The Jerry Mchenry Rescue and the Growth of Northern Antislavery Sentiment During the 1850S Author(S): Jayme A
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The Jerry McHenry Rescue and the Growth of Northern Antislavery Sentiment during the 1850s Author(s): Jayme A. Sokolow Source: Journal of American Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3 (Dec., 1982), pp. 427-445 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the British Association for American Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27554201 Accessed: 20/02/2010 20:05 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. British Association for American Studies and Cambridge University Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of American Studies. http://www.jstor.org The Jerry McHenry Rescue and the Growth of Northern Antislavery Sentiment during the 1850s JAYME A. SOKOLOW on 2 In his second annual message to the Congress December 1851, President Millard Fillmore defended his administration's enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law. Although "lawless and violent mobs"1 had resisted to federal officers trying enforce the statute, he happily noted that resistance was : sporadic and ineffectual I and the the in these congratulate you country upon general acquiescence ... measures of peace which has been exhibited in all parts of the Republic [T] he to spirit of reconciliation which has been manifested in regard them [the 1850 in all of the has removed doubts and un compromise measures] parts country the of men our certainties in minds of thousands good concerning the duration of institutions and renewed assurance that our and our Union popular given liberty subsist for the benefit of this and may together succeeding generations.2 Fillmore also received support from both the Democrats and Whigs; at their national conventions in 1852 they pledged to honor the Compromise of 1850 and earnestly hoped that sectional differences would wane.3 as While abolitionists such Theodore Parker denounced the Fugitive Slave Tech Jayme A. Sokolow teaches in the Department of History, Texas University, Box 4529, Lubbock, Texas 79409. 1 James D. Richardson, Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents, 10 Government 1789-189J, vols. (Washington: Printing Office, 1907), 5, 137. 2 Ibid., 5, 138-39. 3 Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson, eds., National Party Platforms, 1840 111.: of Illinois 21. 1860 (Urbana, Univ. Press, 1961), pp. 17, Amer. Stud. 16, 3, 427-45 Printed in Great Britain Press 0021-8758/82/BAAS-3005 $01.50 ? 1982 Cambridge University me 428 Jay A. So\olow "to rescue of Law and promised any fugitive slave from the hands any to to even officer who attempts return him bondage,"4 antislavery advocates admitted that between the Compromise of 1850 and the Kansas-Nebraska to to Act of 1854 most northerners were willing obey the law in order this mollify the South and prevent the disruption of the Union. During four was the year period the Fugitive Slave Law effectively enforced throughout were northern and border states; only nine accused fugitives rescued from as one were federal custody compared with hundred and sixty slaves who or remanded by federal tribunals returned without due process.5 As Horace most Greeley wrote about the early 1850s, Americans desired "peace and were prosperity, and nowise inclined to cut each other's throats and burn a each other's houses in general quarrel concerning (as they regarded it) only the status of negroes."6 Only after the Kansas-Nebraska Act repealed the more Missouri Compromise did northern public opinion become hostile toward the Fugitive Slave Law. But the federal government continued to successfully enforce the statute; throughout the decade 82.3 percent of all were to accused runaways remanded their owners.7 a The passage of the Fugitive Slave Law culminated decade of frustration movement for the antislavery crusade. Although the abolitionist gained adherents during the 1840s, moral suasion, political agitation, and legal as action failed to contain or diminish slavery the Mexican War and the Compromise of 1850 signalled the apparent growth of the peculiar institu was tion. The Constitution also slipping away from the abolitionists. Federal state court were to and decisions decidedly adverse the novel arguments of antislavery lawyers and the judicial system actively promoted the rendition of fugitive slaves.8 Abolitionists might complain that by "a dash of the Commissioner's an accused was transformed "a human pen" runaway from 4 John Weiss, Life and Correspondence of Theodore Parser, Minister of the Twenty 2 Eighth Congregational Society, Boston, vols. (New York: D. Appleton, 1864), I, 102. 5 Stanley W. Campbell, The Slave Catchers: Enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Law, W. W. 1850-1860 (New York: Norton, 1972), pp. 199-202, 207. 6 Horace 2 : Greeley, The American Conflict: A History, vols. (Washington D.C. 210-11. National Tribune, 1902), 1, 7 Campbell, pp. 49-95, 207. 8 Robert M. Cover, Justice Accused: Antislavery and the Judicial Process (New Haven and London: Yale Univ. Press, 1975), pp. 159-91; William M. Wiecek, The Sources of Antislavery Constitutionalism in America, 1760?1848 (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1977), pp. 249-90; Thomas D. Morris, Free Men All: The Personal Liberty Laws the The of North, iy8o?i86i (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 130-218; Norman L. Rosenberg, "Personal Liberty Laws and the Sectional Crisis: 1850?1861," Civil War History, 17 (1971), 25?45. Growth of Northern Antislavery Sentiment during the 1850s 429 most being into property,"9 but Americans in the early 1850s concurred with measure. the The public's seeming acquiescence and the federal govern to return ment's unsparing efforts fugitives goaded even many pacifist abolitionists into unprecedented acts of civil disobedience and violence. They more became militant and openly defended disunion, d?fiance of the slave new power conspiracy, and violence against the hated Fugitive Slave Law.10 most was Perhaps the dramatic and influential early instance of resistance rescue on the of the runaway slave Jerry McHenry in Syracuse, New York, 1 was a October 1851. This pro-abolitionist riot harbinger of growing northern opposition to the strident demands of the South and its northern an allies and also illustration of the concomitant development of antislavery sentiment in the north during the decade before the Civil War.11 II was to Because Syracuse militantly opposed slavery and the Fugitive Slave a con Law, the city had already become focus of national attention in the troversy surrounding the recent statute. Located in western New York, this was a city of 21,901 whites and 370 blacks in 1850 originally settled by stream of migrants from New England who brought with them their state churches, schools, and piety. "Almost every free has its New England within its borders,"12 Vermont Senator Justin Morrill aptly observed. were Throughout the north and midwest these little New Englands centers of literacy, religion, reform and antislavery agitation. The larger cities, with to their commercial ties the South and their growing immigrant populations, 9 Remarks of James W. Stone in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, April 13, 1855 (Boston: n.p., 1855). 10 Jane H. Pease and William H. Pease, "Confrontation and Abolition in the 1850s," Journal of American History, 58 (1972), 923-37; They Who Would Be Free: Blac\sy Search for Freedom, 1830-1861 (New York: Atheneum, 1974), pp. 233-50; a Merton C. Dillon, The Abolitionists: The Growth of Dissenting Minority (Dekalb, 111.: Northern Illinois Univ. Press, 1974), pp. 219-46; Carleton Mabee, Blac\ Free dom: The Nonviolent Abolitionists From 1830 Through the Civil War (New York: Macmillan, 1970), pp. 185-332; Lewis Perry, Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1973)5 pp. 231-94. 11 a see For pioneering narrative account of the Jerry rescue, W. Freeman Galpin, "The Jerry Rescue," New Yor\ History, 26 (1945), 19-34. Three brief, modern rescue accounts of the Jerry differ widely in their narratives and analyses. See Dillon, pp. 186-87; Benjamin Quarles, Blac\ Abolitionists (New York: Oxford Brewer The Univ. Press, 1969), pp. 209-11; James Stewart, Holy Warriors: Abolitionists and American Slavery (New York: Hill and Wang, 1976), pp. 124, 154-55 12 2 Congressional Globe, 36 Congress, Session, 663. me 430 Jay A. So\olow tended to be more conservative, but in western New York's burned-over district New Englanders settled in large numbers and supported the abolition ist crusade. While the Senate was debating the Fugitive Slave Law, Samuel Joseph a most May, transplanted New Englander and Syracuse's famous pacifist a and abolitionist, attended Fugitive Slave Convention in the nearby Finger to Lakes village of Cazenovia where abolitionists pledged aid runaway slaves in preserving their precarious freedom.13 Only eight days after Fillmore had a a to signed the Law, local Syracuse newspaper called for public meeting disscuss the new enactment.14 On 4 October Samuel R.