The Idea of Diversity in Mexico And the United States

José A. Aguilar Rivera* e n i H

. W

s i w e L

Waiting at Ellis Island.

n August 19, 2000, the statu e warehouse. After a few consultations, Lincoln returned to the corner of Julio of Abraham Lincoln located the authorities decided that Lincoln’s Verne and Emilio Castelar completely Oin Mexico City’s Abraham Lin - head and body could not be reunited restored, to represent the American peo - coln Park was knocked off its pe des - be cause no one knew who the statue ple who donated him to the Mexicans tal. 1 Across the street, Martin Luther belonged to since it had been a gift from in 1982.” 3 King witnessed the strange disappear - the U.S. government. The assistant ward The entire episode is an almost per - ance. The almost four-meter-high bronz e director for legal affairs stated to the fect metaphor for the national condi - statue was found lying not far away. The press, “It has not been put back be - tion of our two countries: a past that top part had been separated from the res t cause we don’t know who should ask wavers between the upsets of contin - of the body. Uneasy policemen took for the head, the federal or the local gency, a determination to remember the head to a district attorney’s office government.” 2 According to witness - —if not to commemorate— a patriotic and it was kept there. Later, munici - es, a group of young revelers knocked story under fire, the appropriation of pal employees took Lincoln’s body to a down the statue in the heat of a pre- memory fractured by strangers and its dawn spree. More than a month later, often unpredictable migration across * Professor and researcher at the Center for Lincoln was finally returned to his pe - national borders. Our past is not our Economic Research and Teaching ( CIDE ). destal. One reporter wrote, “Abraham own. It also reveals the fights to adju -

44 Mexico-U.S. Relations

dicate symbolic property; some solicit The other and the others —the mino - countries large groups of foreign mi - the head, others the body of history. rities inside, as well as the marginal grants intermingled. Everyone asks whom the nation and countries and nations outside— do The integration of American and its history belongs to. Lincoln’s predi c - exist.” 6 Paz was repeating a common - European ethnic groups took place with - ament also reminds us that there is a place: our countries were separated b y in the French model of the republic, will to reintegrate, to restore what has “very profound social, economic and adapting it more or less to Latin Amer - been broken. Our national identities psychic differences.” Mexico and the ican historical processes.” 8 According anxiously look for their lost head. And United States were two different ver - to García Canclini, in Latin American that search for integrity, like Lincoln’s sions of Western civilization. The his - countries there was sudden reversal of fortunes in Mexico, tory of our relations was that of a mu- is crisscrossed by chance in the extreme. tual, persistent and usually —although greater social willingness and more of Perhaps, at the end of the day, we will not always— involuntary deception. a variety of political-cultural strategies be able to reunite our scattered parts. Perhaps Paz was right, although these to make it possible for heterogeneity to However, in contrast with Lincoln’s kinds of civilizing explanations are less be resolved with mestization. While in effigy, the face of the past has been and less persuasive. However, here, I am the United States, blacks were first kept lost forever. There is no solder or sheen interested in pointing to the common - as slaves and later segregated in neigh - that can restore its original condition. alities —not the differences— be - borhoods, schools and other public tween the Mexican and American na - spaces, and the indigenous were mar - tional experiences. Both countries are ginalized on reservations, in the Latin * * * in a simultaneous process of introspec - American countries, the extermination The idea of writing about Mexico and tion and redefining their identities. In and marginalization of blacks and in - the U.S. national experiences came both Mexico and the United States, digenous co-existed with policies for about in the United States in the mid - multiculturalism has become a central mestization from the nineteenth cen - 1990s during the climax of that coun - issue for public debate. Does the term tury on and with an (unequal) recogni - try’s cultural wars. 4 These conflicts mean the same thing in both coun - tion of their citizenship, which went as coin cided with the 1994 Zapatista re - tries? In principle, there would seem far as the symbolic exaltation of their bellion, which evidenced the break- to be semantic differences. The word patrimony in Mexican indigenismo . Ra c - down of the national imaginary in Mex - “multiculturalism” is more used in Bri - ism was everywhere, but the alter na ti - ico. It seemed to me that both countries tain, Canada and the United States, ves to racism must be differentiated.... went through like symbolic upsets and although in Mexico it is beginning to While in the United States mestization that their predicament had many sim - replace the term “cultural pluralism” and hybridization have predo minantly ilarities that were by no means re cent . that was used for a good part of the been seen as scandalous, in Latin Amer - The comparison of these experiences twentieth century. However, the word ican and Caribbean countries, together could help Mexicans and Americans “continues to have different applica - with discriminatory policies and day- understand their circumstances bet - tions. Americans use it to designate the to-day attitudes, broad sectors of soci - ter. This is not, of course, a new road. separate co-existence of ethnic groups. ety put a positive value on mixing as Other observers have noted that the Despite having preached the cultural something which fosters moderniza - debates about multiculturalism in the mix and consecrating it with the ex - tion and cultural creativity. 9 United States have broader implica - pression ‘melting pot,’ identities tend [And] although the “American black” tions. 5 In a speech given in Washing - to be essentialist and belonging to a and the “Mexican Indian” were the other ton nearly a quarter of a century ago, community has become the main gua - in the civic normativity in their respec - Octavio Paz surprised his American rantee of individual rights.” 7 In accor - tive countries, the Indian in Mexico audience saying, “To conquer its ene - dance with this idea, in Latin America, was situated as the very subject of the mies, the United States must first “Modern nations were not formed nationality, a subject who was to be con quer itself: return to its origins, no t with the model of belonging to ethnic - transformed through education and to repeat them but to rectify them. ities or communities because in many racial mixing. 10

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Canclini, for example, states that the While in Latin America solving multicultural dissemination of the U.S. and Ca - nadian debates in France and other conflicts through affirmative action policies is not very popular, European countries has led to reflect indigenous rights, based on an essentialist conception “about the insufficiency of the princi - of identity, are increasingly accepted. ple of equal rights and the inability of institutions to really supply equal ac - cess to goods and services and avert This history, which summarizes the phenomenon is beneficial since it pre - racism.” 14 In addition, multiculturalism dominant view, must be reviewed be - sumes that there are no unbreachable seeks to persuade about the explicit cause it is unsatisfactory. The compar - ethnic or religious barriers to people need of symbolic recognition for mi - ison between Mexico and the United uniting, is pernicious as a national ide - norities. The specific forms of this re- States illuminates its insufficiencies. ology. In other respects, the emphasis cognition are the subject of lively de - For a start, it is inconsistent: if the par - on “the cosmic race” has blacked out bate in both countries. The debate turns adigm of integration in Mexico was the important phenomena such as the con - around several crosscutting themes. For secular idea of the republic, how can tinued existence of minorities who do example, writing and re-writing na - we explain the racial ideology of mes - not mix in: indigenous, Mennonites, tional history, education, the inclusion tization at the center of the discourse Jews, etc. This has influenced how we or the right to difference for minori - about national identity? Far from being think about and analyze processes of ties and the search for cultural com - a matter of informal understandings, integration. mon denominators. How the debates mestization was an out-and-out racial - Perhaps the underlying similarities, on these issues have evolved in the ist theory, with theoreticians to syste - neither explicit nor recognized, be - United States and Mexico is explored matize it. This is not a minor variation tween both societies are what explain in a comparative fashion and divided of the French model. The identity axis the success of the multicultural dis - into three parts. was the mestizo, not the citizen. Although course in broad intellectual and polit - 1) First, there is the debate about many of the differences noted are very ical circles in Mexico. 11 And while in national history and its teachings in real, others are a matter of degree. After Latin America solving multicultural both countries during the 1990s. In the everything is said and done, in the co - conflicts through affirmative action United States, the concern is that lonial period, as in many states of the policies is not very popular, indigenous the version of history of that nation does United States, there was also a com - rights, based on an essentialist con - not appropriately reflect the part ici - plex system of racial classification that ception of identity, are increasingly ac - pa tion of minorities in nation-build - sought to codify the different possibil - cepted. Similarly, gender quotas have ing efforts. The adjudication of histo - ities and degrees of mixture. The colo - already made their appearance in Mex - ry —who did what, how much and nial censors wanted to know who was ican politics. Are we moving in both how— has led many specialists to what and in what proportion to deter - countries toward a common discourse question the role of history and its mine the step on the social ladder that on multiculturalism? 12 teaching in a diverse society. Is rewrit - he or she should occupy. The nineteenth Multiculturalism is a persuasion, ing the historic narrative in an attempt century, which attempted to eliminate an attempt to lead us to believe in the to incorporate the excluded limited by this hateful legacy, was in many res - basic suppositions that support an “objectivity”? The past and its image pects just a brief interlude in our racist interpretation of history and culture. mold not only our understanding of past. A short time later, by the end of In effect, “The export of U.S. multicul - the present but also future possibilitie s. the Porfiriato (the 30-year dictatorship turalism has been echoed in Europe In the same way, in Mexico, controver - of Porfirio Díaz), the notion of race was and Latin American at a moment in sie s about the country’s history have back, and ended up by strengthening which the decline of the socialist cri - been frequent. The writing of official itself during the post-revolutionary tique of capitalism contributed to de - schoolbooks led to a huge polemic in period. Mestization, which as a social valuing distributive demands.” 13 García 1992. A group of historians aimed to

46 Mexico-U.S. Relations

demythologize the official history and reinterpret some of the most stereo - We only have a few indications to imagine typed episodes in Mexico history. This the possible physiognomies of future national identities attempt was met with numerous ob - jections. in Mexico and the United States. We do not know what 2) At the beginning of the twenty- comes after the cosmic race and the melting pot. first century, we only have a few indi - cations to imagine the possible phys - iognomies of future national identities of mestization has been a barrier to the States. While the census and other in Mexico and the United States. In recognition of the role played not only sources describe in great detail the ra - brief, we do not know what comes after by indigenous groups, but also by Jews , cial composition of U.S. society, in the cosmic race and the melting pot. Germans, Chinese, Koreans, Menno - Mexico that information is practically Is the United States really moving nites, etc. Many of these groups have non-existent. This, of course, is not toward a “mosaic” composition in the enjoyed de facto or legal autonomy to fortuitous. The lack of useful census Canadian style? What will unite Mex - carry on their affairs. As a result, they information to measure ethnic diversit y icans amidst enormous ethnic, re gio nal have managed to maintain themselves is due to Mexico’s national self-image and economic inequality? This part is to a greater degree. As opposed to the as a uniformly mestizo country. In re - an exercise in imagination and mem - official understanding that proposes a cent years, as revolutionary national - ory. Neither Mexico nor the United homogeneous nation, I contend that in ism eroded, the censuses little by little States is facing for the first time the Mexico there is an important degree of began to register characteristics that challenges of the definition of its na - unrecognized cultural diversity. The real - had previously been ignored, such as tionhood. At other times (when inde - ity is the inverted image of the myth. the population’s ethnic self-identifica - pendence was won, at the end of the Then I look into the “Myth of Di - tion. This is part of a broader process revolution, during the waves of immi - versity”, a mirror discussion of this. of symbolic change. gration and in the years that saw the The United States is a culturally uni - I ultimately seek to show many com - rise of the civil rights movement) both form country that thinks of itself as monalities between the two countries countries managed to recreate their diverse, while Mexico is a multicultur - that are not evident. But among all of identities. The question we want to al country that thinks of itself as uni - them, I emphasize one in particular. The answer is: What are their possible fu - form. Despite the sound and the fury societies of Mexico and the United ture forms? of the polemics in the United States, States live in the shadow of historic 3) Finally, I analyze the existing cul - the fact is that it is a very homogeneous guilt. The memory of the many injus - tural diversity (or uniformity) in both nation. The rhetoric once again cov - tices committed against Negroes and societies. In Mexico, the idea of a homo - ers up reality. Diversity is examined in indigenous people indelibly mark the geneously mestizo country —an idea long light of indicators such as the per - public debates and policies of both na - dominant— has fallen into disrepute centage of the native population who tions. Neither of them has known how and now we seek to establish an image does not speak English, exogamy and to exorcise the specter of guilt. I exam - of a multicultural nation that recognize s the degree of freedom given to religious ine the cultural, social and political ef - difference. In what I call the “End of the and ethnic minorities. In order to com - fects of guilt. Undoubtedly, a certain Cosmic Race” I attempt to go beyond pare, I analyze the role played in both kind of regret can turn into an induce - the myth of mestization to recognize the countries by specific groups, such as ment to forge a better society. How ever, different national groups which through - Chinese immigrants, the Amish and guilt can also be an obstacle to achieving out history have participated in Mexico’s Men nonites, Mormon colonies and the true social justice. A guilty conscience national construction. Underneath the Jewish communities. I also dig into obscures possible remedies in different mask of mestizo uniformity, this coun - the most recent demographic infor - ways . This is what has happened in Mex - try has been much more multicultural mation to illustrate long-term cultural ico and the United States. Is it possi - than has been thought. The imaginary patterns in Mexico and the United ble to exorcise the phantom of guilt?

47 Voices of Mexico • 65

What are the similarities between the have imagined herself in many ways, Chicano or Puerto Rican) and as such they have the right to affirm the difference in lan - multicultural debates in Mexico and but surely not as a “Hispanic.” Neither guage, in quotas for jobs and services, or to the United States? The answer is by no would it have occurred to her that her ensure a place in universities or government agencies. This ‘affirmative action’ has served means obvious because, as I have men - work could be appropriated collective - to correct and compensate institutionalized tioned, the starting point of each ly to be shown as an “ethnic contribu - forms of discrimination that led to chronic 17 inequalities. But through a procedure that nation is different. The national ideas tion to the United States.” Frida thus be - makes groups that one belongs to by birth, that seem to have gone out of date are came a symbol of inclusion: she stop ped via the weight of biology and history, pre - dominate over groups of choice and over different in each case. However, the being a Mexican artist and was trans - mixes, that is, over mestization.” Néstor Gar - complaints and demands for recogni - formed into the representative of a mi - cía Canclini, La globalización imaginada tion seem to have notable similarities. nority. The episode shows up a paradox. (Mexico City: Paidós, 2000), p. 110.

Are these similarities real or only ap - Since Mexicans and Amer icans begin 8 Néstor García Canclini, “Diccionario de parent? The comparison of the two na - to imagine a shared future, our different malentendidos,” Letras libres , vol. 3, no. 28, April 2001, p. 24. tional debates illuminates aspects which pasts begin to coincide in unexpected are not glaringly obvious in each country . ways. 9 Néstor García Canclini, La globalización ima - This exercise results in the questioning ginada (Mexico City: Paidós, 2000), p. 113. of comfortable beliefs about ourselves. 10 Ibid., pp. 112 and 116. The comparison directs our attention to unexplored places that take on impor - 11 The writings of Canadian political theorist Will Kymlicka were translated very rapidly tance when observed under a new light . into Spanish and read by supporters of mul - The roads of diversity are many: Will ticulturalism in Latin America. See Will Kymlicka, Ciudadanía multicultural: una Mexicans and Americans take similar NOTES teoría liberal de los derechos de las minorías routes or will we travel separate roads? (Barcelona: Paidós, 1996). For a domestic What factors can or should influence exam ple of the argument, see Luis Villoro, Estado plural, pluralidad de culturas (Mexico 1 Mirtha Hernández, “Desaparece estatua de this decision? This is an open debate. City: Paidós/ UNAM , 1998) and Héctor Díaz- Lincoln en Polanco,” Reforma (Mexico City), Polanco and Consuelo Sánchez, México In July 2001, the U.S. Postal Service 22 August 2000. diverso. La lucha por la autonomía (Mexico put out a stamp showing a self-portrait City: Siglo XXI , 2002). 2 Mirtha Hernández, “Llevan a Lincoln al of Frida Khalo. The slogan used to pu b - Ministerio Público,” Reforma (Mexico City), 12 See, for example, Bárbara A. Driscoll and Paz licize the stamp was, “Frida Khalo: the 22 August 2000. Consuelo Márquez-Padilla, comps., El color first Hispanic woman honored with a de la tierra. Minorías en México y Estados 3 Karla Mendoza, “Devuelven a Lincoln a su Unidos (Mexico City: UNAM , 2002). postage stamp.” When it was unveiled , lugar,” Reforma (Mexico City), 25 September 2000. Postal Service Vice President for Di - 13 Néstor García Canclini, op. cit., p. 111. versity Development, Benjamin P. Oca - 4 This article is a shorter version of the pref - 14 Ibid., p. 112. sio said, “The Frida Kahlo stamp allows ace to the book by the same author titled El us to reach out across communities to sonido y la furia. Ensayos sobre la persuasión multicultural en México y en Estados Uni - 15 Press release, 21 June 2001, www.usps.com let everyone know that this organiza - dos , to be released by Taurus Editorial at the beginning of next year. tion has a commitment to diversity that 16 Ibid. involves both our customers and our 5 See, for example, Denis Lacorne, La crise de 15 17 employees.” Cecilia Alvear, president l’identité américaine. Du melting-pot au mul - Apropos of the Miramax film about Frida ticulturalism (Paris: Fayard, 1997). Khalo’s life with Salma Hayek in the title role, of the National Association of Hispanic one critic wrote in a Mexico City newspaper,

Journalists added, “This stamp, honor - 6 “What would Frida, an anti-Yankee by nature, Octavio Paz, “Mexico and the United States: say if she could see how the entire social and ing a Mexican artist who has transcend - positions and counterpositions,” Tommie Sue political ideal disappeared into a superficial ed ‘la frontera’ and has become an icon Montgomery, ed., Mexico Today (Philadel - narrative that cushioned the physical pain and phia: ISH, 1982), p. 21. the torment of the soul that accompanied her to Hispanics, feminists and art lovers, throughout almost her entire existence and will be a further reminder of the con - 7 Néstor García Canclini, “Diccionario de that today turns her into the heroine of just malentendidos,” Letras libres , vol. 3, no. 28, ti nuous cultural contributions of Latinos another ‘love story’?” Perla Ciuk, “Frida en April 2001, pp. 22-25. “[People] think and ac t Dysneylandia,” Reforma (Mexico City), 11 No - to the United States.” 16 Khalo must as members of a minority (Afro-American or vember 2002,

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