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Myths and Legends: the Feathered Serpent God 1 Storytimetm
TM Storytime Myths and Legends: The Feathered Serpent God 1 Teaching Resources The Feathered Serpent God is a myth from the Aztec civilisation IN BRIEF about one of their most important gods, Quetzalcoatl, and how he brought people to life. 1 LITERACY LESSON IDEAS The Feathered Serpent God is a good story to read alongside learning about the Aztec civilisation. Quetzalcoatl was an important and powerful god in ancient Central America. Find out more about him on our Quetzalcoatl Fact Sheet and find out about other Aztec gods in our Top 10 Aztec Gods Sheet. See our Feathered Serpent God Word Wise Sheet to find the meanings of any new or tricky words, and have a go at our Quick Comprehension Checker and writing exercises. Put this myth in the correct order using our Story Sequencing Sheet. Looking at the pictures, write the story in your own words using our Simple Storyboards. Make up your own myth to explain why humans come in different shapes and sizes. Discuss your ideas in class. Use our Storytime Writing Sheet to write it. Act out The Feathered Serpent God myth using our printable Quetzalcoatl, Xolotl and Skeleton Masks. The skeletons can be the Lord and Lady of the Underworld. 2 SCIENCE LESSON IDEAS Imagine you are Quetzalcoatl and you have to put the bones you’ve carried back together to make a human. Do you know where each bones goes? Fill in the blanks on our Super Skeleton Sheet and learn the names of some important bones too. Continued on page 2... © storytimemagazine.com 2018 TM Storytime Myths and Legends: The Feathered Serpent God 2 Teaching Resources 3 HISTORY LESSON IDEAS The Aztecs were fascinating. -
Editorial - Xólotl and Quetzalcóatl in Relation to Monstrosities of Maguey (Agave) and Teocentli (Zea), with Notes on the Pre-Columbian Religion of Mexico
Editorial - Xólotl and Quetzalcóatl in Relation to Monstrosities of Maguey (Agave) and Teocentli (Zea), with Notes on the Pre-Columbian Religion of Mexico Item Type Article Authors Crosswhite, F. S. Publisher University of Arizona (Tucson, AZ) Journal Desert Plants Rights Copyright © Arizona Board of Regents. The University of Arizona. Download date 30/09/2021 23:38:00 Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/554215 This plant of Agave shawii in Baja California is a developmental monstrosity. As an addendum to the 1985 Symposium on the Genus Agave, Donald 1. Pinkava announced that John R. Pasek had requested the photograph' above to be projected on the screen. Some participants immediately thought of XÔLCYTL, the pre -Columbian deity who changed himself into a monstrosity of an Agave. As the audience marvelled at the Agave monstrosity on the screen, the plenary session was declared closed. stars of the heavens) gathered at TEOTIHUACÁN so that one could Editorial volunteer to be sacrificed to the sun. Not one but two gods volunteered, one rich and one poor. The rich XÓLOTL and QUETZALCÓATL in Relation to Monstrosities god offered fine possessions in sacrifice as preparation. The poor god of MAGUEY (Agave) and TEOCENTLI (Zea), With Notes on the offered only spines of MAGUEY (Agave) stained with his own blood. To Pre- Columbian Religion of Mexico. According to the Aztecs become the sun the god or gods had to leap into the flame of the and their predecessors in pre -Columbian Mexico there were several sacred brazier to emerge pure so as to illuminate the world. -
COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL NOT for DISTRIBUTION Figure 0.3
Contents Acknowledgments ix A Brief Note on Usage xiii Introduction: History and Tlaxilacalli 3 Chapter 1: The Rise of Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1272–1454 40 Chapter 2: Acolhua Imperialisms, ca. 1420s–1583 75 Chapter 3: Community and Change in Cuauhtepoztlan Tlaxilacalli, ca. 1544–1575 97 Chapter 4: Tlaxilacalli Religions, 1537–1587 123 COPYRIGHTED MATERIAL Chapter 5: TlaxilacalliNOT FOR Ascendant, DISTRIBUTION 1562–1613 151 Chapter 6: Communities Reborn, 1581–1692 174 Conclusion: Tlaxilacalli and Barrio 203 List of Acronyms Used Frequently in This Book 208 Bibliography 209 Index 247 vii introduction History and Tlaxilacalli This is the story of how poor, everyday central Mexicans built and rebuilt autono- mous communities over the course of four centuries and two empires. It is also the story of how these self-same commoners constructed the unequal bonds of compul- sion and difference that anchored these vigorous and often beloved communities. It is a story about certain face-to-face human networks, called tlaxilacalli in both singular and plural,1 and about how such networks molded the shape of both the Aztec and Spanish rule.2 Despite this influence, however, tlaxilacalli remain ignored, subordinated as they often were to wider political configurations and most often appearing unmarked—that is, noted by proper name only—in the sources. With care, however, COPYRIGHTEDthe deeper stories of tlaxilacalli canMATERIAL be uncovered. This, in turn, lays bare a root-level history of autonomy and colonialism in central Mexico, told through the powerfulNOT and transformative FOR DISTRIBUTION tlaxilacalli. The robustness of tlaxilacalli over thelongue durée casts new and surprising light on the structures of empire in central Mexico, revealing a counterpoint of weakness and fragmentation in the canonical histories of centralizing power in the region. -
Aztec Human Sacrifice
EIGHT AZTEC HUMAN SACRIFICE ALFREDO LOPÉZ AUSTIN, UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL AUTÓNOMA DE MÉXICO, ANO LEONARDO LÓPEZ LUJÁN, INSTITUTO NACIONAL DE ANTROPOLOGíA E HISTORIA Stereotypes are persistent ideas of reality generally accepted by a social group. In many cases, they are conceptions that simplify and even caricaturize phenomena of a complex nature. When applied to societies or cultures, they l11ayinclude value judgments that are true or false, specific or ambiguous. If the stereotype refers to orie's own tradition, it emphasizes the positive and the virtuous, and it tends to praise: The Greeks are recalled as philosophers and the Romans as great builders. On the other hand, if the stereotype refers to another tradition , it stresses the negative, the faulty, and it tends to denigrate: For many, Sicilians naturally belong to the Mafia, Pygrnies are cannibals, and the Aztecs were cruel sacrificers. As we will see, many lines of evidence confirm that hurnan sacrifice was one the most deeply rooted religious traditions of the Aztecs. However, it is clear that the Aztecs were not the only ancient people that carried out massacres in honor of their gods, and there is insufficient quantitative inforrnation to determine whether the Aztecs were the people who practiced hu- man sacrifice 1110stoften. Indeed, sacred texts, literary works, historie documents, and especially evidence contributed by archaeology and physical anthropology, enable religious historians to determine that the practice of hurnan sacrifice was common in most parts of the ancient world. For exarnple, evidence of sacrifice and can n iba lism has emerged in l11any parts ofEurope, dating to the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. -
Oral Tradition 25.2
Oral Tradition, 25/2 (2010): 325-363 “Secret Language” in Oral and Graphic Form: Religious-Magic Discourse in Aztec Speeches and Manuscripts Katarzyna Mikulska Dąbrowska Introduction On the eve of the conquest, oral communication dominated Mesoamerican society, with systems similar to those defined by Walter Ong (1992 [1982]), Paul Zumthor (1983), and Albert Lord (1960 [2000]), although a written form did exist. Its limitations were partly due to the fact that it was used only by a limited group of people (Craveri 2004:29), and because the Mixtec and Nahua systems do not totally conform to a linear writing system.1 These forms of graphic communication are presented in pictographic manuscripts, commonly known as codices. The analysis of these sources represents an almost independent discipline, as they increasingly become an ever more important source for Mesoamerican history, religion, and anthropology. The methodology used to study them largely depends on how the scholar defines “writing.” Some apply the most rigid definition of a system based on the spoken language and reflecting its forms and/or structures (e.g., Coulmas 1996:xxvi), while others accept a broader definition of semasiographic systems that can transmit ideas independent of actual spoken language (yet function at the same logical level) and thus also constitute writing (e.g., Sampson 1985:26-31). The aim of this study is to analyze the linguistic “magical-religious” register of the Nahua people, designated as such because it was used for communication with the sacred realm. In this respect, it represents one of the “sacred languages,” as classified by Zumthor (1983:53). -
Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods
Michael Graulich Aztec Festivals of the Rain Gods Aunque contiene ritos indiscutiblemente agrícolas, el antiguo calendario festivo de veintenas (o 'meses') de la época azteca resulta totalmente desplazado en cuanto a las temporadas, puesto que carece de intercalados que adaptan el año solar de 365 días a la duración efectiva del año tropical. Creo haber demostrado en diversas pu- blicaciones que las fiestas pueden ser interpretadas en rigor sólo en relación con su posición original, no corrida aún. El presente trabajo muestra cómo los rituales y la re- partición absolutamente regular y lógica de las vein- tenas, dedicadas esencialmente a las deidades de la llu- via - tres en la temporada de lluvias y una en la tempo- rada de sequía - confirman el fenómeno del desplaza- miento. The Central Mexican festivals of the solar year are described with consi- derable detail in XVIth century sources and some of them have even been stu- died by modern investigators (Paso y Troncoso 1898; Seler 1899; Margain Araujo 1945; Acosta Saignes 1950; Nowotny 1968; Broda 1970, 1971; Kirchhoff 1971). New interpretations are nevertheless still possible, especially since the festivals have never been studied as a whole, with reference to the myths they reenacted, and therefore, could not be put in a proper perspective. Until now, the rituals of the 18 veintenas {twenty-day 'months') have always been interpreted according to their position in the solar year at the time they were first described to the Spaniards. Such festivals with agricultural rites have been interpreted, for example, as sowing or harvest festivals on the sole ground that in the 16th century they more or less coincided with those seasonal events. -
Location and Orientation of Teotihuacan, Mexico: Water Worship and Processional Space
Location and Orientation of Teotihuacan, Mexico: Water Worship and Processional Space Susan Toby Evans “Processions and pilgrimages produced a continuous movement that animated the landscape, thus we are dealing with fundamental ritual processes that created the sacred landscape.” Johanna Broda, this volume Introduction: The Cultural Ecology of Teotihuacan’s Placement In this paper, the ritual practice of Teotihuacan Valley, as well as with the city’s procession is argued to have provided an cosmological setting. The grid’s orientation impetus for the location and orientation of the addressed practical problems such as grading ancient city of Teotihuacan within its and drainage while it maximized ardent efforts environmental context, the Teotihuacan Valley. by worshippers to connect with the living world Cultural ecology and ethnohistory will they revered: the same urban plan that illuminate the rich corpus of information about channeled psychic energy toward sacred the city’s development and the valley’s elements of the environment also channeled geographical features, and suggest that the city’s water and waste through the city and onto topographical situation was generated by its agricultural fields. regional landscape and the needs of its planners Supporting the idea that the city’s to urbanize the site while supporting a growing orientation and location were deliberate population, which involved increasing adaptations to the Teotihuacan Valley, and that agricultural productivity and intensifying the processions were a vital component of propitiation of fertility deities. Teotihuacanos calculations to insure continued fertility, maximized crop production in their valley’s evidence is drawn from: different growing zones, while gridding their the Teotihuacan Valley’s natural city with processional avenues and arenas. -
Los Cantos Religiosos De Los Antiguos Mexicanos
Eduard Seler (editor) Los cantos religiosos de los antiguos mexicanos Miguel León-Portilla (prólogo) Johanna Malcher, Zarah Larissa Dawirs, Carmen Macuil, América Malbrán, Alma Delia Flores, Gerardo Hernández Medina, Osiris González (traductores) Ciudad de México Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas 2016 180 p. Ilustraciones (Cultura Náhuatl: Fuentes, 13) ISBN 978-607-02-8088-7 Formato: PDF Publicado en línea: 19 de agosto de 2016 Disponible en: http://www.historicas.unam.mx/publicaciones/publicadigital/libros /cantos_religiosos/antiguos_mexicanos.html DR © 2016, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México-Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. Se autoriza la reproducción sin fines lucrativos, siempre y cuando no se mutile o altere; se debe citar la fuente completa y su dirección electrónica. De otra forma, requiere permiso previo por escrito de la institución. Dirección: Circuito Mtro. Mario de la Cueva s/n, Ciudad Universitaria, Coyoacán, 04510. Ciudad de México PRIMERA PARTE, CANTOS 1 A 10 83 La estrofa, que se encuentra en ambos manuscritos, el de Madrid y el de Florencia, como la última de este himno, pertenece indudablemente al siguiente canto. Allí yo la he presentado como la primera estrofa. VIII. XOCHIPILLI ICUIC / CANTO DEL DIOS DE LAS FLORES 69 1. Tlachtli icpacaya,68 vel in cuica- 1. El Quetzalcoxcoxtli canta en el ya, quetzalcuxcoxaya, quinanquilia juego de pelota. El dios del maíz le çinteutla. oay responde. q. n. Esto es: Intla taçica tictecazque totlach vn- El tiempo ha llegado para nosotros, can ticuicazque no yehoatl in que- prepararemos nuestro juego de pe- tzalcocox. lota. Allí cantaremos y (con noso- tros) el Quetzalcoxcoxtli. 2. -
An Exploration of the Aztec Fetishized Female Body William L
Partitioning the Parturient: An Exploration of the Aztec Fetishized Female Body William L. Barnes Sixteenth-century Spanish missionary Bernardino de “celestial women. .those who are always, forever glad, con- Sahagún spent many years collecting ethnographic information tent, joyous, happy by [and] near our mother, our father, the among the Aztecs of Central Mexico. Perhaps the most com- sun, whom they gladden, to whom they cry out.”3 However, as prehensive of his works is the Florentine Codex, a twelve vol- a group these goddesses caused widespread fear and trepida- ume manuscript originally entitled General History of the Things tion in Aztec society, for they would return to earth and tor- of New Spain. Among a myriad of other topics covered in this ment the living. monumental work, Father Sahagún discusses a curious phe- The cihuateteo are usually depicted in Aztec pre-conquest nomenon which I call the Fetishized Female Body.1 As described art as partially skeletonized figures with upraised claws (Fig- by Sahagún, the body of a woman who had died in childbirth ure 1). These women are seated in the proper Aztec female became a holy relic to the Aztecs, its individual components fashion, with their legs tucked up under their bodies.4 Imagery imbued with portentous magical power. At various times the differs slightly from sculpture to sculpture, from bare breasted woman’s severed fingers, hair, hands and arms, became skeletal women, bare breasts being typical of the non-noble fetishized objects, affording supernatural power and protection Aztec woman’s costume, to more elaborate examples with or- for the bearers who were invariably male. -
Dogs in the Southwest (22-3)
ARCHAEOLOGY SOUTHWEST CONTINUE ON TO THE NEXT PAGE FOR YOUR magazineFREE PDF (formerly the Center for Desert Archaeology) is a private 501 (c) (3) nonprofit organization that explores and protects the places of our past across the American Southwest and Mexican Northwest. We have developed an integrated, conservation- based approach known as Preservation Archaeology. Although Preservation Archaeology begins with the active protection of archaeological sites, it doesn’t end there. We utilize holistic, low-impact investigation methods in order to pursue big-picture questions about what life was like long ago. As a part of our mission to help foster advocacy and appreciation for the special places of our past, we share our discoveries with the public. This free back issue of Archaeology Southwest Magazine is one of many ways we connect people with the Southwest’s rich past. Enjoy! Not yet a member? Join today! Membership to Archaeology Southwest includes: » A Subscription to our esteemed, quarterly Archaeology Southwest Magazine » Updates from This Month at Archaeology Southwest, our monthly e-newsletter » 25% off purchases of in-print, in-stock publications through our bookstore » Discounted registration fees for Hands-On Archaeology classes and workshops » Free pdf downloads of Archaeology Southwest Magazine, including our current and most recent issues » Access to our on-site research library » Invitations to our annual members’ meeting, as well as other special events and lectures Join us at archaeologysouthwest.org/how-to-help In the meantime, stay informed at our regularly updated Facebook page! 300 N Ash Alley, Tucson AZ, 85701 • (520) 882-6946 • [email protected] • www.archaeologysouthwest.org ™ Archaeology Southwest Volume 22, Number 3 Center for Desert Archaeology Summer 2008 Dogs in the Southwest Tobi Taylor, Center for Desert Archaeology Alan Ferg, Arizona State Museum Dody Fugate, Museum of Indian Arts and Culture OGS AND HUMANS have lived together for a very long time. -
The Tonsured Maize God and Chicome-Xochitl As Maize Bringers and Culture Heroes: a Gulf Coast Perspective
f No. 32, 2009 WAYEB NOTES ISSN 1379-8286 THE TONSURED MAIZE GOD AND CHICOME-XOCHITL AS MAIZE BRINGERS AND CULTURE HEROES: A GULF COAST PERSPECTIVE H.E.M. Braakhuis Utrecht University “He [the Maize Hero] spoke words like water being scattered” (Alcorn et al. 2006: 601) It is now slightly more than twenty-five years ago that Taube identified the ‘Tonsured Maize God’, a youthful deity whose emergence from a turtle shell has since become an icon of Classic Maya culture. The presence of the Twin heroes of the Popol Vuh, Hunahpu and Xbalanque, at the maize deity’s emergence contributed much to this status. Taube’s conclusion that the episode represents the bringing back to life of the Twins’ father, who had died in the Underworld, has been widely accepted.1 M. D. Coe (1989: 167) was one of the first to adopt this interpretation, and it has slowly become the orthodox view. It has also become common practice to refer to the Twins’ father, Hun-Hunahpu, as ‘the Maize God’, notwithstanding the fact that a maize god is not mentioned in the Popol Vuh. Schele and Freidel (1993: 59-116, 272-286), in particular, have helped to popularize Taube’s viewpoint. They developed it into an astral maize mythology of their own, a critical evaluation of which, though much needed, lies beyond the scope of this essay. When, fourteen years after Taube’s initial study, Quenon and Le Fort (1997) presented an overview of the then available iconographic material, in which they distinguish five broad ‘episodes’, their focus remained on the interaction of the Twins with Hun-Hunahpu. -
The Teotihuacan Cave of Origin 53
The Teot?huacan cave of origin The iconography and architecture of emergence mythology in Mesoamerica and the American Southwest KARLA. TAUBE It is now a well-known fact that the greatest structure Alfonso Caso (1942) the scene depicts the afterlife at Teotihuacan, the Pyramid of the Sun, is carefully Paradise of Tlaloc, there are two basic problems with oriented to a specific natural feature. On the western this interpretation. Caso identifies the large figures side, at the central basal portion of the stairway, a cave above Mural 3 and neighboring Mural 2 as the god leads in to almost the exact center of the pyramid. Ren? Tlaloc, but in recent years others have noted that the Mill?n (1983: 235) notes the extreme importance of the entity is female, not male (e.g., Kubier 1962, 1967; Teotihuacan cave: Pasztory 1973, 1974; F?rst 1974; Taube 1983). Second, the Tlalocan interpretation does not account the must be where it is and nowhere else because pyramid for the other Patio 2 murals, which share many features the cave below itwas the most sacred of sacred with Mural 3 byt cannot be considered . simply places the rituals performed in the cave must have representations of the afterlife. Viewed as the celebrated a system of myth and belief of transcendent emergence of mankind out of the underworld, Mural 3 importance. is far more consistent with the other Patio 2 murals, The ideological significance of the cave has been which appear to portray legendary or actual events and considered in accordance with two general lines of places (Taube 1983).