2014) Abstract “You cannot get ebola from just riding on a plane or a bus.” We present an analytic study on the lan- guage of news media in the context of po- True Mostly True False litical fact-checking and fake news detec- -Rated Mostly True by PolitiFact, (Oct. 2014) tion. We compare the language of real news with that of satire, hoaxes, and pro- paganda to find linguistic characteristics “Google search spike suggests many people of untrustworthy text. To probe the feasi- don’t know why they voted for Brexit.” bility of automatic political fact-checking, we also present a case study based on True Mostly False False PolitiFact.com using their factuality judg- ments on a 6-point scale. Experiments -Rated Mostly False by PolitiFact, (June 2016) show that while media fact-checking re- Figure 1: Example statements rated by PolitiFact mains to be an open research question, as“Bymostly declaring true thatand Plutomostly was no longer false. a Misleading planet, the phras- stylistic cues can help determine the truth- (International Astronomical Union) put into place a planetary ingdefinition - bolded that would in green have even - was declassified one reason Earth for as a the in- fulness of text. -
Understanding and Undermining Fake News from the Classroom Adam Rosenzweig1 Beyond 12
Available online at http://escholarship.org/uc/ucbgse_bre Understanding and Undermining Fake News From the Classroom Adam Rosenzweig1 Beyond 12 Fake News and the Post-Truth Era It’s too soon to know what will define Donald Trump’s presidency, but one of the defining characteristics of his campaign was a near-total disregard for facts. According to PolitiFact (“Donald Trump’s file,” n.d.), about 70% of Trump’s statements have been either mostly false, completely false, or outright lies. Candidate Trump wasn’t the only one dealing in dishonesty, but the ubiquity of falsehood surrounding his election contributed to the Oxford Dictionaries naming post-truth its 2016 Word of the Year. Fake news (Drobnic Holan, 2016) might be the most pernicious form of post-truth. PolitiFact called fake news its Lie of the Year, pointing out that fake news is “the boldest sign of a post-truth society” (para. 12) and that it “found a willing enabler in Trump” (para. 8). Americans should perceive this phenomenon as an existential threat to democracy. What truths remain self-evident if truth itself becomes counterfeit? A post- truth society has no moral center, no basis for conversation, no shared future. If the Trump era is to be the era of post-truth, then schools will have a particularly critical role to play in teaching students to favor reason and evidence over sentiment and preconception. More simply, we need to get better at teaching what Carl Sagan (1995) called “the fine art of baloney detection” (p. 201). Educators must also help students explore and deliberate on political issues. -
The Politicization and Polarization of Climate Change
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2021 The Politicization and Polarization of Climate Change Williamson Grassle Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses Part of the American Politics Commons, Environmental Law Commons, Environmental Studies Commons, and the Legislation Commons Recommended Citation Grassle, Williamson, "The Politicization and Polarization of Climate Change" (2021). CMC Senior Theses. 2663. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2663 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College The Politicization and Polarization of Climate Change Submitted to Professor John J. Pitney, Jr. By Williamson Grassle For Senior Thesis Spring 2021 May 3rd 1 Table of Contents TITLE……………………………………………………………………………………..1 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………………………….3 ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………………4 INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………...5 CHAPTER 1 – LATE 20TH, EARLY 21ST CENTURY………………………………....12 CHAPTER 2 – RECENT………………………………………………………………...24 CHAPTER 3 – FUTURE………………………………………………………………...39 WORK CITED…………………………………………………………………………...52 2 Acknowledgements I would like to thank Professor John J. Pitney for his guidance and support on this thesis. Throughout my time at Claremont McKenna, you have helped foster my passion for politics and define my interest in environmental policy. Without your guidance and expertise, I would not have been able to complete this project. 3 Abstract In the mid to late 20th-century, climate change and other environmental issues were addressed on a bipartisan basis, with Republican politicians like President Richard Nixon and George H.W. Bush supporting and advancing measures to combat climate change. However, since the 1990s, climate change has become increasingly polarized, with significant polarization in the last decade. -
Restoring Housing Security and Stability In
Restoring Housing Security and Stability in New York City Neighborhoods: Recommendations to Stop the Displacement of Dominicans and Other Working-Class Groups in Washington Heights and Inwood Ramona Hernández Yana Kucheva Sarah Marrara Utku Sezgin INTRODUCTION By many objective measures, over the last three decades, New York City has experienced a dramatic reversal of demographic trends. The City regained the population that it lost in the 1970s and became a magnet for college graduates, young adults, and childless families.1 While these demographic trends have undoubtedly added to the vibrancy of the City, the dark underbelly of this type of population change lies in increasing economic inequality and upward pressures on housing prices. These demographic changes and their implications for the housing market have also not been distributed equally across neighborhoods. In fact, neighborhoods that were low-income in 1990 and experienced rent growth above the median for the City, are precisely the ones that also experienced the fastest growth in the number of college graduates, the number of childless households, and the number of white residents.2 This process of gentrification of New York City’s low-income neighborhoods has sharply increased the rent burden for low and moderate income households. Moreover, while gentrifying neighborhoods have added housing units at a pace greater than non-gen- trifying neighborhoods, the share of newly available units affordable to low-income and working-class families has sharply decreased since 2000.3