Nixon and Kissinger Foreign Policy
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
National Security Advisor SAIGON EMBASSY FILES KEPT by AMBASSADOR GRAHAM MARTIN: Copies Made for the NSC, 1963-1975 (1976)
Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library & Museum National Security Advisor SAIGON EMBASSY FILES KEPT BY AMBASSADOR GRAHAM MARTIN: Copies Made for the NSC, 1963-1975 (1976) SUMMARY DESCRIPTION Copies of State Department telegrams and White House backchannel messages between U.S. ambassadors in Saigon and White House national security advisers, talking points for meetings with South Vietnamese officials, intelligence reports, drafts of peace agreements, and military status reports. Subjects include the Diem coup, the Paris peace negotiations, the fall of South Vietnam, and other U.S./South Vietnam relations topics, 1963 to 1975. QUANTITY 4.0 linear feet (ca. 8000 pages) DONOR Gerald R. Ford (accession number 82-73) ACCESS Open. The collection is administered under terms of the donor's deed of gift, a copy of which is available on request, and under National Archives and Records Administration general restrictions (36 CFR 1256). COPYRIGHT President Ford has donated to the United States of America his copyrights in all of his unpublished writings in National Archives collections. The copyrights to materials written by other individuals or organizations are presumed to remain with them. Works prepared by U.S. Government employees as part of their official duties are in the public domain. Prepared by Karen B. Holzhausen, November 1992; Revised March 2000 [s:\bin\findaid\nsc\saigon embassy files kept by ambassador graham martin.doc] [This finding aid, found at https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/library/guides/findingaid/ nsasaigon.asp, was slightly adapted on pp. 6-7 by the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek in July 2018 to serve as a guide to the microfilm edition published by Primary Source Media.] 2 VIETNAM WAR CHRONOLOGY (Related to this collection) August 21, 1963 Ngo Dinh Nhu's forces attack Buddhist temples. -
Tuesday, November 15, 2016 Global Trumpism Why Trump's Victory Was
11/21/2016 Global Trumpism Home > Global Trumpism Tuesday, November 15, 2016 Global Trumpism Why Trump’s Victory Was 30 Years in the Making and Why It Won’t Stop Here Mark Blyth Mark Blyth is Eastman Professor of Political Economy at Brown University. Trump’s victory was predictable [1], and was predicted [2], but not by looking at polls. Polling has taken a beating recently having failed to predict the victory of David Cameron’s Conservative Party in the British general elections [3], then Brexit [4], and now the election of Donald Trump [5]. One can argue about what’s wrong with the methods involved, but more fundamentally what polls do is to treat these phenomena as isolated events when they are in fact the product of a common set of causes 30 years in the making. There are two issues at play here. The first is known as Galton’s problem, after Sir Francis Galton, the inventor of much of modern statistics. Galton’s problem is that when we treat cases as independent—the British election, Brexit, the U.S. election—they may not actually be independent. There may be links between the cases—think of Brexit’s Nigel Farage showing up at Trump's rallies [6]—and there could be subtler contagion [7] or mimicry [8] effects in play as information from one case “infects” the other, changing the dynamics of the system as a whole. Could there then be a higher set of drivers in the global economy [9] pushing the world in a direction where Trump is really just one part of a more global pattern of events? Consider that there are many Trumpets blowing around the developed world, on both the right and the left. -
The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE JAMES DOBBINS, GABRIELLE TARINI, ALI WYNE The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It n the aftermath of World War II, the United States accepted the mantle of global leadership and worked to build a new global order based on the principles of nonaggression and open, nondiscriminatory trade. An early pillar of this new Iorder was the Marshall Plan for European reconstruction, which British histo- rian Norman Davies has called “an act of the most enlightened self-interest in his- tory.”1 America’s leaders didn’t regard this as charity. They recognized that a more peaceful and more prosperous world would be in America’s self-interest. American willingness to shoulder the burdens of world leadership survived a costly stalemate in the Korean War and a still more costly defeat in Vietnam. It even survived the end of the Cold War, the original impetus for America’s global activ- ism. But as a new century progressed, this support weakened, America’s influence slowly diminished, and eventually even the desire to exert global leadership waned. Over the past two decades, the United States experienced a dramatic drop-off in international achievement. A generation of Americans have come of age in an era in which foreign policy setbacks have been more frequent than advances. C O R P O R A T I O N Awareness of America’s declining influence became immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and by Obama commonplace among observers during the Barack Obama with Ebola, has also been widely noted. -
The BCCI Affair
The BCCI Affair A Report to the Committee on Foreign Relations United States Senate by Senator John Kerry and Senator Hank Brown December 1992 102d Congress 2d Session Senate Print 102-140 This December 1992 document is the penultimate draft of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee report on the BCCI Affair. After it was released by the Committee, Sen. Hank Brown, reportedly acting at the behest of Henry Kissinger, pressed for the deletion of a few passages, particularly in Chapter 20 on "BCCI and Kissinger Associates." As a result, the final hardcopy version of the report, as published by the Government Printing Office, differs slightly from the Committee's softcopy version presented below. - Steven Aftergood Federation of American Scientists This report was originally made available on the website of the Federation of American Scientists. This version was compiled in PDF format by Public Intelligence. Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................................ 4 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY OF INVESTIGATION ............................................................................... 21 THE ORIGIN AND EARLY YEARS OF BCCI .................................................................................................... 25 BCCI'S CRIMINALITY .................................................................................................................................. 49 BCCI'S RELATIONSHIP WITH FOREIGN GOVERNMENTS CENTRAL BANKS, AND INTERNATIONAL -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 107 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 107 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 147 WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, MAY 8, 2001 No. 62 Senate The Senate met at 9:30 a.m. in execu- The senior assistant bill clerk read gest be divided equally among the tive session and was called to order by the following letter: three Senators. the Honorable LINCOLN CHAFEE, a Sen- U.S. SENATE, The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- ator from the State of Rhode Island. PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE, pore. Without objection, it is so or- Washington, DC, May 8, 2001. dered. PRAYER To the Senate: Mr. REID. I suggest the absence of a The Chaplain, Dr. Lloyd John Under the provisions of rule I, paragraph 3, quorum. Ogilvie, offered the following prayer: of the Standing Rules of the Senate, I hereby The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- appoint the Honorable LINCOLN CHAFEE, a Almighty God, thank You for the ex- pore. The clerk will call the roll. citing expectation that surges within Senator from the State of Rhode Island, to perform the duties of the Chair. The legislative clerk proceeded to us when we realize that You want to STROM THURMOND, call the roll. bless us with Your love, strength, and President pro tempore. Mr. DORGAN. Mr. President, I ask wisdom. It is Your way always to go Mr. CHAFEE thereupon assumed the unanimous consent that the order for beyond what You have done before. chair as Acting President pro tempore. the quorum call be rescinded. -
U.S.-China Relations: the Search for a New Equilibrium Ryan Hass
U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS: THE SEARCH FOR A NEW EQUILIBRIUM RYAN HASS FEBRUARY 2020 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY it did not actively seek to change the existing order on a magnitude corresponding to China’s ambitions For over 40 years following President Richard Nixon’s today, nor did it have the capabilities to do so.) Third, first tentative steps in China in 1972, the relationship China’s rise from a low-wage manufacturing hub to between the United States and the People’s Republic a technology power has introduced friction into the of China (PRC) navigated many ups and downs, but economic relationship, as both economies increasingly generally developed along a trajectory of deepening move from being complementary to competitive with social, economic, people-to-people, and diplomatic one another. And fourth, unresolved questions about ties. In recent years, that trajectory has been broken. the nature of ideological or systems competition are Now, the relationship has reached what respected fueling tensions. China scholar David M. Lampton describes as a “tipping point.”1 This paper will explore how the relationship Looking ahead, the paper argues that Washington and reached its current moment, why the relationship has Beijing each will need to take steps to allow conditions been nose-diving, and what steps the United States to emerge over time that would make possible the could take to protect its interests in its relationship emergence of a new equilibrium for the relationship. with China going forward. Such an outcome would bolster each side’s confidence in their ability to protect their own vital interests, This paper argues that neither the United States prevent a mutually harmful deterioration in relations, nor China own a monopoly of responsibility for the and enable both sides to focus more on improving downturn in relations. -
Morality and Foreign Policy Author(S): George F. Kennan Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol
Morality and Foreign Policy Author(s): George F. Kennan Source: Foreign Affairs, Vol. 64, No. 2 (Winter, 1985), pp. 205-218 Published by: Council on Foreign Relations Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20042569 Accessed: 22-06-2015 15:26 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Council on Foreign Relations is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Foreign Affairs. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 165.123.107.217 on Mon, 22 Jun 2015 15:26:59 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions George F. Kennan MORALITY AND FOREIGN POLICY JLn a small volume of lectures published nearly thirty-five to years ago,1 I had the temerity suggest that the American statesmen of the turn of the twentieth century were unduly of legalistic and moralistic in their judgment of the actions an other governments. This seemed to be approach that carried them away from the sterner requirements of political realism and caused their statements and actions, however impressive to the domestic political audience, to lose effectiveness in the international arena. These observations were doubtless brought forward too a cryptically and thus invited wide variety of interpretations, an or not excluding the thesis that I had advocated amoral, even immoral, foreign policy for this country. -
June 1-15, 1972
RICHARD NIXON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY DOCUMENT WITHDRAWAL RECORD DOCUMENT DOCUMENT SUBJECT/TITLE OR CORRESPONDENTS DATE RESTRICTION NUMBER TYPE 1 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 6/2/1972 A Appendix “B” 2 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 6/5/1972 A Appendix “A” 3 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 6/6/1972 A Appendix “A” 4 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 6/9/1972 A Appendix “A” 5 Manifest Helicopter Passenger Manifest – 6/12/1972 A Appendix “B” COLLECTION TITLE BOX NUMBER WHCF: SMOF: Office of Presidential Papers and Archives RC-10 FOLDER TITLE President Richard Nixon’s Daily Diary June 1, 1972 – June 15, 1972 PRMPA RESTRICTION CODES: A. Release would violate a Federal statute or Agency Policy. E. Release would disclose trade secrets or confidential commercial or B. National security classified information. financial information. C. Pending or approved claim that release would violate an individual’s F. Release would disclose investigatory information compiled for law rights. enforcement purposes. D. Release would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of privacy G. Withdrawn and return private and personal material. or a libel of a living person. H. Withdrawn and returned non-historical material. DEED OF GIFT RESTRICTION CODES: D-DOG Personal privacy under deed of gift -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS ADMINISTRATION *U.S. GPO; 1989-235-084/00024 NA 14021 (4-85) THF WHITE ,'OUSE PRESIDENT RICHARD NIXON'S DAILY DIARY (Sec Travel Record for Travel AnivilY) f PLACE DAY BEGAN DATE (Mo., Day. Yr.) _u.p.-1:N_E I, 1972 WILANOW PALACE TIME DAY WARSAW, POLi\ND 7;28 a.m. THURSDAY PHONE TIME P=Pl.ccd R=Received ACTIVITY 1----.,------ ----,----j In Out 1.0 to 7:28 P The President requested that his Personal Physician, Dr. -
Dr. John D. Maurer
Dr. John Donoghue Maurer US Air Force, School of Advanced Air and Space Studies 125 Chennault Circle, Maxwell AFB AL EDUCATION ———————————————————————————————————— Georgetown University 2017 Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Ph.D. in US Diplomatic History Dissertation: “An Era of Negotiation: SALT in the Nixon Administration, 1969-1972” Distinction in Comprehensive Exams and Dissertation Defense Georgetown University 2015 Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Masters in History Georgetown University 2010 Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service B.S., International Politics, Honors, Magna cum laude (3.85 GPA) Honors Thesis: “Perceptions of Decline: British Air Power, 1933-1939” EMPLOYMENT HISTORY ———————————————————————————————————— Professor of Strategy and Security Studies 2020-present School of Advanced Air and Space Studies (SAASS), Air University Jeane Kirkpatrick Fellow 2019-2020 American Enterprise Institute Henry Kissinger Postdoctoral Associate 2017-2019 International Security Studies Yale University Publications Coordinator 2012-2014 American Studies Association Research Assistant 2010-2012 Long-Term Strategy Group BOOKS ———————————————————————————————————— Competitive Arms Control: Nixon, Kissinger, and SALT, 1969-1972 (under contract by Yale University Press) PEER-REVIEWED PUBLICATIONS ———————————————————————————————————— “The Purposes of Arms Control,” Texas National Security Review 2, 1, November 2018, https://tnsr.org/2018/11/the-purposes-of-arms-control/ “Divided Counsels: Competing Approaches to SALT, 1969-1970,” Diplomatic -
Conservative Movement
Conservative Movement How did the conservative movement, routed in Barry Goldwater's catastrophic defeat to Lyndon Johnson in the 1964 presidential campaign, return to elect its champion Ronald Reagan just 16 years later? What at first looks like the political comeback of the century becomes, on closer examination, the product of a particular political moment that united an unstable coalition. In the liberal press, conservatives are often portrayed as a monolithic Right Wing. Close up, conservatives are as varied as their counterparts on the Left. Indeed, the circumstances of the late 1980s -- the demise of the Soviet Union, Reagan's legacy, the George H. W. Bush administration -- frayed the coalition of traditional conservatives, libertarian advocates of laissez-faire economics, and Cold War anti- communists first knitted together in the 1950s by William F. Buckley Jr. and the staff of the National Review. The Reagan coalition added to the conservative mix two rather incongruous groups: the religious right, primarily provincial white Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals from the Sunbelt (defecting from the Democrats since the George Wallace's 1968 presidential campaign); and the neoconservatives, centered in New York and led predominantly by cosmopolitan, secular Jewish intellectuals. Goldwater's campaign in 1964 brought conservatives together for their first national electoral effort since Taft lost the Republican nomination to Eisenhower in 1952. Conservatives shared a distaste for Eisenhower's "modern Republicanism" that largely accepted the welfare state developed by Roosevelt's New Deal and Truman's Fair Deal. Undeterred by Goldwater's defeat, conservative activists regrouped and began developing institutions for the long haul.