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Black on Both Sides: an Examination of Race and Class in the Ghetto Mecca

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Black on Both Sides: an Examination of Race and Class in the Ghetto Mecca Georgia State University ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University Sociology Dissertations Department of Sociology 8-7-2018 Black On Both Sides: An Examination of Race and Class in the Ghetto Mecca Jonathan P. Grant Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss Recommended Citation Grant, Jonathan P., "Black On Both Sides: An Examination of Race and Class in the Ghetto Mecca." Dissertation, Georgia State University, 2018. https://scholarworks.gsu.edu/sociology_diss/108 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Department of Sociology at ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology Dissertations by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ Georgia State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BLACK ON BOTH SIDES: AN EXAMINATION OF RACE AND CLASS IN THE GHETTO MECCA by JONATHAN GRANT Under the Direction of Rosalind Chou, PhD ABSTRACT From Spike Lee’s School Daze to The Real Housewives of Atlanta, mainstream entertainment has portrayed Atlanta as a “black mecca,” largely due to its consortium of black colleges, expansion of minority-owned businesses and growing black middle class. This title is called into question with research showing that Atlanta maintains high levels of poverty and income inequality. While a disproportionate number of blacks in Atlanta and the United States live below the poverty line, 75 percent of blacks in the U.S. report income above the poverty line. However, most research on African Americans emphasizes disadvantaged communities and many stories of the black middle class go unheard. Also, with 57 percent of blacks residing in the south, it is important that research includes stories of minorities across classes in urban southern cities such as Atlanta and its metro area. This study uses thirty-four in-depth unstructured interviews to explore the ways race and class intersects to help black Atlanta MSA residents form ideas of blackness, class identity, and the city as a “black mecca.” Research conclusions address the various racial identifiers that exist along gender lines. While black women understand race through experiences related to hair; black men’s interaction with the police are often their first encounter with the meaning of race. This study also examines the way blacks can internalize and reinforce systemic racist ideas and stereotypes perpetuated by whites. Results also show the variances between Atlanta natives and transplants and their perspective on the city as a black mecca, the identity boundaries that exist between working and middle class blacks in Atlanta, as well as the way the city’s social institutions can promote black progression, while simultaneously reinforcing class divisions and inequality. This research gives voice to the specific social concerns of black citizens across class categories. In addition, conclusions advance race and urban scholarship by exploring the significance of race in a black metropolis and class relationships within racial groups. Lastly, findings from this study highlight experiences of a growing, yet largely under-researched population---the black middle class in the South. INDEX WORDS: Race, Class, Atlanta, Black Mecca, Urban, Gender BLACK ON BOTH SIDES: AN EXAMINATION OF RACE AND CLASS IN THE GHETTO MECCA by JONATHAN GRANT A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University 2018 Copyright by Jonathan Paul Grant 2017 BLACK ON BOTH SIDES: AN EXAMINATION OF RACE AND CLASS IN THE GHETTO MECCA by JONATHAN GRANT Committee Chair: Rosalind Chou Committee: Tomeka Davis Wendy Simmonds Electronic Version Approved: Office of Graduate Studies College of Arts and Sciences Georgia State University July 2018 iv DEDICATION All praises due to the Most High, Black Jesus and the Spirit of my ancestors. I would like to dedicate this work to my family, friends and mentors. First and foremost, Sarah Grant for rocking with me from the very beginning. Leonard and Wanda Grant for instilling in me the character traits and work ethic needed to reach this point in my life. Shout out to all of my family and friends who have supported me during this journey. Also, love to my mentors who have and continue to be a guiding light for me. Lastly, I have to thank my daughter Jael for being the main reason why I keep it pushin. This research is dedicated to you all. v ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In this section, I would like to acknowledge all of the participants in this study. Thank you for sharing your stories with me. My hope is that through your experiences, the city of Atlanta and ultimately the world will become a more equal and just place to live. vi TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................ V LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................ XII LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................... XIII LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................................... XIV 1 INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................................... 1 2 LITERATURE REVIEW .......................................................................................... 9 2.1 Race and Class Theory ....................................................................................... 9 2.2 Exploring Black Identities ................................................................................ 13 2.2.1 Declining Significance of Race, Wilson and Other Critics………...….…....13 2.2.2 Out Migration Theory, Wilson and Other Critics……………………………...16 2.2.3 Boundary Work, Michele Lamont, and other scholars………………………..18 2.2.3.1 How the Working Class view the people above………………………..18 2.2.3.2 How the Working Class view the people below………………………..20 2.2.3.3 Other responses to boundary making…………………………………...21 2.3 Atlanta as a Black Mecca……………………………………………………33 2.4 Reverse Migration and the creation of the Black Mecca………………….34 2.5 Education, Politics and Economics………………………………………….35 2.6 The Atlanta Paradox…………………………………………………………41 3 METHODOLOGY ................................................................................................... 46 3.1 Unstructured Interviews ................................................................................... 46 3.2 Sampling…………………………………………………………………….…47 vii 3.3 Definition of Class………………………………………………………….….47 3.4 Theoretical Framework……………………………………………………….49 3.4.1 Theoretical Perspective: Systemic Racism Theory……………………………..49 3.4.2 Theoretical Perspective: Internalilzed Racism………………………………….50 3.4.3 Intersectionality………………………………………………………………………52 3.5 Age……………………………………………………………………………..54 3.6 Recruitment Methods……………………………………………………….55 3.7 Interview Process……………………………………………………………57 3.8 Coding………………………………………………………………………..57 3.9 Summary of Findings……………………………………………………….58 4 RACE IS STILL A FACTOR.................................................................................. 63 4.1 Intersection of race and gender………………………………………….....65 4.1.1 I am not my hair…………………………………………………………….65 4.1.2 Sound of da police…………………………………………………………70 4.1.3 Say Her Name: Black Women and Law Enforcement………………..73 4.1.4 Peaches: Women's Regional Identity……………………………………73 4.2 Three Types of Racism…………………………………………………….82 4.2.1 Explicit Racism…………………………………………………………….83 4.2.2 Microagressions……………………………………………………………87 4.2.2.1 Racism in the workplace……………………………………………...89 4.2.2.2 Racism in the classroom……………………………………………..92 4.3 Conclusion………………………………………………………………97 5 INTERNALIZED RACISM………………………………………………….100 viii 5.1 I love black people ……………………………………………………102 5.2 I love my people BUT….……………………………..……………….103 5.3 Bivens' IR Frames…………………………………….……………….107 5.3.1 Standards………………………………………………..……………………108 5.3.1.1 Redbone: Colorism in the Black community……………………108 5.3.1.2 Thinking Black……………………………………………………….117 5.3.1.3 The Whiter the Better………………………………………………..118 5.3.2 Naming the Problem………………………….……………………………120 5.3.4 Resources and Decisions Making ………………………..………………123 5.4 Grant's IR Frames…………………………………………………….126 5.4.1 Lack of systemic Analysis………..…………………………………....126 5.4.2 Ethnic Divide……………………………………………………………129 5.4.3 Generalizations…………………………………………………………134 5.5 Conclusion……………………………………………………………..138 6 INTERSECTION OF RACE AND CLASS,………………………………...141 6.1 Perception of Larger Issues…………………………………………..142 6.1.1 Poverty………………………………………………………………….143 6.1.1.1 Systemic……………………………………………………..143 6.1.1.2 Agency………………………………………………………146 6.1.2 Unemployment…………………………………………………………148 6.1.2.1 Systemic………………………………………………………149 6.1.2.2 Agency………………………………………………………..151 6.1.3 Affirmative Action and Government Assistance……………………152 ix 6.1.4 Law Enforcement………………………………………………………154 6.2 Perceptions of the black working class………………………………154 6.2.1 Working-Class Progressives…………………………………………...160 6.3 Perceptions of black middle class…………………………………….163 6.4 Negotiating boundaries between class………………………………..168 6.4.1 Interactions within class groups……………………………………..173 6.4.2 Interactions across class groups…………………………………….176 6.5 Class division in the black community………………………………180 6.6 The Black middle-class burden………………………………………182 6.7 Boogie man: The paranoia of poverty…………….…………………190
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