DOCSLIB.ORG

The Discovery of the North Coast of South America According to an Anonymous Map in the British Museum Author(S): J

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Discovery of the North Coast of South America According to an Anonymous Map in the British Museum Author(S): J The Discovery of the North Coast of South America According to an Anonymous Map in the British Museum Author(s): J. Denucé Source: The Geographical Journal, Vol. 36, No. 1 (Jul., 1910), pp. 65-80 Published by: geographicalj Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1777655 Accessed: 21-06-2016 10:04 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Wiley, The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Geographical Journal This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 10:04:01 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms THE DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA. 65 whale fishery is depressing. Only one right whale was sighted from the Arctic during two seasons. In 1907, with eight steamers, the take was only three whales, yielding 97 tons of blubber and 32 cwt. of bone. One ship, the Windward, was lost and became a total wreck at the Cary islands. One is glad to hear that the good old Morning is still in being. The whalers now have to take out a licence from the Canadian Government. THE DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA ACCORDING TO AN ANONYMOUS MAP IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.' By Dr. J. DENUOE. THE cartography of South America, as of the rest of the continent, dates from the year 1500 with the map of the world by Juan de la Cosa, the pilot of Christopher Columbus. It is generally admitted that this document is based upon the explora- tions of Vicente Yanez Pinzon and of Diego de Lepe. The author, in point of fact, was well acquainted with the American coast from Cape San Roque to the mouth of the Orinoco, and there he commenced observations of his own in the course of Hojeda's expedition in 1499. Thirty years later we come across another map issued by official Spanish cosmographers; this is the map of the world of Diego Ribeiro, of the year 1529. This pilot gives information to the effect that the coast between the Rio Dulco (Orinoco) and Cape San Roque, after having been travelled along once or twice since the discovery of the New World, was not further known to Spanish navigators.t This would lead to the belief that the Seville Cartographical Service, which was specially charg3d with preparing and preserving a model chart, or " padron real," knew only of the discoveries of Pinzon and Lepe. These two captains had furnished to Andres de Morales, map-maker of Seville, information for the construction of a map which he had prepared of the region in question, and which had probably served as a model for Ribeiro. Now, the outline and nomenclature of the map of 1529 differ very markedly from those of Juan de la Cosa's map, and it is evident that Ribeiro borrowed from other sources. Be the declaration of the royal cosmographer whom we have just named what it may, and the prototypes which he may have had before him, it is clear that the Hydrographic Service at the Casa de Contratacion of Seville ignored or took no notice of some very good maps at the command of travellers, such as the portulans of Freducci, Reinel, Maggiolo, etc., which were derived in part from Spanish mcdels. One would think that the Casa would have made a selection from the sometimes contradictory information upon the subject of new explorations; the study of the above-mentioned charts, and notably of that which we now intend to examine, shows, however, that the authors of the " padron real" often preferred the information of later travellers whose memoranda are not always handed down to us, to the data derived from the first discoveries. In my ' Origines de la Cartographic portugaise' ~ I have referred to an anony- mous manuscript atlas of Italian composition which occurs in the Egerton Collection * Map, p. 128. t Orville A. Derby, 'A Costa Nordete do Brasil na Cartographia Antiga' (Extrahido do Livro do Tricentenario do Ceara) (Ceara, 1903), p. 8; ' The North-East Coast of Brazil in Ancient Cartography,' from Science, N.S., vol. 19, 1904, p. 681. t Page 80. NO. I.-JULY, 1910.] F This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 10:04:01 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 66 THE DISCOVERY OF THE NORTH COAST OF SOUTH AMERICA (No. 2803) at the British Museum. It comprises twenty maps, the greater number referring to Europe, and seven or eight treating of the other continents. According to the catalogue of the office manuscripts, the date of the atlas is 1508,* but H. Harrissc, misled by the ephemeris-table at the end of the volume, which commences with the year 1507, assigns a date prior to 1507.t This great authority has published the part of it dealing with Newfoundland, while the small map of the world on the first page of the manuscript has been reproduced by me in the aforesaid work. The representation of America which I here give on nearly the original scale, oc:upies in the Collection the leaves 7 verso, 8 recto, and 9 verso, and is the part of the atlas devoted to Spanish discoveries in the New WVorld. There is wanting a scale of latitudes and longitudes. Approximately the South American continent extends in it from 10? S. to the latitude of Cuba, about 23? N.- that is to say, to the point where the voyage of Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1509 termlinated. On the other hand, the absence of Florida and the i,thmus of Panama points to the year 1513 as the date of completion of the work. It should be noted, however, that in the small map of the world in the same atlas, the isthmus of Panama is roughly delineated. T''he two margins of this map representing Eastern Asia and Western America are not concordant; further, a still more indefinite Gulf of Mexico lends support to the hypothesis that this sheet may have undergone a modification afterwards. Comlparison with the maps of the epoch which are preservel shows, that a certain relationship exists between the portulan of America in the B:itish Museum and those of Freducci :: (1514-15) and the Reinels of Paris (1516), as well as the first Spanish map of the New World published-that is to say, the outline in certain exemplars of the first decade of the "REebus Oceanicis " of Peter Martyr (1511-12). The most striking feature of the London map is the p.rofusion and originality of the nomenclature, although the spelling is bad and highly Italianized. Com- paring it with the original documents we possess bearing upon the earliest explorations of the South American continent, the peculiar impression which the Egerton-work at first sighlt p:roduces disappears, and one comes to regard it as extremely interesting, unique indeed, as regards certain parts represented in it. * ' Catalogue,' p. 552: Portolano, 1508. " The tables are calculated from 1508 onwards, and the maps were evidently executed about that date, probably at Naples. The volume appears to be a copy of one of the carly portolani of Visconti Maggiolo of Genoa, and is the earliest Italian portulano now known which shows the North Atlantic coast of America. Vellum, 11 x 8- inches." We know that Maggiolo is the author of a collection of portulans belonging to the year 1511, containing a map of the world in which America is represented. According to the description of it left to us by d'Avezac (' Annales dc Voyages,' p. 30. Paris, 1870, Juillet), it is impossible to identify MIaggiolo as the author of the Egerton atlas. The only names and inscriptions ~Yhich refer to the part of America concerning us are the following: Coba, Izabella, Terra trovata per Colombo de Rey de Spania, Cabo de Sta croce de Rey de portugall, Terra de Brazille. There is talk of another atlas composed of four maps of Maggiolo of the year 1512 in Mario Longhena, ' Atlanti e carte nautiche dal secolo XIV. al XVII. conservati nella Biblioteca e nell' Archivio di Parma.' Congr. S. Ital. Progr. Sc. Parma, 1907. Extract from Archivo Storico per Ie Provincie Parmiense. New Series, vol. 7, p. 30. The first leaf shows oa the margin of the map a small part of the "'Tera de brazile," but furnishes no information about the New World. ' ' Decouverte et evolution cartographique de Terre-Neuve ct des pays circoneoi- Fins, 1497-1501-1769,' p. 70. Paris-London, 1900. ; E. Casanova, 'La Carta nautica di Conte Ottomanno Preducci.' Pubblic. R. instituto studi sup. Firenze. Sez. filos. e filol., 1894. This content downloaded from 128.111.121.42 on Tue, 21 Jun 2016 10:04:01 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms ACCORDING TO AN ANONYMOUS MAP IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM. 67 In order to get a clear idea upon the subject, let us here mention the principal sources of which the author has availed himself. First of all, he has utilized the map of the world of Juan de la Cosa; secondly, the anonymous portulans Nos.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Chapter Three the Genesis of the Black Legend
    1 Chapter Three The Genesis of the Black Legend "Todo esto yo lo vide con mis ojos corporates mortales." Bartolomé de las Casas, 1504. "I saw all this with my very own eyes." “ I watched as the Lamb opened the first of the seven seals. Then I heard one of the four living creatures say in a voice like thunder, “Come!” I looked, and there before me was a white horse! Its rider held a bow, and he was given a crown, and he rode out as a conqueror bent on conquest.” [Revelation 6:1,2] Or, in Latin as Las Casas may have been accustomed to reading it “Et vidi quod aperuisset agnus unum de septem signaculis et audivi unum de quattuor animalibus dicentem tamquam vocem tonitrui veni. Et vidi et ecce equus albus et qui sedebat super illum habebat arcum et data est ei corona et exivit vincens ut vinceret.” 1Perhaps he also read it in Spanish: “Vi cuando el Cordero abrió uno de los sellos, y oí a uno de los cuatro seres vivientes decir como con voz un trueno: Ven y mira. Y miré, y he aquí un caballo banco; y el que lo montaba tenía un arco; le fue dada una corona, y salió venciendo, y para vencer.” "Like a partridge that hatches eggs it did not lay is the man who gains riches by unjust means." Jeremiah 17:11 Next to climbing aboard a ship for a long journey, there is probably nothing more exciting than getting off that same ship! Especially if after a long voyage, sometimes made terrifying by the perils of the sea.
    [Show full text]
  • ORNAMENTAL GARDEN PLANTS of the GUIANAS: an Historical Perspective of Selected Garden Plants from Guyana, Surinam and French Guiana
    f ORNAMENTAL GARDEN PLANTS OF THE GUIANAS: An Historical Perspective of Selected Garden Plants from Guyana, Surinam and French Guiana Vf•-L - - •• -> 3H. .. h’ - — - ' - - V ' " " - 1« 7-. .. -JZ = IS^ X : TST~ .isf *“**2-rt * * , ' . / * 1 f f r m f l r l. Robert A. DeFilipps D e p a r t m e n t o f B o t a n y Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. \ 1 9 9 2 ORNAMENTAL GARDEN PLANTS OF THE GUIANAS Table of Contents I. Map of the Guianas II. Introduction 1 III. Basic Bibliography 14 IV. Acknowledgements 17 V. Maps of Guyana, Surinam and French Guiana VI. Ornamental Garden Plants of the Guianas Gymnosperms 19 Dicotyledons 24 Monocotyledons 205 VII. Title Page, Maps and Plates Credits 319 VIII. Illustration Credits 321 IX. Common Names Index 345 X. Scientific Names Index 353 XI. Endpiece ORNAMENTAL GARDEN PLANTS OF THE GUIANAS Introduction I. Historical Setting of the Guianan Plant Heritage The Guianas are embedded high in the green shoulder of northern South America, an area once known as the "Wild Coast". They are the only non-Latin American countries in South America, and are situated just north of the Equator in a configuration with the Amazon River of Brazil to the south and the Orinoco River of Venezuela to the west. The three Guianas comprise, from west to east, the countries of Guyana (area: 83,000 square miles; capital: Georgetown), Surinam (area: 63, 037 square miles; capital: Paramaribo) and French Guiana (area: 34, 740 square miles; capital: Cayenne). Perhaps the earliest physical contact between Europeans and the present-day Guianas occurred in 1500 when the Spanish navigator Vincente Yanez Pinzon, after discovering the Amazon River, sailed northwest and entered the Oyapock River, which is now the eastern boundary of French Guiana.
    [Show full text]
  • Knowledge, Attitudes, Practices About HIV and Implications in Risk And
    Mosnier et al. BMC Public Health (2019) 19:1633 https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-019-7997-1 RESEARCH ARTICLE Open Access Knowledge, attitudes, practices about HIV and implications in risk and stigma prevention among French Guianese and Brazilian border inhabitants Beliefs about HIV among border inhabitants E. Mosnier1,2* , M. Nacher3, M. C. Parriault3,4, C. Dao5, B. Bidaud1, P. Brousse1, M. Gaillet1,4, L. Epelboin4,6, A. M. Mendes7, L. Montenegro5, C. Nakano Daniel5, R. Botreau1, A. Rouseliere5, S. Rhodes5 and A. Carbunar1,5 Abstract Background: The border area between French Guiana and Brazil is an active HIV-transmission zone. The aim of the present study was to describe HIV knowledge, risk and the level of stigma among inhabitants of this border area. Methods: A cross-sectional study was conducted among 621 inhabitants over 18 years of age in the border cities of Saint-Georges-de-l’Oyapock in French Guiana and Oiapoque in Brazil. It was conducted between October 2017 and February 2018. An anonymous standardized questionnaire was filled out by culturally-trained mediators, then analyzed using STATA 12. Results: Almost half (45.9%) of the individuals had a low education level. Participants whose native language was Portuguese or French demonstrated better HIV knowledge than other populations, notably native Amerindian and creole-speaking people. HIV risk behavior was more frequent in men and in younger age groups. People with good HIV knowledge reported having performed more HIV tests in the last year than participants with poor knowledge. The stigma level was high and reported in 74.8% of respondents.
    [Show full text]
  • Co-Operative Republic of Guyana
    Grids & Datums Co-operative Republic of Guyana α The region known as Guiana or Guayana is on rectorate of Colonial Surveys (DOS) observed Hondo o = 40° 22' 45.96" (PE&RS, December the northeastern coast of South America. It some astro fixes, assessed the existing Lands 2000). La Canoa is about 657 km from is comprised of the former British Guiana, and Mines Department and Bauxite Company Georgetown Lighthouse, and the Zanderij now Guyana, the former Netherlands Guiana, work and agreed with them on an adjustment Datum origin in Suriname (PE&RS, March now Suriname (PE&RS, March 2002), and strategy to produce a unified set of coordi- 2002) is about 361 km from Georgetown Light- French Guiana. Originally inhabited by the nates from the disparate (albeit high quality) house. Surinen Indians, the coast was probably traverses and astro fixes. The method was to Of all of the borders of Guyana, only the sighted by Christopher Columbus in 1498 and accept certain fixes and traverses and to ad- Brazil-Guyana boundary appears to be cur- by Ojeda and Vespucci in 1499. Vicente Yáñez just weaker ones to fit; there was not a single rently stable and uncontested. Reading the de Pinzón in 1500 was the first to sail close datum station. The system adopted was the history of the region is a veritable jumble of along the shore. He entered some of the riv- British Guyana Grid on the Transverse squabbles among the European powers over ers, and the Oyapock River was at first called Mercator projection referenced to the Inter- centuries that were reflected in the whole of the Yáñez Pinzón River by the Dutch, and national ellipsoid where a = 6,378, 388 and the Guianas by the British, Dutch, French, ϕ Venezuelan, and Portuguese.
    [Show full text]
  • Towards a Revival of Indigenous Mobility in French Guiana?
    Towards a Revival of Indigenous Mobility in French Guiana? Contemporary Transformations of the Wayãpi and Teko Territories Isabelle Tritsch, Cyril Marmoex, Damien Davy, Bernard Thibaut, Valéry Gond To cite this version: Isabelle Tritsch, Cyril Marmoex, Damien Davy, Bernard Thibaut, Valéry Gond. Towards a Revival of Indigenous Mobility in French Guiana? Contemporary Transformations of the Wayãpi and Teko Territories. Bulletin of Latin American Research, Wiley, 2015, 34 (1), pp.19-34. 10.1111/blar.12204. hal-01135244 HAL Id: hal-01135244 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01135244 Submitted on 17 Mar 2016 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Towards a Revival of Indigenous Mobility in French Guiana? Contemporary Transformations of the Wayapi˜ and Teko Territories ISABELLE TRITSCH Universite´ des Antilles et de la Guyane, France CYRIL MARMOEX Independent Researcher, France DAMIEN DAVY Centre national de la recherche scientifique, France BERNARD THIBAUT Centre national de la recherche scientifique, France VALERY GOND Centre de cooperation´ internationale en recherche agronomique pour le developpement,´ France The goal of this article is to understand the contemporary transforma- tions of indigenous territories in relation to several factors, including urbanisation, population growth, economic development and conserva- tion policies.
    [Show full text]
  • Conviviality After the Inauguration of the Oyapock River Bridge
    LabEx DRIIHM Dispositif de Recherche Interdisciplinaire sur les Interactions Hommes-Milieux CNRS - Observatoires Hommes-Milieux - Investissements d'avenir Projet de recherche Building bridges: Conviviality after the inauguration of the Oyapock River Bridge Session 2017 Project type Projet OHM OHM(s) involved OHM Oyapock Keywords Brazil French Guiana Oyapock River Bridge Ethnography Anthropologie, Sociologie The inauguration of the Oyapock River Bridge has been delayed several times for a variety of reasons. Now that the final constructions on the Brazilian side are underway, the opening is expected to take place in the course of the year 2017. Yet what happens once the bridge opens? While most politicians have high hopes for regional cooperation, the majority of the local residents are more skeptical, worrying about unequal rights to border crossings (with Brazilians being disadvantaged) and the loss of jobs (particularly those related with fluvial transportation). The proposed project aims to go beyond these speculations by studying the immediate aftermath of the inauguration of the Oyapock River Bridge. How will the opening of the bridge impact on the everyday life of the people living in Saint-Georges, Oiapoque and the larger region? From an ethnographic perspective, this project will supplement research already carried out both by OHM Oyapock researchers and by the author himself. Leader Fabio Santos Fabio Santos is a PhD Researcher at the International Training Group "Between Spaces" (Freie Universität Berlin). He holds an M.A. in Sociology from Freie Universität Berlin and a B.A. in European Ethnology and Cultural History and Theory from Humboldt-Universität Berlin. His areas of interest are postcolonial studies, the sociology of space, ethnographic methods, and questions of conviviality..
    [Show full text]
  • Utricularia Julianae (Lentibulariaceae), a New Species from the Savannas of the Oyapock River, French Guiana
    Phytotaxa 156 (2): 74–78 (2014) ISSN 1179-3155 (print edition) www.mapress.com/phytotaxa/ Article PHYTOTAXA Copyright © 2014 Magnolia Press ISSN 1179-3163 (online edition) http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.156.2.2 Utricularia julianae (Lentibulariaceae), a new species from the savannas of the Oyapock River, French Guiana PIERO G. DELPRETE1* 1Herbier de Guyane, Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD), UMR AMAP, Boite Postale 165, 97323 Cayenne Cedex, French Guiana, France; e-mail: [email protected] *Author for correspondence Abstract Utricularia julianae, a new species from the savannas near the Oyapock River, French Guiana, is here described and illustrated. The new species is most similar to U. tenuissima, from which it can be easily distinguished by the leaves and stolons apparently lacking (vs. leaves few and on the stolons, the stolons few or lacking, in U. tenuissima), traps ellipsoid, 0.3 mm long, with 4–5 capilliform appendages (vs. ovoid, 0.3–0.8 mm long, with 1 dorsal and 2 ventral slender appendages), corolla upper lip limb deeply bilobed (vs. broadly ovate to round), spur saccate, perpendicular to the lower lip (vs. spur narrowly cylindrical, parallel to the lower lip), among other characters. In addition, the capsules of U. julianae and U. tenuissima are unique within the genus, by being very narrowly ovoid, dehiscing by a single longitudinal slit, and with a placenta projecting outside the dehisced capsule. On the basis of their numerous morphological similarities and their peculiar capsule shape and dehiscence, the new species is tentatively placed within sect. Martinia, which P.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fishes of the Cichlid Genus Crenicichla in French Guiana
    Bijdragen tot de Dierkunde, 56 (2): 221-231 — 1986 The fishes of the cichlid genus Crenicichla in French Guiana (Pisces, Perciformes, Cichlidae) by A. Ploeg Institute of Taxonomic Zoology (Zoblogisch Museum), University of Amsterdam, P.O. Box 20125, 1000 HC Amsterdam, The Netherlands Abstract which included the area around the Mana River, including the French Guianan border of A review of the of the cichlid Crenicichla species genus the Maroni River. Heckel, 1840 in French Guiana is presented. Five species C. Seven of Crenicichla have been are encountered, viz.: C. saxatilis (Linnaeus, 1758), species albopunctata Pellegrin, 1904, C. multispinosa Pellegrin, recorded in the literature in French as present 1903, C. ternetzi Norman, 1926, and C. johanna Heckel, Guiana, viz.: C. brasiliensis (Bloch, 1792); C. 1840. Their geographic distribution is indicated. The johanna Heckel, 1840 [including C. j. var. variation ofmorphometric, meristic, and pigment charac- carsevennensis examined. The of these characters is Pellegrin, 1905]; C. lugubris ters are variability compared with the variability within Crenicichla saxatilis Heckel, 1840; C. multispinosa Pellegrin, 1903; from the Suriname River, Surinam 1986). C. saxatilis C. (Ploeg, (Linnaeus, 1758) [including s. ternetzi var. albopunctata Pellegrin, 1904]; C. Résumé Norman, 1926; and C. vaillanti Pellegrin, 1904. On les du de Cichlidés For the the of these passe en revue espèces genre present study occurrence II de Crenicichla Heckel, 1840, de Guyane française. s’agit species in French Guiana is reinvestigated and cinq espèces, à savoir: C. saxatilis (Linnaeus, 1758), C. all material for that of C. type (except albopunctata Pellegrin, 1904, C. multispinosa Pellegrin, brasiliensis) has been examined.
    [Show full text]
  • Remembering Columbus: Blinded by Politics
    Acad. Quest. (2019) 32:105–113 DOI 10.1007/s12129-018-9756-7 ARTICLES Remembering Columbus: Blinded by Politics Robert Carle Published online: 14 January 2019 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, part of Springer Nature 2019 The dozens of American cities, counties, and institutions that are named after Christopher Columbus (or his literary equivalent Columbia) signify the privileged role that Columbus holds in American civic life. Early Americans depicted Columbus as America’s first frontiersman, a hero who had left the comforts of Europe to search for a fresh start in a new world. They cheered him as an enlightened champion of science who upended obscurantist European ideas. Washington Irving popularized this interpretation of Columbus in his History of the Life and Voyages of Columbus, published in 1837. In Irving’s hands, Columbus became a man of science who liberated himself from the shackles of medieval and Catholic Europe to shape a progressive and Protestant America. Much of Irving’s biography of Columbus is pure fiction, but his book defined Columbus for nineteenth century Americans. The most enduring myth that Irving promoted was the false assertion that Ferdinand and Isabella believed that the earth was flat. The geographers and astronomers that the royal couple consulted knew the earth was spherical but correctly estimated that Japan was 12,000 miles from Spain, not 2,400 miles, as Columbus calculated.1 In 1940, Samuel Eliot Morison called Irving’s story “misleading and mischievous nonsense. The sphericity of the globe was not in question. The issue was the width of the ocean; and therein the opposition was right.”2 Fortunately for Columbus, the Bahamas lie where he thought he would find Japan.
    [Show full text]
  • Columbus, Hispaniola Settlement, 1493
    John Carter Brown Library, Brown University “THE FIRST IN THE INDIES” Columbus establishes the Town of Isabella on Hispaniola, 1493* Compiled from Spanish state papers by Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas in Historia general de los hechos de los Castellanos en las islas y tierra firme del Mar Oceano (General History of the deeds of the Castilians on the Islands and Mainland of the Ocean Sea), Madrid, 1601-1615. Translated by John Stevens, 1740. Excerpts. ___________________________________________________ Columbus sailed on his first voyage with three ships and about 100 men, landing in the Bahamas on an island whose identity remains uncertain. After exploring the Bahamas and Cuba, he reached the island he named La Isla Español (Hispaniola). When the Santa Maria became grounded, he ordered a small fort to be built with its salvaged lumber, named it La Navidad, and left about forty men to remain there until his return. On his second voyage in 1493, he sailed with seventeen ships and about 1200 men, arriving in Hispaniola in late November to find the fort of La Navidad destroyed with no survivors. Near its ruins, on the northern coast of the present-day Dominican Republic, he founded the short-lived town of Isabella. Caribbean islands named by Columbus, THE ADMIRAL SETTLES THE COLONY 1493: Ferna[n]da, Hyspana, Isabella, Salvatorie, and Conceptoi[ne] marie CALL’D ISABELLA IN THE ISLAND HISPANIOLA . The Admiral was now in the Port de la Navidad, of the Nativity, very thoughtful how to behave himself to give a good beginning to his enterprise; and thinking that the Province of Marien, where his Ships were riding, was very low land and had no stone or other materials for building, though it had good harbors and fresh water, he resolved to turn back along the coast to the eastward to find out a proper place to build a town.
    [Show full text]
  • Santo Domingo
    VERSION DESTINO » SANTO DOMINGO Con un inmenso patrimonio que abarca casi un centenar de hectáreas sembradas de edificios históricos, la Ciudad REPRO OP REPRO Colonial de Santo Domingo sigue hoy más viva que nunca SUBS ART PRODUCTION CLIENT DONDE TODO COMENZÓ texto Alejandro González Luna fotos Ricardo Monegro marzo-abril ronda / 058 BLACK YELLOW MAGENTA CYAN Destino, 1 WHERE IT ALL BEGAN With an extraordinary heritage evident in its 100 hectares of historical sites and buildings, Santo Domingo’s Colonial City is a vibrant fusion of past and present pursuits marzo-abril ronda / 059 91RON2103158.pgs 24.02.2021 07:33 VERSION The ruins of an old monastery sit at the top of a cobblestone slope. Charming passageways meander among bougainvillea and colourful houses. There are arches, picture windows and big doors with knockers. Alleys laid out like chessboards lead to squares, REPRO OP REPRO Las ruinas de un antiguo monasterio en la museums, colonial buildings, bars, book stores, souvenir cima de una cuesta empedrada. Coquetos pasadizos shops and a wall lined with rusty cannons that – aimed que se abren camino entre buganvillas y casas de colo- at the harbour – seem like something out of another res. Arcos. Ventanales. Grandes puertas con aldabas. time. In ‘La Zona’, as locals call Santo Domingo’s Callejuelas que dibujan un trazado en damero y que Colonial City, the past and the present come together conducen a plazas, museos, edificios coloniales, ba- and create an urban landscape of singular beauty and res, librerías, tiendas de souvenirs y una muralla con personality. Founded in 1498 on the eastern bank of the SUBS cañones oxidados que, apuntando al puerto, parecen River Ozama by Bartholomew Columbus (brother of asomar desde otro tiempo.
    [Show full text]
  • Coastal Dynamics and Chenier Sands in French Guiana
    Marine Geology, 90 (1989) 239-267 259 Elsevier Science Publishers B.V., Amsterdam - Printed in The Netherlands , COASTAL DYNAMICS AND CHENIER SANDS IN FRENCH GUIANA M.T. PROST Centre ORSTOM de Cayenne, Departement Hydrologie, BP 165,97323, Cayenne (French Guiana) ? (Received April 30, 1988; revised and accepted January 15, 1989) Abstract Prost, M.T., 1989. Coastal dynamics and chenier sands in French Guiana. In: P.G.E.F. Augustinus (Editor), Cheniers and Chenier Plains. Mar. Geol., 90: 259-267. The Holocene coastal plain of French Guiana is an open chenier plain. The shoreline is characterized by vast . migrating shoreface-attached mudbanks. Cheniers develop within the interbank zone. These sandbodies, which rest on the Demerara marine clays, have also been observed in the inner parts of the coastal plain. This paper deals with the coastal area between Mahuri and the Maroni Rivers in French Guiana. An overview of the present state of knowledge regarding the coastal research in this area is given, and based on new evidence the problem of the provenance of the sandy accumulations will be discussed and further defined. Introduction Geographical setting The French Guiana coastal plain is an open The coastal plain of French Guiana com- am ocean chenier plain. The shoreline comprises a ier prises zone 320 km long from the Oyapock 30- an extensive shoreface with attached mudflats River to the Maroni River (Fig.l). This area and is characterized by waterfront mangroves represents only 6% of the 90,000 km2 of French rsh and subcoastal swamps and marshes. Aerial Guiana, the other 94% being formed by the ral photographs, low altitude flights, SPOT images Precambrian Guianese Shield and covered oc.
    [Show full text]