“A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men” Michael J. K. Walsh Multiculturalism in Medieval Famagusta, Cyprus, as seen through The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste Mural in the Church of Saints Peter and Paul

St. Basil the Great, whose homily to “The Forty” is central abstract to our memory of them, spoke uncompromisingly about the power of art and proclaimed that “what the orator’s In 2012 the fifteenth-century mural of The Forty Martyrs narration presenteth to the ear, the silent eloquence of Sebaste in the Church of Saints Peter and Paul in Fama- of painting proclaimeth to the eye” (1979: 7). Likewise gusta, Cyprus, underwent a major restoration funded Gregory of Nyssa’s “Homily on Theodore” contains the by Nanyang Technological University (Singapore) and passage “For painting, even if silent, is capable of speaking the World Monuments Fund. It had been singled out from the wall and being of the greatest benefit” (Leemans for priority treatment not only because of its advanced 2000: 124). This article, while being mindful of Burgin’s state of decay, but because of the wealth of information stark warning cited in my epigraph, and both Saints Basil’s it could offer historians working on the cultural histo- and Gregory’s belief in the value of art, interrogates that ries of medieval Cyprus. This article looks at some of “silent eloquence” to see what can be learned from the the questions raised about multiculturalism in medieval image of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in relation to multicul- Famagusta and offers some tentative suggestions for a turalism in Famagusta. Can The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in “reading” of the mural. the Church of Saints Peter and Paul provide a lens through which we observe a microcosm of societal blending, or indeed (as some have argued), a “Cypriot Renaissance” When I say that the work of art aims at the context of (Eliades 2006: 18)? Was the mural, and others like it, a social phenomena, that does not mean that it necessarily sophisticated response to or expression of a “multicultural coincides with this context in such a manner that without and multi-confessional society” (Bacci 2006: 209) and did further ado it can be understood as immediate testimony it encapsulate overlapping cultural spheres of contact and for it, or a passive reflection of it . . . the work of art can patterns of assimilation, confrontation, and segregation never be exploited as a historical or sociological document in Famagusta (Schryver 2005: 178–79)? Conversely, can unless its documentary value, i.e. the quality of its rela- we see in the composition a hermetically sealed “style,” tion to the given context of social phenomena, has first resistant to outside influences, imported, and acting stub- been interpreted. (B­ urgin 2011: 154) bornly as a bastion of cultural homogeneity? I propose that, through the lens of art, evidence of both harmony and dissonance can be observed, and a historical context journal of eastern mediterranean archaeology developed that will allow for a more sophisticated reading and heritage studies, vol. 1, no. 3, 2013 Copyright © 2013 The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste itself. 194 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

A Word about Multiculturalism for its cosmopolitan and multilingual ­population. Economically it benefitted from a negotiated balance of From the outset, it must be acknowledged that multi- trade between east and west to become unimaginably culturalism is more than simply religion. It encompasses wealthy. But it was infamous too for corruption, politi- the wider qualities of culture including art, linguistics, cal intrigue, and treachery. During the century-long customs, politics, social institutions, economic and power government of the Genoese (1373–1464 CE), a decline relations, etc., eventually becoming a study of “…a complex began which not even the maritime and enterprising system of visible and invisible bonds” (Arbel 1996: ii). might of the Venetians could arrest when they took over the island (1489–1571 CE). Yet they invested heavily in Famagusta, with all the artistry and engineering of the Famagusta—Cultural Crossroads Renaissance, blending what M­ arie-Luise von Wartburg described as “monumental elegance with the expres- Famagusta, located on the eastern coast of Cyprus, rose sions of power and defiance” (von Wartburg 2003: 67). to prominence after the fall of Acre in 1291 CE (Fig. 1). The mortal blow for Famagusta came later in the same As a major port city with a natural harbor, it was famous century with the arrival of the Ottoman war machine

FI G. 1 A drawing showing Famagusta circa 1486 CE. (From Grünenberg 1490: Ms. chart A541, ff. 41v–42r.) Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 195 and one of the most infamous sieges in the history expertise and funding that a city of this importance of warfare (1570–1571 CE). In the years that followed and beauty would normally warrant. the city was cleared of Christians and a­bandoned by merchants and seamen, though it continued to capture the imaginations of Renaissance writers far The Church of Saints Peter and Paul from Cyprus. To them Famagusta was the stage-set on which other great dramas could be played out, the most The east–west-oriented church was built between ­celebrated of which was William Shakespeare’s Othello ­1351–1369 CE (Figs. 2–3). Although there is some (1603 CE). But in Famagusta itself, centuries of neglect debate as to whether it was founded for the Latin rite began which, combined with exposure to the elements, (hence, the name) or for the Nestorians (see Mogabgab earthquakes, plague and flooding, left the city almost 1951: 188 for a discussion of Syriac inscriptions found completely ruined at the time of the British arrival inside; see also Edbury 1999), it appears that the in 1878. As Famagusta lies within the ­boundaries of former was its purpose. It remained in use as a church an unrecognized “state” today, it does not receive the until 1499 CE when the Venetians reportedly closed it

FI G. 2 A map of Famagusta, showing the location of the churches and principal monuments of the city. (From Baedeker 1914: Frontispiece.) 196 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FI G. 3 T he Church of Saints Peter and Paul, Famagusta in 2013, view from the southeast. (Photo by M. J. K. Walsh.)

(for an account of its use as a grain store imm­ ediately the in­ terior vaulting, but only on the upper level. following its closure, see Hill 1948: 369 n. 3). Father The later substantial buttressing added on the south Stephen Lusignan, writing toward the end of the side ­probably dates to after two sixteenth-century sixteenth century, shortly before the Ottoman inva- ­earthquakes (Fig. 5). Due to significant demolition sion, commented that even in its re-used state it was work in the mi­ d-twentieth century, the west façade has “most beautiful and seemly in its size and very stately now been cleared. in construction” (Enlart 1987: 133). After coming under The interior of the Church of Saints Peter and Paul Ottoman control, it was converted into a mosque and has a symmetrical plan, measuring approximately all images and Christian decorations were removed (see 24 x 17 x 20 m with two apsidal chapels, all of which the account of French pilgrim Jean Palerne in Enlart are ­semi-domed (Fig. 6). Undecorated molded Gothic 1987: 134). arches rise above the succession of bays from plain Its Gothic exterior has two entrances, though ­circular piers with undecorated capitals. The columns ­originally there would have been three. The west of the upper bay level are not heavy like on the lower façade is pierced with three portals (Fig. 4). These sup- bay level due to being broken down visually into smaller port remarkably plain tympana with sharply pointed subcomponents, which create the illusion that very arches. ­Originally, a wooden narthex would have ­little weight is being borne (Fig. 7). The stained glass is leaned against the west façade. The north portal is the long since gone and no record exists of its appearance most ornate, housing marble columns capped with before the Ottoman invasion of 1571 CE. All remaining ­elaborately carved motifs and some of the very few interior decoration is fragile, including a ship graffito sculpted ­figures to ­survive anywhere in ­Famagusta on the interior of the west wall at gallery level and the (for a detailed d­escription, see Walsh 2004: 4–5). mural of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in the third bay of Heavy ­flying ­buttresses drain the pressure away from the south wall (Figs. 8–10). Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 197

FI G. 4 View of the west façade of the Church of Saints Peter and Paul from 1938. (Photo by T. Mogabgab.)

FI G. 5 View of the south façade of the Church of Saints Peter and Paul. Note the heavy buttressing added after the sixteenth-century. (Photo by M. J. K. Walsh.) 198 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FI G. 6 Plan of the Church of Saints Peter and Paul created from three-dimensional laser scan data. (Courtesy of Solvo-tek Engineering, Istanbul.)

FI G. 7 An interior view ortho image of the west façade created from three-dimensional laser scan data. (Courtesy of Solvo-tek Engineering, Istanbul.) Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 199

FI G. 8 Above the blocked up door and beneath the window in the third bay from the right is the plaster fragment on which the remains of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste can be found. (Courtesy of Solvo-tek Engineering, Istanbul.)

FI G. 9 An ortho image of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste created from three-dimensional laser scan data. (Courtesy of Solvo-tek Engineering, Istanbul.) 200 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FI G. 10 The plaster fragment of the mural The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste on the south wall in the third bay above a blocked door. (Photo by M. J. K. Walsh.)

The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste Mural and aesthetic presentation (Figs. 13–15) (see Schmid 2012 for a detailed description of the restoration). What remains today is only a fragment of the great work above a walled-up door (182 x 91 cm, 325 cm above floor Who Painted It and When? level), which had been hidden by the minbar (pulpit) and thus survived the centuries (Figs. 11–12). It is a masterly It is not known whether the figures contained portraits of preparatory drawing, probably executed on fresh plas- patrons, donors, or bishops, nor can we develop any sense ter though some patches of light blue, green, and yellow of hierarchy or narrative “procession.” In ­addition, noth- appear to be residues of a final paint layer. While the prepa- ing is known of those who commissioned, executed, and ratory drawing was executed on wet plaster (a fresco), the consumed the work. As it is unlikely that anyone would actual painting was done on dry plaster (a secco) by using decorate a grain store so elaborately (see above), it is an organic binding medium. The use of this much more assumed that 1499 CE is the terminus post quem for this perishable technique could explain the almost complete mural. Bearing in mind that the city was in the hands of the loss of the final paint layer. At the outset of the project Genoese from 1372–1489 CE, it strongly suggests, but does about 20–25 percent of the surface demonstrated a lack not prove, that the painting was completed within this of adhesion between the two plaster layers or between period (Lopez 1938: 425). It also suggests a Quattrocento both plasters and the stone masonry. In some places the painter, perhaps from one of the Italian ports with which plasters were lifted up and completely separated from Famagusta traded, although one should be careful not to the substrate forming large voids. Some of these severely jump to such conclusions. Michel Balard’s research demon- detached portions were located along the edge of the frag- strates that even before the Genoese took over Famagusta ment, where the slightest mechanical impact could cause in 1372 CE, there were many groups of Western Europeans their collapse. The intervention then began with careful (Anconitans, Catalans, Pisans, Provençals, Venetians, etc.) dusting, re-adhesion with hydraulic grout, strengthening in residence there (1984: 37). Indeed, his study of Genoese through injection of acrylic micro-emulsion, mechanical ­documents gives a clear ­indication of people coming from removal of cement, nails, bird droppings, etc., filling of the Po Valley (Montferrat and Piedmont) and Liguria fragmented borders with lime based mortar, final cleaning, (Balard 1984). Others are known to have come from Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 201 . Schmid.) . 12 G hoto by W P FI The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste after conservation Martyrs 2012. in July Forty The ( . Schmid.) . 11 G hoto by W P FI before conservation of Sebaste before 2012. Martyrs in June Forty The ( 202 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FIG. 13 Werner Schmid at work on The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste during the 2012 conservation effort. (Photo by M. J. K. Walsh.)

FIG. 14 Werner Schmid’s analysis of problematic areas of plaster of the fresco. (From Schmid 2012: Table 1.) Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 203

FIG. 15 Werner Schmid’s analysis of problematic surface areas of the fresco. (From Schmid 2012: Table 3.)

Syracuse, Sicily, Taranto, Naples, Andria, Salonica, Jubail, governor, Agricola, but their actual martyrdom was carried Caffa, Portogallo, and Candia (Balard 1984). The connec- out by the legate, Attilius.2 One of the forty, Quintilius, tion with Italy and these great cultural centers is certainly succumbed to the pain and accepted the offer to warm tempting. Laboratory tests conducted on small samples of himself in a nearby bath house. Old Pescinninus tried to pigment from The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste show that even discourage the apostate and encouraged him to instead if the artist came from outside of Cyprus, his materials remain on the ice, saying that Christ had suffered for us almost certainly did not. The intense blue so dominant in and that the cold was not as bad as the eternal flames of the mural is hydrated copper sulphate, a naturally avail- damnation. He reminded Quintilius that Christ had said able mineral found in Cyprus and still known in Italian as “Be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of Vetriolo di Cipro (Studio C. Meucci 2012).1 life” (Rev. 2:10). But Pescinninus died before him, where- upon Quintilius went to the bath house and there died. What Was Painted? A guard, named Sempronius, dreamt that only thirty- The subject of the mural is forty Roman soldiers who nine crowns were placed on the dead by angels. When he met their deaths in 320 CE, naked and exposed on the discovered that Quintilius had gone to the bath house, frozen Lake of Mars in Lesser Armenia (modern Sivas), Sempronius stripped, took his place on the lake, and so rather than renounce their Christian faith (Figs. 16–17) completed the forty once more. In a final twist, the discov- (Immerzeel, Innemée, and Mommers 1998). The edict ery of the living Melito led only to his mother’s insistence came from the eastern emperor, Licinius (brother-in-law that he be cremated with the other thirty-nine comrades of the western emperor, Constantine), to the regional with the farewell “Run to your Father.” 204 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FIG. 16 Detail of the protagonists before conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.)

FIG. 17 Detail of the protagonists after conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.) Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 205

Analysis

The martyrs standing on the frozen lake is an image that gives the scene its distinctive appearance and symbolic significance: as Christ was stripped for his martyrdom, so were they. With their nakedness came innocence, purity, and the sense of the completed life cycle: “Naked I came from my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return” (Job 1:21). St. Basil’s homily and three further discourses by St. Gregory of Nyssa, St. Ephraim, and St. Gaudentius emphasize the “happy journey” to attain the crown of bliss and the power of conversion in seeing the Lord’s work done. There could be no doubting the reward of heaven for those who stood united, firm in convic- tion, who suffered pain together, and who steadfastly refused compromise or surrender. There was pain, but there was also comfort through communal resistance, sacrifice, resilience, devotion, loyalty, and salvation. In St. Basil’s words, “surely then, though shouldst account as blessed, him who hath nobly acted the martyr’s part; that so in thine heart, thou mayst become a martyr; without persecution, without the scourge, without the fire; and mayst be crowned with similar rewards” (1979: 5). For those who broke rank, there could be no reward. Redemption through fire and water was their dies nata- lis in what is widely understood as a story of baptism, resurrection, and salvation: “we went through fire and FIG. 18 through water; yet thou hast brought us forth to a spa- A mural of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in Asinou at Panaghia Phorbiotissa. (Photo by G. L. Carr.) cious place” (Ps. 66:12). Johan Leemans suggests that the “cult” of these mar- tyrs was one of the most successful in late antiquity other depictions of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste found and can be traced from fourth-century CE Caesarea in elsewhere in Cyprus, with inherent traces of “humanism” Cappadocia (2000).3 Certainly its survival can be traced well developed in the composition (see Figs. 16–17) (for a through art and the written word, most usually in the discussion of the stylistic difference, see Osborne, Brandt, form of passions, homilies, and poems in Latin, Greek, and Morganti 2004: 187–97). Compositional differences Syriac, and Armenian (Allen et al. 2003: 91–110). The can be noted as well; the principal character falls forward story was a commonly used theme in the Orthodox rite, as seen in the Berlin-Dahlem Ivory of the same subject, especially in Cyprus where magnificent painted examples whereas elsewhere in Cyprus the principal character falls survive in the Troodos Mountains at Asinou (Panaghia backward (Figs. 20–22) (Rice 1962). Other interpretations Phorbiotissa) (Figs. 18–19), Kakopetria (St. Nicholas of of the legend show the martyrs standing in the water, not the Roof), and Kaliana (St. Joachim and Anna) (see Peers on the ice (Osborne, Brandt, and Morganti 2004: 187) and 2010 and Walsh 2007 for a discussion). depict them as demonstrably younger (athletes) than in What is known is that Famagusta’s image is ­stylistically the Famagusta fragment (Figs. 23–24) (see Gavrilović 1982). different (e.g., missing crowns of martyrdom) from the Annmarie Weyl Carr, introducing the problem of a study 206 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FIG. 19 Close-up of the mural of The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste in Asinou at Panaghia Phorbiotissa. (Photo by G. L. Carr.) such as this, says, “The mobility of people and things surely It is interesting here to observe the retrospective stimulated new artistic production, but has complicated (and therefore unintentional) relationship between the the efforts of art historians to understand the movement ­subject and Famagusta itself. As mentioned above, the of styles and techniques, and the messages of identity they walled city was defended by a small Venetian g­ arrison might have borne” (2009: 129). She suggests a correlation against a much larger Ottoman army between 1570 between these stylistic differences and the geographical and 1571 CE. Ultimately their dogged determination realities of the island saying that “The cities were polyglot, was to no avail and they were defeated, leading to the heavily populated by mainland immigrants, and coastal. martyrdom of the Venetian commander, Marcantonio The Greek population was rural, and dominant above all ­Bragadino, who was tied naked to a column and flayed in the mountains, where the immigrant groups, whether alive in Famagusta’s main square. The fate of the Forty Frankish or east Christian, left few traces of their pres- Martyrs and that of the Venetian garrison in its final ence” (2009: 136). As Famagusta was a city with an active days then, has uncanny significance as the “vision harbor in the fifteenth century, it should be no surprise to of combined lamps” (Ezekiel 1:13) created not only learn that ideologies, aesthetics, and pigments were just as moral victory but also spiritual ­salvation and redemp- mobile as the people who travelled there. tion. The significance would not have been missed by Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 207

FIG. 20 T he Berlin-Dahlem Ivory depicts the principal character falling forward. (Photo by A. Praefeke/WikiMedia Commons.) 208 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

FIG. 21 Detail of a falling figure before conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.)

FIG. 22 Detail of a falling figure after conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.) FIG. 23 T he protagonists standing on ice (or in the water?) before conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.)

FI G. 24 T he protagonists standing on ice (or in the water?) after conservation. (Photo by W. Schmid.) 210 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

St. Basil, who wrote for “Here are forty, who having, In a second-half-of-the-fifteenth-century handwritten as it were, one soul p­ residing in many bodies, united version of Sir Jean de Mandeville’s unsubstantiated jour- and symphonious in faith, ­displayed one ­fortitude in neys, he discusses cities “And one is called Famagusta, braving ills and one determination in religion’s cause” which is on the sea and one of the principal havens in the (1979: 6). A description of the declining physical con- world for all sorts of goods and here come also heathens dition of the martyrs could even be used to describe and Christians and foreign merchants from all countries” Bragadino’s own agonizing doom: “For the strength of (Cod. Pal. germ. 138: 17r; translated by M. J. K. Walsh).6 their bodies was dissolved little by little, weakened and A Latin version dating to 1485 corroborates that “This exhausted by frost, whereas the fortitude of their spirit Famagusta is one of the main harbors of the world. In became only bigger” (Allen et al. 2003: 105). A ­dignified which there are traders of almost all nations, as much death, lofty patience, and succumbing only after stub- Christians as Muslims and many pagans” (de ­Mandeville born resistance characterized both sets of m­ artyrs. It 1485; translated by M. J. K. Walsh).7 By 1727 the text is sobering to think that ­Bragadino’s martyrdom hap- has become “And at Famagost is one of the princyp- pened within a few hundred feet of this image, which alle Havenes of the See, that is in the World: and there so well epitomized it. arryven Cristene Men and Sarazynes and Men of alle Naciouns” (de Mandeville 1727: 33). Undoubtedly, many of the subtleties of the original account have been lost Toward an Understanding of Cultural through repeated translation, but the overall impression ­Complexity in Famagusta is consistent. What is less sure is whether de Mandeville ever visited Famagusta. Even if he did not, he captures in Since Famagusta is a port, travelers coming to the city these words the reputation of Famagusta as recorded by committed impressions of what they saw and experi- other travelers who had. enced to their diaries and notebooks. Some are reliable, Cosmopolitanism is certainly a recurrent theme in others less so. One of the more notable accounts is that Philip Mansel’s recent work, which states clearly that of a Westfalian priest, Ludolph von Suchen, who disem- “Diversity and flexibility were the essence of Levantine barked in Famagusta sometime between 1336–1341 CE cities. They could be escapes from the prisons of nation- and marveled “In fact, all pilgrims who want to go to ality and religion. In these cities between worlds, people outremer must come to Cyprus. And every day from dawn switched identities as easily as they switched languages” to dusk one can hear there more [and more] news. One (2011: 2). He then talks about the “elixir of co-existence” can also learn all languages in special schools” (Suchensis that allowed places such as Famagusta to flourish by put- 1477: 40; translated by M. J. K. Walsh).4 In another ting deals before ideals (2011: 2). To live together sepa- fifteenth-century edition of this account, the experience rately seemed tolerable, and Charles Glass wrote of such is elaborated upon: pragmatism “in the major trading ports of the eastern In fact, all the pilgrims (coming) from all parts of the Mediterranean [where] the noble enterprise of making [Christian] world who want to reach the parts of out- money had always served to connect peoples in spite of remer must come to Cyprus, and every day from dawn political divisions” (2012: 13–14). Svetlana V. Bliznyuk to dusk one can hear all sorts of rumors and news. In put it bluntly, saying “…nations were willing to toler- fact in Cyprus all [the news] of the world can be heard ate each other to advance their interests in an environ- and read, and all languages spoken, and in special ment where a case could be made for multi-culturalism, schools taught. (Suchensis 1475–1480; translated by if not inter-culturalism” (2008: 291). Perhaps the pur- M. J. K. Walsh)5 suit of personal gain was a blessing that fostered, or at It is worth noting how such cosmopolitanism was not least permitted, diversity and mutual tolerance, but was only tolerated, but actually seemed to be nurtured in one which would later be swept away in Famagusta by Cyprus through such schools. political intrigue, demagoguery, and, in time, vicious Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 211 nationalism in what can only be described as a “sobering and sailing seas…” (Rep. 2.7; translated by Malkin and tale” (McGilchrist 2012). Peter Edbury definitively stated Hohlfelder 1988: 186). Famagusta certainly was a tur- that “Famagusta was nothing if not cosmopolitan, and bulent, complex, and self-destructive society. Might people of all western nationalities seemed to have mixed the images painted within its walls embody the same freely” (1999: 337), while Michel Balard described such “degeneration” and “corruption”? harbor/port communities (and Famagusta in particular) While an anonymous Englishman called Famagusta as a “carrefour de nations” (1985: 294); a transient space “a paradise of delight,” it was far from that for many where ships, traders, and money all came and went. But a (Severis 2005: 61). Brother James of Verona, for example, crossroads, while busy with traffic, is not a place to meet witnessed an influx in 1335 CE of the destitute from war and greet. It is a place where, quite independently and in the years before the Church of Saints Peter and Paul autonomously, we carry on with our journey, mindful of was built: those around us, but with no real interest beyond that. It The first is that on that day and hour, the last month was this transience and lust for wealth that made Fama- of June, when I entered the harbor several large gusta vibrant, dynamic, and rich. It also linked it to other ­vessels and galleys and gripparia came from ­Armenia, similar ports to create a Mediterranean coastal network from the city of Aïas, crowded with old men, chil- which Edward Gibbon wrote “resounded with the world’s dren, women, orphans and wards more than fifteen debate” (1776: 59). In the early fifteenth century, one hundred in number, who were flying fromA ­ rmenia writer observed all of this: ­because the Soldan had sent hosts, many and mighty, In those days there were in the city of Famagusta to destroy it, and they burnt all that plain and carried merchants and merchandise from all the Christian off captive more than twelve thousand persons, over nations of the West… insomuch as all the spice car- and above those whom they had slain with the sword, avans came to the sea at Beirut or Tripoli of Syria and they began to d­ estroy it, as I was told by Venetian and from there merchants of that country brought merchants who were there, on Ascension Day, which them in their ships to Famagusta and likewise they fell on May 25. Lord God, sad indeed it was to see that would send across the sea all their cotton and other multitude in the square of ­Famagusta, children cry- such goods which have their origin in Syria, tak- ing and moaning at their mothers’ breasts, old men ing them in their ships to Famagusta which is a and starving dogs howling. Hear it, ye ­Christians walled city and a port. (Piloti 1846: 312; translated who live in your own towns and homes, eating and by M. J. K. Walsh) drinking and reared in luxury, who care not to make Through exhaustive archival work, Nicholas Coureas the Holy Land your own, and to restore it to the has identified Famagusta’s dazzling array of inhabit- ­Christian Faith! (Röhricht 1895: 177; translated by ants, including: settlers, refugees, merchants, slaves, Cobham 1908: 17)8 envoys, knights, masons, grants, shoemakers, scribes, In other words, many of the inhabitants of Famagusta artisans, craftsmen, prisoners, and the dispossessed ended up there against their will and certainly not with (2002). Prisoners and slaves, he and others have dem- making a profit (or art) in mind. onstrated, were often Russians, Mongolians, Cumans, The population was clearly made up of people of Magyars, Tartars, and Jews (Usta 2012). Coureas has mixed fortunes, histories, desires, options, and destinies. also highlighted the presence of significant Abyssin- Philippe de Mézières (chancellor of King Peter I of Cyprus ian (Ethiopia) and Coptic (Egypt) communities in the and biographer of Peter Thomas, the papal legate to the city (Coureas 2005: 67). Quite naturally, there were island in the 1360s) noted that besides Latins (Catholics), ramifications for society in such places. Cicero wrote there were Greeks (Orthodox), Armenians, Nestorians, that such maritime communities shared “a certain cor- Jacobites, Georgians, Maronites, Nubians, Indians, Ethi- ruption and degeneration of morals . . . a mixture of opians, and others in Famagusta during the decade that strange languages and customs . . . the lust for trafficking The Forty of Martyrs of Sebaste may have been painted. 212 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

Brother James of Verona’s observations suggest the city the Cave where “everyone who comes from the sea had been like this for some time: ­immediately goes there” (Röhricht 1895: 176; translated Also in the same city are several sects, which have by M. J. K. Walsh).10 Defense was also a common ­interest their own worship and their own churches. First, true and it was clearly neither the time nor the place to split Christians; secondly the Greeks, who consecrate not hairs over lofty ideals. Father Angelo Calepio talked of with unleavened wafers but with leavened bread; they the common effort to repair Famagusta’s walls when do not elevate the Body of Christ, nor do they believe doom seemed imminent: that the Spirits proceeds from the Son. There are also They began then with processions in whiche ­ veryone Jacobites, who are circumcised, and are baptized with joined, Latins and Greeks, bishops and monks, the the Greek rite. There are also Armenians, who perform officials, nobles, and persons of every class and their worship like true Christians, but say the service ­nation. Throughout Lent Signor Estor Baglione, in the Greek tongue, also Georgians and Maronites. with all his officers and soldiers, after processions Those two sects are baptized like Christians, but use and masses sung, went out together to work, carry- the Greek service. Also Nestorians, so called from the ing the earth dug out of the new ditches to fill up the faithless heretic Nestor, who say that Christ was only a old, so that the enemy might not find trenches ready mere man, and perform their services in Greek, but do made… (Cobham 1908: 127)11 not follow the Greeks but have a service of their own. Though archives and isolated historical events can (Röhricht 1895: 178; translated by Cobham 1908: 17)9 demonstrate a diverse population sharing an urban space Emmanuel Piloti, who visited in 1411 CE, noted that at any one time, they cannot prove the existence of a commerce and belief co-habited harmoniously in a “city long-term, stable, and integrated community. They pres- [which] has a long merchant street with nine arcades ent merely a snapshot of people at a given moment in representing all the Christian nations of the West” time, which the historian must then interpret with care. (­Marangou 2002: 101). The inhabitants of Famagusta were conquerors, coloniz- So far it has been established that there was, without ers, refugees, or slaves; there was no unifying ethnic, reli- any doubt, a great diversity of people within the walls of gious, or social bond, and so their decision was to select, Famagusta, but we have not fully acknowledged whether locate, and inflect as they decided upon integration (to they interacted. Was there complete segregation? Appar- stay long-term) and non-assimilation (to preserve one’s ently not, as can be seen when Famagusta was rocked by identity). Eva Hoffman argues that as the sea separates, a plague in 1363 CE. The papal legate, believing it to be a so it connects, and to have such a disparate collection message from God, organized a procession to meet at the of people in such a confined space would inevitably cathedral comprised of all the Christian sects, Turks, Sar- result in some sort of transfer—intentional or not. She acens, and Jews—all barefooted and beseeching heaven concludes that “each of these centers was inhabited by (Severis 2005: 63). Andrea Nanetti noted the same of a mix of populations of Jews, Muslims, and Christians the Peloponnese when the diverse population was con- who maintained networks of trading partners among fronted by the fear of an earthquake: ­co-religionists throughout the region, exchanging not The processions and prayers are very big, both by only goods, but also ideas and texts” (Hoffman 2007: 3). Greeks and Latins, but especially Greeks, who do not It is a point not missed by Alexander Beihammer, Maria sleep all night, going into the city and outside in the Parani, and Chris Schabel: villages, shouting thus “Kyrie, eléison” (“Lord, have In the politically and militarily complex world of mercy”). The hatred is so great in that land, that no one the medieval Mediterranean, people and entities loves others, and now they are all friends and forgiven of different ethnic, religious and linguistic back- and kiss on the mouth like brothers. (Nanetti 2011: 4) grounds came into close contact at many different In Famagusta we see other signs of religious tolerance levels, from everyday dealings in the marketplace in particular if we look at the Church of Saint Mary of to high diplomacy between competing states, thus Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 213

providing scope for fertile cross-cultural interaction Homing in on written evidence in the form of wills, and permeation. (2008: 227) bequests, and contracts, we see scarcely perceptible And so, to draw a parallel between such ­heterogeneities details that, when taken together, yield some interest- as linguistic pluralism and aesthetics, for example, might ing findings concerning economic activities, social struc- be valid. Gilles Grivaud noted that some members of the tures, demographics, topography, judiciary, etc. and offer Ibelin family, so closely associated with Cyprus, spoke some insight into multi or inter-cultural Famagusta. For French, Arabic, Greek, and Latin (2005: 220). Brother example, in August 1301 CE, the Genoese Lady Piacenza James of Verona noted in 1335 CE that “all men in Cyprus made a will leaving a bequest to the Greek priest Deme- speak Greek: they understand well the Saracen and trios of the monastery of Saints Peter and Paul as well as ­Frankish tongues, but chiefly use Greek…” (Röhricht leaving money to his relations (Pavoni 1982: doc. no. 71). 1895: 178; Cobham 1908: 17).12 In Venetian F­amagusta In a later document of August 1301, she appointed this Etienne Lusignan counted many different languages priest as one of the executors of her will (Pavoni 1982: being spoken in the city, including Latin, Italian, Greek doc. no. 72). Might this fragment suggest some sort of (dialect), A­rmenian, Coptic, Jacobite, Maronite, Syriac, cordial interaction between Latins and Greeks in the Indian, Ivorian, Albanian or Macedonian, and E­ gyptian city?13 Chris Schabel also notes that in 1307 CE Peter of (although this was reported post-siege; P­erbellini St. Donatus, a Genoese, made a bequest to several Latin 2011: 35). However, the chronicler Leontios Makhairas churches and monasteries and also St. George of the lamented the consequences of this, as it led only to the Greeks, again suggesting a certain closeness, or at least a barbarization of languages (Greek in his case) whereby level of interaction, between Latin and Greek (2005: 182). said-language started to take on a hybrid character of its Might the boundaries have been more porous than origi- own: French, for example, could be dotted with Greek nally believed? and Italian idioms. I wonder if something similar can be As suggestive as these indicators might be, however, said of the mural decorations of Famagusta—somewhere and as encouraging as the signs are that there really between an enriched complexity and a bastard affair. was the potential to blend and interact freely, there is Michele Bacci warns us not to deduce too much from sty- also evidence to the contrary. In the will of the ­Venetian listic or thematic common ground: ­Bartholomew de Castro, dated 22 May 1363, strict instruc- It is not always a matter of competition, but also tions are given that “and above all not one denier’s worth of fascination for some compositional and icono- of my goods should be given to a Greek man or woman, graphic formulae that prove to efficaciously fit the and should the executors violate this provision may this devotional sensibility of individuals, and this may be on their conscience and may God never forgive them” be namely trans-confessionally shared. The interest (Otten-Froux 2003: 15). By the sixteenth century, we read in representing the most dramatic moments of the of deteriorating relations between I­talians and Greeks, Passion is shared by Greeks, Latins, and Armenians; when Elias of Pesaro observed, “[they] hate their I­talian moreover, non Latins seem to be fascinated by some fellow-Christians much as we do the K­ araites” (1879: Western patterns of church decoration which were 225).14 There is further evidence of dissonance within and intimately connected to the expression of individual between ethnic and religious groups when he observed piety: such is the case for the widespread use of mu- in Venetian Famagusta that “I have seen here a large ral icons. (Bacci, personal communication) and fine synagogue supported by a community of about We must therefore resist the temptation to conclude twenty five families, Levantines, Sicilians and Portu- that each work had its own unique artistic style. In a guese. Hatred, discord and jealousy reign among them. pragmatic community such as Famagusta, is it not more They have no poor to be helped by alms, and if some likely that an artist, a workshop, or a school of artists, needy stranger came from abroad they would take no might be responsible for the decorations of more than notice of him, as in Italy” (Cobham 1908: 74).15 He also one church? mentioned how a Greek would not “for all the gold in 214 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

the world” eat anything that a Jew had touched, or even were established at the pinnacle of power structures and use the same utensils (Elias of Pesaro 1879: 225). He also ‘trickled down’, inevitably and mechanistically, to more observed that Jews were made to wear yellow caps, except humble members of society” (2004: 22). If this is the case, for a few p­ rivileged doctors who could wear a black hat a researcher of Famagusta’s art might be well advised to but also a ­yellow badge (C­ obham 1908: 74). Of the people also study the Medieval and Renaissance graffiti that in ­Famagusta in general, he concluded that “they are all adorns the walls of the city, and/or other forms of “low liars, cheats, and thieves. Honesty has vanished from their art” as a counter-weight (Walsh 2006; 2008; forthcom- midst.” (­Cobham 1908: 74).16 Finally, when one examines ing). The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste may represent no more the siege map of ­Famagusta by Gibellino, crafted in 1571– than a whim of a wealthy patron as opposed to the will of 1572 CE, one cannot help but notice a minor detail which a sizable proportion of the population. is the “colle dei Hebrei” plainly located outside of the city walls, as was the Christian cemetery of St. Michael’s. There is much to suggest that Famagusta was not the cul- Final Thoughts tural melting pot that many idealized it to be. Looking at the tangible remains of Famagusta, it must I believe that one should listen to Famagusta’s silences. be appreciated that it is not just individual buildings that In particular, attention should be drawn to the fact that express themselves, but rather how they were arranged it never had a university, for example. If it was a city of and organized into communities (see Fig. 2) (Edbury permanence then why would it not have invested in its 1999). It is probably necessary therefore to go back to own future? Secondly, if the Genoese had felt in need 1291 CE and question to what extent Famagusta took on of cultural isolation or segregation, they would surely the appearance and demographic make-up of Acre, Byb- have built a church dedicated to St. Lawrence (their los, Beirut, Tripoli, and all the other cities which effec- patron) instead of only talking about it at the end of tively emptied into it. Did these cities have inter-cultural the thirteenth and start of the fourteenth centuries CE contacts, and were they multi-confessional within them- (Coureas 2005: 132). Its absence is telling (contra Jacoby selves, or did they just shift their ghettos across the 1989: 164, who states that the plan to build a church for eastern Mediterranean? And did they bring their class St. Lawrence was well underway in 1301 CE). Thirdly, systems with them as well? If we examine the will of Ugo archaeologists and historians, travelers and artists have Podocataro, who died in 1457 CE in Famagusta, we learn never mentioned walls or divisions in Famagusta (as that there were clear physical/ethnic divisions in the city there are in Nicosia today) and so the absence of them with the Jewish community residing in the southwest, suggests a kind of peaceful co-existence. It does not, Latins to the north and east, and Greeks in the south. however, prove cultural or ethnic inter-mingling. Coureas has also identified how the Catalans and Pro- Looking over the ruins in the early twentieth century, vençals had their own districts in Famagusta (2005: 130). Sir Harry Luke, commissioner of Famagusta (1918–1920), There is no traceable law to demand this, and no rules to could only imagine the long-gone cosmopolitan nature of enforce it, but it happened. When we gaze upon The Forty the now rubble-filled streets in an urban space which had Martyrs of Sebaste therefore, we witness a society divided torn itself/been torn apart: by ethnicity and class. Carr has suggested that the decline Truly Famagusta was then a cosmopolitan place, of a Levantine society and the emergence, through cur- containing colonies of every race of the Near East. rents of courtly interchange, of a Mediterranean one, Countless tongues were spoken in its streets from might, in such circumstances, be evident (2005: 286). Jill Norse to Persian, Georgian to Amharic; Gregorian, Caskey, however, offers a modicum of skepticism about Jacobite and Nestorian shrines rose beside those of the elitism and impact of “courtly interchange,” say- the Roman and Orthodox rites. (1957: 120) ing “interpretations of medieval art tend to begin with Crucially, he observed that he was looking at “…a land the assumption that taste and related cultural practices where races have always met yet have rarely mingled” Journal of Eastern Mediterranean Archaeology and Heritage Studies | 215

(Luke 1957: 17). Integrated or segregated, and, in any 3. For a study of how the tale may have been adapted and case, fragmented (like the The Forty Martyrs of Sebaste embellished over the years, see Karlin-Hayter 1991, and Mitchell and Bowden 2002, which relate how Emperor itself), medieval Famagusta clearly did not have one Justinian I was cured of an infection simply by being brought static mono-cultural identity, any more than it had into contact with the relics of the Forty Martyrs. one artistic vocabulary. It was, it seems, “a culture that 4. The original text reads: “Auch muessent alle bilgerin die [found] its identity in its ability to manage multiplicity, uebermoer woellent in ciper kommen. Und alltag von to admit varied languages at a high level of both quality aufgang dersunnen untz zur irem nidergang hoert man da neuwe mer. Man hat auch in besunderheit schuelen darinnen and integrity” (Carr 1995: 251). man alle sprachen leret.” Taking it one step further, and on a personal note, 5. The original text reads: “Etiam omnes perigrinos Michele Bacci wrote to me about my current home of de ­quibuscumque partibus mundi ad partes ­ultramarinas Singapore and what can be gained from keeping an open ­volentes in Ciprum venire oportet, et quotidie a solis ortu usque ad occasum, omnia audiuntur r­ umores et nova. mind about the nature of human relations in urban set- Etiam in Cipro omnia totius mundi a­ udiuntur et legun- tings over the centuries. He wrote: tur, et loquuntur et in specialibus scolis ­docentur omnia I have a feeling that Singapore can offer some inter- ­ydeomata cuncta.” To see the o­ riginal document, go to: http:// esting insight to understand Medieval Famagusta: dfg-viewer.de/show/?set[mets]=http%3A%2F%2Fdaten. digitale-sammlungen.de%2F~db%2Fmets%2Fbsb00074894_­ I got the impression that rather than cultural con- mets.xml vergence, there is rather a juxtaposition of cultural 6. The original text reads: “und die eine heißet Famegüst, die ist traditions which may happen to use other people’s uff dem Mere und ist der obersten Porten eÿne in der Werlte forms in a selective way. The logics of such selections zü allen kaüffmanschaze und dan komment auch Heiden und should be, in my view, the object of our interest. Cristen und von allen Landen Kaüfflüde.” 7. The original text reads: “Illuc Famogesta est unus de (Bacci, personal communication) principalibus portubus mundi. In quo fere omnium merca- What an intriguing idea that Famagusta was a tores convenniunt nationum tam Christianorum quam f­ourteenth-century Singapore, or that Singapore is a Sarracenorum et multorum paganorum.” To see the original twenty-first-century Famagusta. document, go to: http://digi.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/diglit/ cpg138/0007. When observing the ghostly spectacle of modern-day 8. The original text reads: “Prima est, quod illa die et hora, scilicet Famagusta, and recalling its rich, diverse and often tur- ultima mensis Junii, qua portum intravi, tunc et plures naves bulent history, Seloua Luste Boulbina concluded, “Fama- magne et galee et criparie venerunt de Armenia de civi- gusta is a good example of the off-centerings which tate Logaze [read Layazii > Aïas], onerate senibus, parvulis, make between worlds the world we are living in” (Parfait mulieribus, orphanis et pupillis ultraquam mille quingentis, fugientibus de Armenia, quod soldanus miserat gentes suas 2011: 175). I wonder if it was ever really any other way? multas et fortes ad destruendum ipsam et combusserunt totam planiciem et captivas duxerunt ultraquam xii milia personarum Notes preter illos, quos gladio detruncaverunt, et inceperunt ipsam My thanks to Andrea Nanetti, Nicholas Coureas, and ­Michele destruere in die Ascensionis, ut dixerunt mihi Veneti merca- Bacci for reading the early drafts of this article and making tores, qui errant ibi, que fuit dies XXV mensis Maji. O Domine important suggestions for its improvement. Deus, quanta tristicia videre ipsam multitudinem cum planctu 1. This laboratory report also demonstrates the presence of et ejulatu filios lactantes ubera in platea Famagoste ad pectora glauconite, celadonite, cinnabar, quartz, and other organic mulierum, senes, canes famelicos lamentantes; audiant hec substances. cristiani, qui in suis civitatibus et domiciliis habitant, come- 2. There is a debate on whether Constantine intentionally set dentes et bibentes et seipsos in deliciis nutrientes, qui terram out to blacken Licinius’s name by falsifying history (see sanctam non curant acquirere et ipsam ad cultum deducere Canduci 2010: 125). cristianum.”

michael j. k. walsh is associate professor of Art History at Nanyang Technological University, Singapore. He successfully nominated Famagusta to the World Monuments Fund Watch List in 2008 and 2010, brought the Global Heritage Fund there, and acted as team coordinator for the United Nations project “Cultural Heritage Data Collection in the Northern Part of Cyprus.” 216 | “A Spectacle to the World, Both to Angels and to Men”

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