Governing Boards: Raising Consciousness

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Governing Boards: Raising Consciousness Acad. Quest. (2007) 20:356–365 DOI 10.1007/s12129-007-9032-8 SYMPOSIUM SYMPOSIUM: Governing Boards: Raising Consciousness Editor’s Note: “What Works in Higher Education Reform: A Report from the Front,” the twelfth annual national conference of the National Association of Scholars, took place November 17–19, 2006, in Cambridge, Massachusetts. One panel, “Governing Boards: Raising Consciousness,” examined the role governing boards do and can play in raising awareness on campus and among the public of the critical issues facing the academy today. Panelist Thomas J. Lucero discusses the lessons he’s learned as a regent of the University of Colorado about his responsibility to ensure the quality and value of the education of students, forge relationships with faculty, and make informed, effective budgetary and curricular decisions. Candace de Russy, a trustee of the State University of New York, examines the options governing boards have in addressing the critical decay in academic standards and disintegration of institutional financial discipline. Castles Unguarded Candace de Russy My friends, as you here know well, our formerly lustrous ivory towers—which John Fund of the Wall Street Journal has dubbed “dark castles”—urgently need quality control and financial discipline. Yet for the most part the keepers of the towers cannot or will not take action. What passes for higher education governance remains, as former university president George Dennis O’Brien writes in All the Essential Half-Truths about Higher Education,an“amiable muddle…between [faculty] educational jurisdiction and [administrative] janitorial services.” Although there are a growing number of reform-minded trustees—thanks largely to the efforts of the American Council of Trustees and Alumni—most trustees continue to bow to the forces-that-be. The long list of reasons for their inaction include: ignorance of higher education and boards’ statutory duties; cowardice in the face of powerful administrators, faculty unions, governors, lawmakers, and others who often benefit from the status quo; a misguided sense of institutional loyalty leading to avoidance and denial of even well-deserved criticism of their campuses; an uncritical understanding of academic freedom used as an excuse for the wholesale transfer of major decision-making to campus factions; manipulation by campus apparatchiks who Candace de Russy has been a member of the board of trustees of the State University of New York since 1995. She serves on its Executive Committee, chairs its Academic Standards Committee, and is a member of its Ad Hoc Committee on Charter Schools. A former college professor, Dr. de Russy is a nationally recognized writer and lecturer on education and cultural issues; [email protected]. This address was originally presented on 17 November 2006 during the panel “Governing Boards: Raising Consciousness,” at “What Works in Higher Education Reform: A Report from the Front,” the twelfth annual national conference of the National Association of Scholars, held 17–19 November 2006 in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Acad. Quest. (2007) 20:356–365 357 control the information that is meter out to boards; and much overlooked out-and-out conflict of interest in an environment that is designed to coddle and flatter—as well as to honor and reward—pliant board members (that is, “team-players”). But the failure of many trustees to serve as responsible guardians (Plato’s word) for the commongoodshouldcomeasnosurprise.Afterall,trustee“culture” abides within the larger culture. In, or perhaps toward the end of, long periods of peace and plenty like the current one, trustees—like various other social groups—display what Gibbon called the “inexhaustible…desire of obtaining the advantages, and of escaping the burthens, of political society.” They also display what the contemporary philosopher John Haldane has described as a pervasive “insecurity,” which is a byproduct of the “seeping relativism” that has long filtered down from the towers and into the public mind. This insecurity consists in a loss of belief and confidence in “a common universal human nature by reference to which practices and policies may be judged good or bad.” Many board members today are so steeped in this general soup of relativism that they accept as par for the course the scandalous double-standards and injustices involving traditionalist students and faculty. Mindless even of self-preservation, many have joined those elites that dismiss their own culture as unexceptional. Many are confused or indifferent to the need for passing on to future generations the astounding American story. As an example, certain trustees recently dismissed one such excellent history endeavor as “a right-wing project.” For these reasons, one cannot say with confidence that a necessary critical mass of trustees still have the capacity to rise to the historic challenge of restoring the towers, despite the array of reformist policies and procedures at their disposal. Principal among these reforms are: & strategic planning based on institutional performance; & hiring and holding to account reform-minded campus CEOs; & eliminating inferior academic programs and redirecting the resources they waste into high quality education; & formally acknowledging, in the words of NAS president Stephen Balch, the importance of competing viewpoints “in adversarial fields” and increasing “the institutional sites in which [they] can flourish”; & assessing for “value-added” student learning; & adopting the statement by ACE and similar organizations on ensuring intellectual diversity and tolerance on campuses; & strengthening accountability in hiring and tenure procedures to ensure that quality of teaching and research, as opposed to political conformity and cronyism, is the standard for faculty employment; & lending their voices to the drive to end the present corrupt accreditation system; & stopping out-of-control grade inflation by banding together with other boards to require that college transcripts include a student’s grades along with the percentage of classmates awarded the same grade in a particular class. In face of boards’ dithering about instituting such reforms, some of us have come to believe that trustees should face consequences when they fail to act in the common good. No less a figure than federal judge José Cabranes, for instance, has suggested that “potential board member liability [that is, possible “legal actions 358 Acad. Quest. (2007) 20:356–365 enforcing the duties of university fiduciaries”] will help ensure board members’ diligent performance of their duties.” In addition, it would help if reformist trustees more forcefully challenge their complacent peers. To gain a hearing, reformers will often need to have recourse to the media, however reluctantly. I have repeatedly felt bound to do so, as have the three Dartmouth trustees who recently waged a successful campaign to defend certain democratic procedures by which petition candidates can stand for board vacancies. Moreover, we should ask why boards should be immune from expert and external performance evaluation. They lavishly dispense the public’s hard-earned money, and the public deserves to be apprised of their achievements and failures. So why not rate boards on such criteria as “success in instituting strong core curriculum requirements” and “success in measuring and rewarding quality of undergraduate teaching”? Why not issue regular “consumer-friendly” reports (Brooklyn College professor Mitchell Langbert’s phrase) on trustees’ performance—reports modeled, for example, on those of politicians’ performance provided by the American Conservative Union and Americans for Democratic Action? Yet even if means were found to better hold trustees to account, it is possible that the moment for extensive internally-generated, so to speak “conventional,” reforms may have come and gone. As a trustee of another major public system recently remarked to me, much of the present higher education structures may “fall of their own weight,” due mainly to unsustainable financial trends. Other, more radical approaches to higher education may be in the offing. I refer to free-market and other structural reforms that would bypass the encrusted educational bureaucracies and transform our colleges and universities (for instance, diminish their individual size) but likely better serve the nation as a whole. These solutions, which are problematic in varying ways, include the public provision of higher education vouchers and more scholarships and tax-credits—assuming that greater student choice would facilitate the demand for better education and that competition will lower costs. Another possibility is the creation of for-profit institutions dedicated to offering high-quality, student-focused, outcomes-oriented liberal arts education, like Founder’s College. (In this category, “Axis,” the University of Phoenix’s announced online program in the liberal arts, bears monitoring.) There is also the “EMO,” or Education Maintenance Organization, created in the image of the HMO because of “rage over the failure [of higher education] to cut costs.” (Here, I cite Charles Miller, chairman of the Department of Education’s recently established Commission on the Future of Higher Education.) Another solution, proposed recently by the Center for College Affordability and Productivity, is to establish a powerful tax-deduction policy for private university contributions to ensure that 90 percent of U.S. residents, by the time they are twenty
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