REVIEW OF INTERNATIONAL GEOGRAPHICAL EDUCATION

ISSN: 2146-0353 ● © RIGEO ● 11(4), WINTER, 2021 www.rigeo.org Research Article Building Maluku in the Character of the Island (A Critical Review)

Paulus Koritelu1 Program Study Sosiologi Universitas Pattimura [email protected]

Abstract This study aims to explain the influence of Indonesian development which is more continental in nature with the influence of Malay culture on development in Maluku which is characterized by islands with Melanesian culture. By using some of the research results and thoughts of Effendi Ziwar (1987), Cooley (1997), Watloly cs, (2013) about the cultural facts of the islands in Maluku. This study contributes various thoughts about the character of the Maluku islands which are still dominated by the influence of Indonesian development with the influence of Malay culture with a continental approach. This research is qualitative by using interview and observation techniques. The results of the study prove that in the Reformation era which gave birth to the Regional Autonomy Law, it was not enough to realize the development of Maluku with an archipelagic character.

Keywords Maluku, Archipelago Character, Dominant Culture

To cite this article: Koritelu P. (2021). Building Maluku in the Character of the Island (A Critical Review). Review of International Geographical Education (RIGEO), 11(4), 1706-1720. doi: 10.48047/rigeo.11.04.158

Submitted: 20-03-2021 ● Revised: 15-04-2021 ● Accepted: 25-05-2021 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(4), WINTER, 2021

Introduction

Since the formation of Maluku Province with an archipelagic territory, it began when the RIS was merged into the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia on August 17, 1945 and after the rebellion of the Republic of South Maluku (RMS) was crippled in 195. Then the issuance of laws and government regulations governing the formation of regions- autonomous region in Maluku. Where the Central Maluku and Southeast Maluku regions were designated as level II autonomous regions based on government regulation number 35 of 1952. Furthermore, the Ambon area was formed by Law no 15 of 1956 (Lokollo, et al, 2005:33). Furthermore, the formation of other level II regions is carried out based on the preparation of laws and government regulations related to this matter. One interesting note about this history is; when preparing the regulation on the formation of the Maluku province with various level II autonomous regions, it did not take into account the island issue that characterizes the province. The Archipelago issue which actually refers to the context of the Maluku Islands province is not actually seen as a simple discourse, but it should be a national commitment in building identity as an archipelagic country. The principle of the Archipelagic State and Province is not only directed to see the reality of the archipelago as it is, but the existence of the archipelago must be an integrated development movement that comprehensively touches various aspects. The concept of existence here is intended to arouse our humanity's awareness that: Taking sides with the individual and society as an entity that is in diversity, should be touched by a concentration of serious service movements, perhaps it is time to facilitate various policies that are pro-archipelagic communities. The development of the Maluku Islands, according to the results of the study, has a variety of aspects in developing and managing various existing resources for the benefit of the local Maluku community itself. For example, how to build peace based on the Basusudara people, the Maluku people have very representative steps to build peace through local peace mechanisms (Watloly Aholiab et al, 2016:89-92). Likewise with other aspects or fields of development. In the fields of agriculture and fisheries, there is so much wisdom that can be maximized to empower and develop Maluku on an archipelagic basis. Even though according to the results of these studies, these aspects have always received less attention and priorities for their use in developing the Maluku Islands community (Koritelu, Pattinama, et al, 2019). Sociologically, the archipelagic region has implications for the distribution of society with archipelagic characteristic patterns that are not only transcendent but also contained in immanental facts. The character of our Archipelago community is, of course, different from that of the inland people who live on large islands. If in the interior communities who occupy large islands, their nomadic character is incarnated from their ability to explore and gather, adventure from one place to another within the geographical area of the island (Watloly, Aholiab, 2007:9). On the other hand, for the archipelagic people who live on small islands, their strength and the fact of nomadicity are determined by their ability to use the sea as a connecting bridge between islands. When the sea is used as a bridge between islands (Ralahalu, 2012), it is an undeniable sociological fact that: our island communities are always faced with various risks that are potentially dangerous for the safety of their souls when they are able to solve weather challenges amidst the simplicity of various transportation facilities. existing cannot be resolved. This is an ironic fact of the present condition of the island community in Maluku. This condition then encourages the island community in Maluku to only have their guts and courage to overcome the challenges of the saman. That is why the strength of the civilization of the people who always occupy the archipelago is actually collectively also characterized by the strength of their cosmology according to the characteristics of the region and its local potential. This is actually the context of our archipelagic society in Indonesia and particularly in the Maluku archipelago (Koritelu, 2004). That is why academically, the author tries to make a universal profile of the context of the people of the Maluku islands with various aspects that must be considered in the process of developing Maluku in the future. Mapping the profile of the island community is very important because often the weakness of reforming the political structure, the bureaucratic structure of the government in Maluku is constrained by the problem of cultural diversity, social issues result in a wrong approach to the plurality of the archipelago community in Maluku. This becomes important, if we ourselves begin to think about how to build and direct the development of Maluku to achieve a degree of human civilization that we deserve to be proud of, both in the economic, political, power bureaucracy and defense and security sectors. The challenges of the times in the context of the archipelagic community that the author refers to here do not only refer to the problem of limited means of transportation and communication technology at sea, but objectively it is also intended to show that the biggest and most serious 1707 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(4), WINTER, 2021 problems in the archipelagic community in Maluku are also determined by how prepared the character is. their local communities face a variety of external stimuli which will inevitably bring them together in a dynamic dynamic of unending linkage. Specifically for this last field, in the process of developing the Maluku region it is often constrained by various factors, especially the span of control which is universally a trigger factor for various weaknesses that further distance the government and various other stakeholders' targets to develop Maluku according to the existing character of the archipelago objectively. The complexity of building Maluku is also due to the plurality of local characteristics of each island and region. Therefore, how to build Maluku with an archipelagic character is a very interesting theme to be discussed academically.

Theoretical Basis

The concept of the inter-island sea in the understanding of the islanders in Maluku is not a chasm that separates their existence, but on the contrary, the sea that separates the island from the island is actually considered as a connecting bridge between islands (Ralahalu, 2012:32). Whereas the main challenge for archipelagic development in Maluku is not the majority of its territory which consists of 92% of the sea but on the contrary the existence of humans and islanders is ignored in the practice of island development in Maluku. This means that for the people of Maluku the Sea itself is their present throughout the ages and at any time. This is further clarified by an idea that relatively shows that: the self-concept of the archipelagic community is not a scientific (academic) concept that is formulated in the form of a scientific document, because it is more shown in the form of a self-reflection with the expression of feelings and their respective language plays. So that it can always be found that the self-expression of the islanders is reflected in the form of character, beliefs and the depth and breadth of a personality that is unique and different from one another. This is the real existence of the people of the Maluku islands (Watloly, 2013:270). The character of the Maluku islands actually rests on a form of difference that enriches the characteristics of social and cultural behavior that differ from one another. Because of this awareness of the differences in various aspects of life, the people of the Maluku islands tend to respect each other's unique forms of their various life systems with their own characteristics. For example, in terms of respect for land ownership. In general, Maluku islanders have 4 land ownership systems, namely: first: village-owned land (state land), second: clan-owned land (fam), third: house-owned land (dati land) and four: private land owned by the head of the family (heritage land). The fourth form is rarely found in rural areas, namely individual property rights, eigendom land, which was purchased from the Dutch government during the Colonial Age (Cooley, 1987:163). Similar ideas about the characteristics of ownership and respect for the various systems of life and their customs which include, the boundaries of petuanan territory, the type of land ewang (forest), hamlets (including dusun pusaka) have all received recognition among districts and islands which differ from one to another. others (Effendi, Ziwar, 1987). The diversity of the Archipelago people in Maluku can also be seen from the food that is unique to each island and their farming system with terms and naming accompanied by farming practices, different food storage systems (Koritelu, et al 2019).

Research Methods

This study uses a qualitative approach. According to Bogdan and Taylor as quoted by Moleong that, qualitative research is a research procedure that produces descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people whose behavior can be observed (Moleong, Lexi, 2000:3). Thus, qualitatively the aim is to obtain findings or theories, including techniques for understanding data (Straus, 2003:7). For qualitative researchers and using interview and observation techniques, where researchers directly deal with informants and observe the realities that exist in people's lives (Sugiono, 2005:86). There are two interview methods; In-depth interviews, namely the process of searching for data in depth and carried out repeatedly to obtain accurate data. The aim is to find out the opinion of the informant based on the perspective of the informant in seeing the existing problems through face-to-face (Moleong, 2005:186). In addition, structural interviews are conducted by interviewers who organize their own problems and questions to ask. This interview aims to obtain the results of the hypothesis through questions that are prepared in detail and can be developed during the interview. In order to support the results of the interview above, it is also necessary to use an observation technique so that the author directly observes the development of the Maluku islands, although it is realized that it is not carried out in 10 districts and 1 city in 1708 Koritelu P. (2021). Building Maluku in the Character of the Island (A Critical Review). Review of …

Maluku. Besides, literature study is also needed to search for information through written documents as well as pictures and photos that can support the writing process, Zed, 2008 (Naomi and Elfira, 2020: 28). On that basis, about 10 informants will be interviewed. They are 1 former Regent, 1 permanent Regent Karteker, 1 Regional Secretary, 2 Echelon 2 Officials in the Regency Government, 2 Maluku community leaders in Ambon and a local businessman. All the results of these interviews were then elaborated and strengthened by observational data and literature review to enrich the writing.

Research Results

Identification of The Maluku Island Community Profile As Input on The Construction of The Island Characteristic Development In Maluku.

The Maluku Islands are not an area occupied by human groups with one binding force, but the existence of this Maluku is decorated with various characteristics that differ from one another. This is a fact that should be taken seriously in building Maluku with a pluralistic archipelagic character. Within that framework, there are around 9 basic aspects that must be considered in making policies for the development of the Maluku islands now and in the future:

Ethnic Approaches

Objectively, social and cultural scientists note that there are 117 (one hundred and seventeen) ethnic and sub-ethnic groups, which are spread over 812 (eight hundred and twelve) small and large islands, and 117 (one hundred and seventeen) ethnic languages. In addition to ethnic, sub- ethnic and linguistic diversity, there is also a mapping of the life of the people of the Maluku islands in various ethnic groups. For example, the ethnic groups of the people of the Kei and Aru islands. In the Central Maluku part, there are ethnic groups of the people of Seram Island which consist of; the Alune-Wemale community, as well as the Haturesi Amariwa (ethnic) community on Haruku Island, there are Ambonese sub-ethnics on Ambon island and the Lease ethnic group. There are also groups of Fordata, Yamdena, Larat and Selaru islands on the island of Tanimbar. The sub- ethnic group of the South South Archipelago community which consists of the island community; Babar, Kisar, Wetar, Luang, Sermatang, Damer, Romang, Leti, Moa and Lakor in Southwest Maluku. There are also people on the island of Buru (Bopulo) in the district of Buru, a sub-ethnic of Banda in the Banda Islands. In addition to local ethnic or sub-ethnic groups, now there are various other regional ethnicities that have contributed to enriching the life of the archipelagic community in Maluku. Each ethnic and sub-ethnic group has different characteristics and characters from one another, therefore it requires the attention of all parties, especially local governments to understand this context as an important input in the construction of various development policies with archipelagic character. The culture of the Maluku people is aculture pluralistic (Leiriza, RZ et al, 1983). This is an undeniable fact. Although universally there is also an opinion that our locality of Maluku is also united by several things that are universal.

Dominant Cultural Approach.

This mapping based on the dominant cultural area shows that in general there are 3 (three) dominant cultural clusters that characterize the cultural configuration of the people of the Maluku islands. First; Indigenous peoples of Central Maluku who are dominated by “State” culture. Second: the indigenous peoples of Southeast Maluku (including in MTB and MBD), most of which are dominated by social stratification. Third: North Maluku indigenous peoples who are dominated by Sultanate culture. Today, the living practice of our archipelagic community based on the dominant culture is largely determined by the determination of customary rights which must always be incarnated in the practice of social life and local government. This is a social dynamic that contains challenges and complexities that must always get the attention of all stakeholders.

Island Cluster Approach.

In terms of spatial planning for the Maluku Region, comprehensively grouping the people of the Maluku islands into 12 island clusters (excluding North Maluku). As for the distribution of the 12

1709 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(4), WINTER, 2021 island groups, among others: (1). Labor Island with its local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (2). West Seram with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (3) North Seram with different local characteristics from other archipelagic areas. (4) East Seram with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (5). South Seram with its local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (6). Banda Islands with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (7). Ambon Island and Lease Islands with their local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (8). Kei Islands with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (9). The Aru Islands with their local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (10). The Tanimbar Islands with their local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (11). Babar Islands with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. (12). The Southern Islands (MBD Regency) with local characteristics that are different from other archipelagic areas. It can be seen that the mapping pattern of the island clusters above is based on anapproach. economic regional Therefore, in the future, it is hoped that there will be a structuring pattern that is more touching aspects of the socio-cultural approachapproach (Social cultural) with its essential socio-cultural characteristics as an archipelagic community. . Through this approach, the island group or the archipelagic region will be interpreted as a cosmological unit. In this regard, in order to streamline the various existing approaches in order to improve the standard of living of the people in the archipelago in Maluku with the concept of the island group, ideally, the most appropriate approach in our opinion is: the Regional Spatial Planning (RTRW) approach which views the community as far as possible. at the village level as an inherent aspect ofunity cluster starting at the level of island cluster groups and community units to the community and community base in the village as the lowest sub-clusters. These clusters and sub-clusters are expected to have a more comprehensive impact in viewing the existence of the pluralistic society of the Maluku islands.

Social Typology Approach.

Which approach is used to see the influence of the size of the island on the socio-cultural character of the people of the Maluku islands. It can be explained that 99% of our archipelagic community is the type of small island community, which has social characteristics, namely: a) living remotely and isolated from the habitat of the parent island; b) has a high typical diversity and a fairly diverse socio-cultural system; c) have livelihood systems from different life traditions; d) occupying areas located in border areas with social networks, kinship, and traditional traditions that are trans-state; e) vulnerable to interference and outside influences; f) Open and dynamic to various external stimuli (Watloly, 2007:11). The various socio-cultural diversity of the people of the Maluku islands, among others, are evident in various local institutions, ownership systems, and livelihood systems.

Livelihood System Approach.

The people of the Maluku Islands have the availability of natural resources and the potential for land and water biodiversity around (small) islands that are relatively diverse, which at the same time affects the livelihood system of the community. For example, some people in the South Dayak islands, for example on the islands of Luang and Lirang, are fishermen, while some are on the islands of Leti, Moa, Kisar, Damer, Babar. have a mixed livelihood of farmers and fishermen (Watloly, 2012: 106-107). Likewise, the people in the Tanimbar Islands whose livelihoods are mixed as well as farmers and fishermen in the South Tanimbar region, while in the North Tanimbar region, most of the village people make a living as farmers, fishermen and carpenters (Koritelu, 2004). Even though the two dominant types of livelihood are different, they are arranged in a cosmological understanding. For example, those who make a living as fishermen with an organizational system called: Rurehe (Watloly, 2013: 415). Or also thesystem Nabat and Rootralan for the Seira, Larat and Fordata areas of the Tanimbar archipelago (Koritelu, et al, 2019), which always shows the strength of the bonds of solidarity and social responsibility through the Root ralan system. Where it resembles a form of investment in the best manufactured goods for the preparation of superior seeds and helping groups of relatives in need during times of famine. At this level, even the Root system clashes with the infiltration process of capitalism which can penetrate into the village.

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Archipelago Agricultural Products Approach.

It can be shown that many people in the Maluku islands also make a living as farmers with various agricultural systems and superior agricultural products. The concept of agriculture is then allowed with archipelagic agriculture which shows the typology of agricultural land and various agricultural products of the archipelagic community. For example, the people of the Tanimbar Islands: with peanuts, sweet potatoes, kumbili and taro, etc. The Kei Archipelago community with Enbal Products, which with the concept of Mode of Production will have implications for the realtion of production, in turn will turn them into archipelagic agricultural products that go International very quickly. Kisar community with Orange/Lemong products. South South Islands with Corn Products. Not only that, the people of the Maluku islands also in various islands also have a kind of cultural intelligence (local indigenous) in ensuring the sustainability of the superior food in question. For example, in the northern part of the Tanimbar archipelago, the Nabat and Root systems are particularly familiar. Or also the South South people's ethical system of barns built both above ground and underground. All of this is meant to stock up on food for times of trouble. Even when difficulties come, the practice of social solidarity with the typology of: Mecanic Solidarity is also actualized in the practice of community life, for example in the cultural construction of Duan Lolat as a cultural mechanism that shows social solidarity in bridging various existing problems.

The Country/Ohoi/Oho/Fena/Fanua/Leta approach.

Archipelagic communities in Maluku in general always identify themselves with Negeri/Ohoi/Oho/Fena/Fanua/Leta, and the like as an autonomous social base. This condition feels very integrated with how they build their image in their social and political community. That is why even if they will "migrate" to big cities like Jakarta or even to the Netherlands, subjectively their attachment to the social base: the country/ Ohoi/ Oho/ Fena/ Fanua/ Leta it cannot be separated. The reason: because there is an old house, there are ancestral aunts, there is social status, there is true honor, there are hamlets and mountains of land and so on which sincerely have deep meaning for the local people of the Maluku islands.

Indigenous Territory Approach.

In general, the grouping of customary areas in Central Maluku is divided into two, namely: Pata/Uli Siwa and Pata/Uli Lima, while in the customary area of the Aru Islands people are known as the Urlima and Ursiwa indigenous groups. In the customary territory of the Kei islands, they are grouped into the territory of the indigenous peoples of Lorlim Ursiuw, and the Lorlabai (neutral group). The system of grouping customary territories is shown in various traditions and customary symbols for the people of the Maluku islands which show the uniqueness of the meaning for each group of adherents. Even to the surrounding community who often synergize in the process of interaction on a micro scale as well as in the context of wider and complex social relations.

Sea-island and Land approach as a unit.

Since December 1957, through the Juanda Declaration, the island sea has been established as a unit. The sea is not a separator but the sea is a link and unifier between islands. Even the sea in a strategic position between islands in the Maluku archipelago has become a very high center of public activity and cannot be separated from the mainland. These public activities occur in various aspects of life such as economy (business and trade), security and politics and always synergize in transportation and communication units. That is why it is very important to understand this context related to the structure of thought which of course can differ from one another in addition to differences in the level of cultural understanding of the boundaries of marine areas which often trigger conflicts between community groups in one island or between different islands. The conflicts that arise are often also due to the ego of the island region which tends to exist in different meanings (Koritelu, 2009, Volume 2 number 2). Rice Politics and Domography Politics as a Paradise That Weaken the Development of the Maluku Island. The results of this study indicate that local food products are a force that is not taken into account

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in the development of the Maluku islands agricultural system. The author has experience as well as interesting facts, for example in the Tanimbar Islands generally have Naang Umun (baked Batu) staple food with sweet potato, Kumbili and Ronan tanan (Tanimbar typical taro) and several other types (Soselissa, Koritelu, Wakim et al, 2018:191-194). Likewise, the staple food of sago in almost all areas of Ambon Lease and most of Seram Island. Even in Maluku Generally, all people of the Maluku islands are accustomed to eating papeda from sago as the basic ingredient. The results of this study indicate that, for the case in the Tanimbar Islands 15 to 20 years ago, if the Tanimbar people wanted to cook for breakfast, lunch or dinner, the source of the food would be taken from the gardens of existing residents, both in forests that are near their villages, or even had to sail to collect them in their gardens and hamlets on various other islands. But today, if you go to Tanimbar, the orientation and way of thinking of the community radically undergoes a very basic change, where the source of food is no longer obtained from the gardens and fields owned by the residents. Then the question is where is the food source for them to cook? Informants such as regents, heads of offices and even community leaders as well as observations show that: generally people will come to Chinese shops in sub-district centers to buy and or borrow rice as their main ingredient for eating. Are people no longer gardening? The results of observations and interviews show that they are still gardening. But there is one tremendous power of influence that then changes their orientation and lifestyle. The author admits that cooking with garden-based ingredients still exists but not as much as cooking with rice-based ingredients (Koritelu, 2004). The case in Tanimbar reflects this, however in other areas in Maluku it is not much different. That Sago as the basic ingredient for papeda is no longer a staple food, but has turned into a supplementary food. What is the real power of influence that changes the consumption patterns of the people of the Maluku Islands? The results of this study indicate several aspects that should be explained, namely: (1). Agricultural System with Rice Politics and (2). Politics Demographics as the basis for the plot to gain political votes. The first thing gives a pretty real picture that the various government policies to increase local food security as mentioned above have become an illusion that is far from the expectations of local farmers. Local food security will increase if there are real regulations and implementation of policies to not only oblige local food but also be accompanied by government policies to seek and open the widest possible market for local food products. The excess of local food products is finally not commercially facilitated by the alignment of government policies to help in terms of the market for these products. As a result, the enthusiasm to produce it is reduced.

Picture 1. Ena (Ubi) One of Maluku's Local Foods from the Tanimbar Islands, Picture 2. A mother is seen, bringing Ena from the garden in a basket, Picture 3. Tual (Kumbili) Typical Food Garden produce in the Tanimbar Islands.

The indigenous people of the Maluku islands sociologically adapt to the times to seek something more commercially oriented. This becomes very important to explain how the government seriously prioritizes various policies to increase regional food from rice which is not a local characteristic of the Maluku islands. This emphasizes a government policy that is more in favor of the rice field management system with a variety of supporting infrastructure that is very excessive. For example: the road that was built from people's houses to the rice fields is of course Hotmix road (highway class 1). This can be seen both in West Seram, Central Seram and in the Labor District. On the other hand, the author's critical question in responding to the policy of road infrastructure

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development in the context of the paddy farming system is: what and how is the road construction as a means of opening access from people's homes to sago forests, kumbili and sweet potato plantations, ronan tanan, corn gardens in MBD that have been built both central and local government? Based on the results of these studies there is absolutely nothing. Not even a path was built for it. If so, how is it possible for the Moluccan islanders with an archipelagic farming system that produces a variety of local foods to develop? This fact is quite sad because it turns out that those who manage the rice fields are not native to the Maluku islands. It turns out that those who manage the rice fields are transmigrants or immigrants who come from outside Maluku, for example from Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi. A reality that I call rice politics. Some informants even mentioned that the general practice of bureaucratic politics in Maluku is using the situation as a lobbying force to be able to bring in development funds other than the General Allocation Fund (DAU) and the Special Allocation Fund (DAK) to the Maluku Islands Region. The second context regarding demography politics as the basis for political victory is very closely related to the development strategy of the Maluku islands which does not always side with the local interests of Maluku. As it is known: demographically for some areas the dominant population is no longer native to Maluku, but is more a collection of immigrants whose political voice is so important for candidates for political authority in the regions, both the Governor and Deputy Governor Political Positions as well as at the Regent's Political Office level. / mayor and deputy regent / deputy mayorI can mention the districts of West Seram, Ambon City, Central Maluku and the distribution of migrants who are not official (not through the Transmigration program) all the time flooding various districts/cities in Maluku. The idea of the Jokowi government by building a sea highway is philosophically very noble because it facilitates the flow of goods and also people enter and exit freely in districts and cities in Maluku. The arrival of various ships that stop at various sea ports every week not only bring food for the community in the form of rice and other basic necessities, but the flow of people arrivals also occurs in a very high intensity. One of the authentic evidences of all of this, for example, 6 years ago the Southwest Maluku district only had a number of immigrants (meaning residents from outside Maluku) of around 1,175 people, but until the beginning of 2020 there had been a spike of up to 5,250 people. There are informants who do not want to be named clearly suspect that this phenomenon is part of the political manifestation of demography for the sake of and for political interests both locally and nationally. In fact, the toll road is very relevant for the archipelago. However, it is futile and ineffective for the people of the Maluku islands because of the absence of marketable local agricultural products. The reason is because various local agricultural products cannot compete with rice fields and their productivity is decreasing due to various limitations of the available infrastructure as support. The excess population of immigrants as a determinant of political victory will of course be followed by a form of public policy construction that will benefit the basis of political vote acquisition. And this can clearly be seen from the local government's partisanship in prioritizing forms of food that are not a hallmark of excellence and the original specialties of the island community in Maluku.

Picture 4. The local food market was created by the farmers in Kabyarat village in front of the Trans Yamdena-Tanimbar road (left) and jneis Tual (kumbili) as one of the original local food types of Tanimbar (right)

Map Analysis of Problems That Should Be Careful In Building Maluku with Island Character

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The most effective way is when we are able to discuss and think about the various risks that will occur. The main purpose, of course, is to lay a solid foundation for studying various possibilities to be able to minimize any risks that will be faced, or at least an early risk management model can be prepared as a consequence of the unavoidable facts of modern society. (Anthony Giddens, in his work The Consequences of Modernity) seriously considers the issue of risk as part of a wise effort to understand and create conditional prerequisites for the continuity of the social interaction process through face-to-faceand social interaction processes through media and other means. Information technology and modern communication technology (Giddens, 2004:45-47). On this basis, a number of facts about the characteristics and profiles that are characterized and embedded in the context of our diverse archipelagic society do not necessarily guarantee that: our plurality will always be balanced as Structural Functional theorists presuppose ansocial order Equilibrium. That is why on this happy occasion, allow me to present several aspects that must be considered in our shared ideas and needs to initiate how to develop Maluku with an archipelagic character because of the very essential differences between one another. So that these aspects must be considered important and always be wary of, among others:

The impetus for the dominant culture plot and its political implications as well as the construction of truth including the making of various public policies

In my observation of the political journey in this republic, many issues are actually ignored, perhaps because they are considered unimportant. The construction of the truth that is represented in the dominant cultural plot reflects a confusion, disappointment and a process of objectively degrading the need for truth. In Indonesia, several ethnic groups belonging to the dominant cultural area usually have greater opportunities and opportunities to access various resources, both economic, political and power bureaucratic resources as well as rationalization efforts and efforts to carry out some kind of rational justification in order to find the true truth. The construction of knowledge and truth is full of importance (Hubermars, 1972). Because the dominant cultural group will always exist in the ranks of power groups. In my view, several cultural and ethnic groups in Indonesia that are included in the dominant cultural plots are: Javanese, Sundanese, Betawi, Banten, Madurese, Batak, Minang, Bugis-Makassarese, and Minahasa ethnic groups, and later because of political and social interests. international pressure, it seems that Papua is starting to enter the ranks (Gaffar Afan, 1991). The implications of the ranks of these dominant cultural groups on the plots of political interests, government-power bureaucracy, even to the level of construction of truth for the public interest. For example: what is the policy of the central government regarding the representation of representatives of each ethnic group in the cabinet ranks. There is an impression that the Moluccans are not qualified, even though Ambon-Maluku are one of the pillars and milestones of the nation's historical struggle. The history of the nation's struggle since May 20, 1908 is an undeniable historical fact if the quality of the Moluccans is no longer worthy of doubt. Subsequent developments until the reign of the Old Order; especially how Soekarno acknowledged the capability and integrity of Johanis Leimena (Uncle Jo) who often served as the prime minister's official to his Saman. However, lately it can be seen that the competence and capabilities of the Maluku sons and daughters scattered here and there are left alone and seem like they are not needed. The youths (KNPI Maluku) once tried to break the ice with a social movement some time after SBY announced his second unified Indonesia cabinet, neither of which represented the ethnic groups or sub-ethnics of the Maluku people. This is a very deep disappointment. Luckily, when it came time for the cabinet reshuffle, one of our best sons from "Maluku, especially Southeast Maluku" Prof. Dr. A. Retraubun was then recruited into the ranks of the United Indonesia cabinet. I personally hope that Lex's momentum will be the end of a long and tiring wait. It is hoped that this Indonesian fact will not spread the same virus into community bases in the Maluku islands. Because when I researched myself in 2001, I found that: there was a kind of cultural agreement in the past that; who can only become the Governor of Maluku are those who are most qualified from the Ambon Lease Geographical area (Ambon Island, Saparua Island, Haruku Island and Nusa Laut). This fact is still finding a truth. If so: how and how is it different from the dominant cultural construction as I have described above (Koritelu, 2002). The facts above occur because it turns out that the Ambon-Lease area, which was the basis for Dutch colonial penetration, has always privileged the people in the area. They are often used by the Dutch for various purposes. Including sending them to the Netherlands. The Dutch did this because the types of spices that the Dutch obtained from the Ambon Lease Region could not be obtained by the Dutch in other places such as the Southeast Maluku Regency, Tual City, Tanimbar Islands

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Regency, Southwest Maluku Regency, Aru Islands Regency and so on. This is actually the seed of division from the historical roots of the conflict in the Maluku Islands. The author often refers to it as the collective experience of the Maluku islanders related to the conflict that occurred (Koritelu, in "ANSOS" Journal of Theoretical Studies, Research Results, Concepts of Social Sciences Volume 1 No. 1, June 2003). Do not stop there. For the Dutch, not all Ambonese Leases should be prioritized and get special privileges from the Dutch. Those who always obey and follow the will of the Dutch are those who will always be prioritized and given a lot of convenience and are believed to be kings of the countries in the Ambon Lease area. On the other hand, disobedient groups of people will remain enemies of the Netherlands and the Dutch are not allowed to occupy important positions in the government (Ratnawati Tri, 2006:48-49). This is where the seeds of conflict between Islam and Christianity in Maluku began to occur. Because long before the arrival of the Dutch to colonize and spread Christianity/Christianity, Islam already existed. And the position of Islam according to local customs occupies an important position in the structure of the king's government in the countries in the Ambon Lease area. And the arrival of the Dutch apart from removing Islam from the history of the reign of the King of the country, also planted the seeds of conflict between the Christian Ambonese (following the will of the Dutch) and the Muslim Ambonese who always took a position against the Dutch at that time. One of the historical facts that proves this is that according to the history of the king's government wherever it is always carried out based on descent, but specifically the royal system in countries in the Ambon archipelago, Lease is always carried out through elections involving 2 or more candidates for kings from the SOA group. and the eyes of a different house. This fact occurred because certain families and eyes of the house occupied the position as soa Parenta (ie the soa group who would always be kings for generations later because of their disobedience to the will of the Dutch, the Dutch then re-appointed another clan or eye of another house as soa). Parenta. With the condition that they are always loyal to the will of the Dutch. After the Dutch left, the Soa Parenta Asli group also came into conflict with the Soa Parenta group formed by the Dutch. These two or even more Soa Parenta groups then both felt they had the right to be king. That's the history of the King's reign in countries in the Ambon and Lease archipelago (Koritelu, in "INOPSTEK" Journal of Learning, Science and Technology Innovation. Volume 2, Number 2, May 2009). The high dynamics of this competition is also under the influence of the election arena. Regents in the Regency area, especially in Central Maluku Regency h and the Ambon City area which is indeed not allowed to be led by another person except those from the Ambon Lease area. This sharpening process then progressed to determining who the figure would be governor in the Maluku Islands province. Because the construction of such historical facts was dominant in the Ambon Lease group, it was agreed from the beginning of independence that those who were allowed to become governors in the Maluku Islands Province were people from the Ambon Lease area. To this day, the agreement is still in effect. This can be seen in every time the results of the governor's election are carried out democratically (Koritelu, 2002). These justifications later became a strong impetus for the Greater Southeast Maluku socio-cultural community which consisted of Southeast Maluku Regency, Tual City, Tanimbar Islands Regency, Aru Islands Regency and Southwest Maluku Islands Regency to form the Greater Southeast Maluku province after previously being the territory of the Sultanate. Ternate and Tidore had previously split their own provinces into the provinces of North Maluku. This desire has not yet found a way in that direction related to various provincial and central government policies. Therefore, if this condition is not handled, it is likely that it will become a benchmark for carrying out a process of transformation and elite circulation as described by Vilfredo Pareto. Even this must be considered as a root of a group of problems that at any time can cause many conflicts in our society in the Southeast Maluku region or in other areas in Maluku in general.

Religious Polarization And Possible Conflicts Between Community Groups.

Our collective experience as Ambonese Lease people and even Maluku in general shows that religion in different understandings in many cases is not just a human process to understand and reach Heaven, but religion is also a sociological fact that often causes many conflicts in society. Several writers have given a number of scientific arguments that we should pay close attention to. Call it Samuel. P. Huntington, in “the Clash of civilization”, Bernard Lewis in: “Jews, Christen and Islam”. What we have witnessed and experienced together as Moluccans since January 19, 1999 until mid-2003 seems to be a universal justification tool that: the religious factor in the Maluku archipelago must really be a serious concern (Koritelu, 2002). Rational reason for almost 98% of all 1715 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(4), WINTER, 2021 regions in Maluku and North Maluku experienced violent conflict through a process Politicization of religion conducted by various interest groups (interestgroup). Is it true that we are ready to fight for various interests including achieving our various interests by not directing our mass of supporters to a religion-based model of identity politics???. Religion is sociologically an entity that is very easy to politicize for various interests. This problem is not a mere problem of religious organizations, but the problem of the world of higher education, the problem of society and even our common universal problem that is occupying various geographic areas of the Maluku islands. Various undeniable facts that conflict and violence by politicizing religion are evidence of how the centers of human civilization in Maluku were destroyed for the interests of various groups, whose origins are not clear. Very sad indeed. That is why based on the results of my research in 2002, it is very important to pay close attentioncollectivity experience to our Malukuas a sociological, cultural message and a spiritual challenge that will never end, if we do not take it seriously, then we must too. be prepared to face various possibilities of conflict and violence based on the destruction of all of us as people who live in the Maluku archipelago. The wounds of the past that are still visible in the fact that the segregation of Islam and Christianity geographically have led to a reality where the collective memory of the facts of the Maluku collective experience must still be handled wisely and fairly (Koritelu, 2002).

Map of the Structure of the Political Society of Our Archipelago,

How to Pull Out the Central Interests which are always institutionalized through the working mechanism of Political Parties and so on. Central interests are often carried out through athreat mechanism recall against the best party cadres who sit in the DPR-RI and DPRD if the interests of the community and the region are too prioritized, especially if the interests of the people and regions are different from those of the authorities, including the central government. The network of relationship structures that occur between national politicians and the government bureaucratic structure at the central level and at various levels seems to be a lubricating oil that facilitates everything. This fact is further justified by the contextuality of the structure of our Political society, including in the context of the political community structure in the very complex archipelagic region. In general, the structure of the political society that we adhere to is one of two broad categories of the structure of the political society. There is a so-called class political society structure (which mostly takes place in Europe) and a stream political society structure. The consequences of implementing or continuing the structure of society Politics in people's lives always has a direct impact on the pattern of integration, solidarity and social cohesion in society. In the structure of class political society the consequences of its application have an impact on the nature of: integration, social solidarity and social cohesion which are always horizontal. This means: conflicts usually occur vertically, where different social classes, the lower class will carry out resistance or conflict with the upper social class including the ruling group, so that clashes between classes, especially the lower class will never or rarely occur (Gafar, 2007). Afan, 1991). Meanwhile, in the Political Stream community, which generally takes place in Indonesia, including us in Maluku in general. The application of the structure of the political society of this school provides clarity that: the existence of figures and leadership in the political flow of religious groups and the nationalist political school has a very strong influence on the formation of patterns of cohesion, solidarity and social integration in our society. The orientation of our society's views is always focused on the profile of the figure and the role of a leader who is always considered to have charisma, so that when the leader directs his supporters to peace then the time will also be peaceful but if the leader seems to want a commotion and chaos then that situation will happen. This means that: the pattern of social cohesion is largely determined by the behavior of the elite (the leader). The consequences are: at the top level, if the leaders are in conflict with each other, then even at the lower community level, the community will automatically conflict with each other, because the pattern of social cohesion is not horizontal but on the contrary is vertical. This situation is very different from the application of the political system to the structure of class political society. Conflicts over various political interests in Indonesia clearly show how this happens. This process can be seen from how the process of infiltration of capitalism can penetrate even remote rural areas.

Forcing the Construction of Policies and Common Interests that are Universal and Centralized.

What I really want to describe here is by raising the theme of poverty as something that is very

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important and interesting to observe as part of a universal policy implementation that is too forced at the expense of our diversity as an archipelagic community structure that is very diverse, including in viewing the problem. life. For this reason, it requires the implementation of specific policies and wisdom to overcome the problem of poverty in this region. Since 2009 the poverty rate in the Maluku region is quite high because it reaches the range of around: 28.32%. Therefore, the Ministry of Acceleration of Underdeveloped Regions in collaboration with the World Bank intends to assist the poverty alleviation efforts. The provincial government has set a target, if possible, by entering 2011 the poverty rate from this range can be reduced to 13-14%. In fact, the implementation of the empowerment strategy by previously setting poverty criteria in accordance with the criteria of the BKKBN, Statistics as well as by Gunawan Muhammad and even by the World Bank, is felt to have not answered the internality of poverty alleviation needs in Maluku. Why? Because after reviewing these criteria, not all of them match the local poverty in Maluku (Ajawaila, Watloly, Pariela, Koritelu et al in 2009), at least prove this. With the determination of poverty criteria according to the various criteria above, various empowerment strategies are then carried out for this purpose. In fact, the range of 780 billion to 1 trillion has not been proven to be able to solve the problem of poverty in Maluku, in fact, according to available information, Maluku is now in the 3rd rank of the poorest of various provinces in this country. And the poorest area of 11 regencies/cities in Maluku is MTB. What I want to say is that actually a different perspective is needed in the context of poverty alleviation efforts in Maluku. The difference must start from the determination of poverty criteria for the people of the Maluku islands to their empowerment strategy. Because many cases occur where in determining the criteria, there is a tendency to follow the determination of various criteria as I have explained above. As an example; especially for the Jakarta city area, if someone can build a house using boards and moreover it is covered with a roof and then made it neat and attractive, then that person is of course classified as a rich person. Laying the label of the rich in this example is very reasonable because it turns out that the basic building materials such as boards are of good quality, so that the roof is indeed very difficult to find in the Jakarta city area. On the other hand, if the house with the model and shape is built in Maluku, of course the owner of the house is considered poor because it is placed on the criteria for an emergency house. What the author means is actually to provide an analysis and an illustration that in fact the determination of poverty in Maluku may not be fully accurate in accordance with the criteria set as a measure. Because is it true that if a similar house is built in Jakarta, is the owner considered a poor person? Or on the contrary is considered as a rich person?

The Potential of Marine Fisheries That Does Not Contribute To Developing the Maluku Islands.

Several years ago during the administration of President Susilo Bambang Yudoyono, Maluku was designated as the National Fish Barn. To this day, Moluccans ask what is the evidence for this determination? Is it just to please the Moluccans? The question was almost simultaneously the author got when conducting interviews with the heads of the fisheries service in the city districts, especially in the Ambon city area, Tanimbar Islands District and Aru Islands District. They questioned it because the determination of Maluku as a national fish barn so far has not had a real contribution to the development of the Maluku islands. Informants said that the national fish barn was a jargon made by the central government to just entertain the people of Maluku. This is understandable because according to the available data, it turns out that Maluku's fishery potential accounts for almost 40% of the total 100% of the Indonesian fishery development sector. In certain areas, the absence and limitations of fish preservation systems are a serious problem for local fishermen. Because of that, they are usually willing to sell their catch cheaply to entrepreneurs. Because otherwise their catch will rot. There are several serious problems faced by local fishermen in Maluku, namely: (1) Local fishermen have very simple fishing technology so that the results they achieve are not optimal. (2). The catch market system is still manual and simple, especially in traditional markets. (3). The network of relationships between catching fishermen and the market is still characterized by traditional market systems such as papalele. Where papalele is related to mutual trust because of kinship and getting to know each other. (4). The welfare of the fishermen does not match their expectations due to various existing limitations. The orientation of the fishery market which is sourced from the catch of traditional fishermen is mostly for local consumption needs. This is the only definite market opportunity for fishermen. This certainty is because almost every Maluku people's dining table must have fish in various preparations to be eaten every day. Grilled fish, fried fish, clear gravy fish, yellow gravy fish and so on are always 1717 © RIGEO ● Review of International Geographical Education 11(4), WINTER, 2021 visible on the dining table when mealtime arrives. It is almost certain that the consumption of fish for the Moluccans is one thing for sure. Is it true that the Moluccans only become a national fish barn to contribute to the Indonesian fishery sector? How about the welfare of the traditional Maluku fishermen? The Maluku Islands are rich in marine fisheries, but Maluku is the fourth poorest province in Indonesia. Where is the justice for development, especially the fisheries sector? A number of these questions became very popular not only for community leaders but also for fishermen in Latuhalat village, Nusaniwe district, Ambon city. They struggle for family life by navigating the sometimes hostile seas in the Banda Sea. Their catch is adequate but the welfare of these fishermen is something that is a step.

Picture 5. The Latuhalat village office in Ambon island has always been a place for complaints by fishermen, Picture 6. Long Boat and Jaring Bobo as Traditional fishing gear, Picture 7. Distribution of fish in baskets for Tukang papalele in the traditional market system and, Picture 8. Traditional fishing equipment with Huhate (Safseu) from the beach when the fish season arrives.

Conclusion

Based on the results of the research that has been done; it can be concluded that development policies on a national scale centered in Jakarta greatly affect the implementation and development of development in the Maluku archipelago. Because it turns out that 9 (nine) characteristics that characterize the Maluku islands, do not get the attention and priority of central government policies in the implementation of development in Maluku. Several aspects that can be mentioned in this conclusion section include: Central government policy to allocate funds for seaport development. In accordance with the provisions of the Indonesian state legislation, only one sea port will be built for each district. In fact, for the Maluku islands, each district can even build more than one sea port. For example, for the Tanimbar Islands district, it requires 10 sea ports. Provincial government policies that follow the policies of the central government are indeed paying special attention to agricultural systems that produce rice (paddy fields) which have clearly ignored the advantages of local foods such as sago, sweet potatoes, kumbili, taro, corn and so on. On the other hand, the agricultural spirit of the Maluku islanders is not compatible with the development of the rice field system. As a result, the local food system is increasingly losing out in the market and local farmers' persistence/determination to increase local food productivity is decreasing. This decline also affects their quality of life and purchasing power in the market system. On the other hand, farmers who come from outside Maluku and come to Maluku through transmigration and migration seem to be growing and progressing. Besides that,

1718 Koritelu P. (2021). Building Maluku in the Character of the Island (A Critical Review). Review of …

the potential for internal conflicts in the Maluku archipelago seems to continue to exist and develop along with the urgency of the Maluku island community in various existing developments. In addition, the collective experience of the Maluku people regarding past conflicts has not been completely resolved. Because of this, new problems have emerged and have added to the complexity of building the Maluku islands. The experience of the Ambon-Maluku conflict in 1999- 2003 is clear evidence of the combination of past collective experiences and social jealousy factors based on social jealousy between religions, social jealousy between migrants and indigenous people as well as various other contributing factors. The central government's policy strategy, which tends to be continental in nature with the dominance of Malay culture, then has an effect on development in Maluku, which has an archipelagic character and is dominated by Melanesian culture. As a result, unwittingly this clash of different cultures often results in internal conflicts in Maluku with various issues, both socially, culturally, economically and defense and security. This condition is also increasingly justified because there are 3 districts in the Maluku archipelago which are directly opposite the territory of other countries such as the Tanimbar Islands Regency (KKT), Southwest Maluku Regency (MBD), Kelupauan Aru Regency and Southeast Maluku Regency. On that basis, I am of the opinion that the development of the Maluku Islands requires akind of specialtreedmen, especially for the archipelagic districts and especially for the archipelagic districts which are classified as outermost and directly border the territory of other countries. Various categorizations, remote, outermost, poorest and so on are still firmly attached to some parts of the districts in Maluku. Therefore, Maluku's real strength lies in how to develop Maluku by implementing various policies that take into account the character of the archipelago.

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