Social Formation in , 1985–2005

A Longitudinal Study of Society in a Third World Megacity

Kamal Siddiqui Jamshed Ahmed Kaniz Siddique Sayeedul Huq Abul Hossain Shah Nazimud-Doula Nahid Rezawana

Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 To our parents Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 A Longitudinal Study of Society in a Third World Megacity

Kamal Siddiqui University of South Pacific, Fiji Jamshed Ahmed National Institute of Local Government, Dhaka, Kaniz Siddique North-South University, Dhaka, Bangladesh Sayeedul Huq National Institute of Local Government, Dhaka, Bangladesh Abul Hossain Power and Participation Research Centre, Dhaka, Bangladesh Shah Nazimud-Doula National Institute of Local Government, Dhaka, Bangladesh Nahid Rezawana Dhaka University, Bangladesh © Kamal Siddiqui, Jamshed Ahmed, Kaniz Siddique, Sayeedul Huq, Abul Hossain, Shah Nazimud-Doula and Nahid Rezawana 2010

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Kamal Siddiqui, Jamshed Ahmed, Kaniz Siddique, Sayeedul Huq, Abul Hossain, Shah Nazimud-Doula and Nahid Rezawana have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work.

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British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Social formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 : a longitudinal study of society in a Third World megacity. 1. Dhaka (Bangladesh)--Social conditions--20th century-- Longitudinal studies. 2. Dhaka (Bangladesh)--Social conditions--21st century--Longitudinal studies. 3. Dhaka (Bangladesh)--Population--Longitudinal studies. I. Siddiqui, Kamal. 304.6'0954922-dc22

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Social formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 : a longitudinal study of society in a third world megacity / by Kamal Siddiqui ... [et al.]. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4094-1103-1 (hbk) -- ISBN 978-1-4094-1104-8 (ebook) 1. Dhaka (Bangladesh)--Social conditions--Longitudinal studies. 2. Social structure--Bangladesh--Dhaka- -Longitudinal studies. 3. Social stratification--Bangladesh--Dhaka--Longitudinal studies. I. Siddiqui, Kamal.

HN690.6.D32S64 2010 305.5'12095492209045--dc22 2010017059 ISBN 9781409411031 (hbk) ISBN 9781409411048 (ebk)II Contents

List of Tables vii Preface xiii

1 an Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 1

2 methodology Used for Information Collection 21

3 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 35

4 the Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 101

5 the Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 123

6 the Richest People of Dhaka City 191

7 the Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 211

8 the Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 241

9 beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 275

10 Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 307

11 the Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 321

12 major Findings and Concluding Remarks 343

Appendix I Various Classifications of Dhaka City and Adjoining Areas 363 Appendix II General Household Survey Questionnaire 365 Appendix iii instructions for Investigators 375 Appendix IV Places of Interest in and Around Dhaka City 377 Appendix V a List of Organisations Directly Concerned with Dhaka City 383 Appendix VI Glossary of Abbreviations and Local Terms 387

Bibliography 395 Index 401 This page has been left blank intentionally List of Tables

1.1 Decennial population of Dhaka city, 1872−1941 4 1.2 Area and population growth of Dhaka city, 1951−2005 6 1.3 land ownership pattern in Dhaka city, 1986 7 1.4 land use pattern for privately owned land in Dhaka city, 1982 8 2.1 Zone classification of Dhaka city according to average holding tax, 2005 24 2.2 zone, number of holdings, police stations, name of area and wards of Dhaka city 25 2.3 zone, number of holdings, number of households and the percentage of households surveyed, 2005 26 2.4 Cooperation of respondents during GHS, 1985−2005 27 3.1 Age of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (in percentage of HHH, if not specified) 36 3.2 Age of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 36 3.3 Mother tongue of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 37 3.4 Religion of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 38 3.5 Greater home district/division of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 38 3.6 Marital status of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 39 3.7 number of years HHH married, 2005 and 1985, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 40 3.8 Marital status of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 40 3.9 Dependence on HHH, 2005 41 3.10 Zone-wise number of family members and family size, 1985−2005, according to GHS 42 3.11 Average number of sons and daughters per HHH among the 100 HH, 1985−2005 42 3.12 Educational status of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 43 3.13 Main occupation of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 44 3.14 Zone-wise ranking of the occupations of HHH (percentage of HHH), 1985−2005, according to GHS 45 3.15 Second occupation of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 45 3.16 Present occupation versus first occupation of HHH (number), 1985–2005, according to GHS 46 3.17 Changes in the main occupation of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 47 3.18 Changes in the second occupation of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 48 3.19 Average number of earning members in the family, 1985−2005 48 3.20 average monthly nominal income and expenditure (in Taka) of HH, zone-wise, 1985 48 3.21 average monthly nominal income and expenditure (in Taka) of HH, zone-wise, 2005 48 3.22 average family nominal expenditure (in Taka), item-wise and zone-wise, 1985 49 3.23 average family nominal expenditure (in Taka), item-wise and zone-wise, 2005 49 3.24 Monthly nominal income of HHH, zone-wise and income-group-wise, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 50 viii Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

3.25 Average income for the city as a whole in nominal terms, 1985−2005, according to GHS 50 3.26 Increase in monthly income of 100 HHH in nominal terms, 1985−2005 51 3.27 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on food, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 51 3.28 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on clothing, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 51 3.29 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on medicine, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 52 3.30 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on gifts, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 52 3.31 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on transportation, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 52 3.32 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on education, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 52 3.33 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on gas, electricity and water, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 53 3.34 Total monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 53 3.35 Rate of monthly savings of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 53 3.36 Outstanding loans taken by 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 54 3.37 Generation of residence of HHH in Dhaka city, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 54 3.38 reasons for HHH coming to Dhaka city for those not living in Dhaka city since birth, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 55 3.39 Duration of residence of 100 HH in Dhaka city 55 3.40 number of generations of 100 HHH living in Dhaka city 56 3.41 reasons why 100 HHH came to Dhaka city 56 3.42 Ownership of village home, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 57 3.43 Number of visits to the village by HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS 57 3.44 Purpose of HHH visiting the village home, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 58 3.45 Number of times 100 HHH visited village home yearly, 1985−2005 58 3.46 Quantity of land owned in the village by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 58 3.47 Purpose of visiting the village by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 59 3.48 Ownership of plots/buildings in Dhaka city by HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS 59 3.49 Land and house ownership in Dhaka city by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 60 3.50 Ownership of landed property in other urban centres, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 60 3.51 Ownership of landed property in other urban centres by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 60 3.52 Use of land within the compound of HHH’s residence, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 62 3.53 land use within the compound of the residence of 100 HHH (percentage) 63 3.54 Percentage of HHH with access to electricity, piped water and gas, zone-wise, 2005, according to GHS 63 3.55 Types of toilet facilities, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 64 3.56 Condition of residence entrance road, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH) 64 3.57 Percentage of HH sharing various amenities for Dhaka city as a whole, 1985−2005, according to GHS 65 List of Tables ix

3.58 Sharing of various meters, 2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH) 65 3.59 Sharing of amenities with other HH by 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 65 3.60 Condition of the drain in front of the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 66 3.61 General condition of residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 66 3.62 Facilities in the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 66 3.63 Total floor space in the residence of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 66 3.64 Number of bedrooms in the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 67 3.65 Nature of toilet in the residences of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 67 3.66 Condition of the road in front of the residences of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 67 3.67 Employment of servants in Dhaka city (full-time/part-time servants), 1985−2005, according to GHS 68 3.68 zone-wise distribution of per HH number of house servants in Dhaka city, 1985−2005 68 3.69 Per-HH number of full-time servants, zone-wise, 1985−2005 68 3.70 Ownership of musical instruments, 1985−2005, according to GHS 69 3.71 Ownership of an air-conditioner, 1985−2005, according to GHS 70 3.72 Ownership of black and white TV, 1985−2005, according to GHS 70 3.73 Ownership of a colour TV, 1985−2005, according to GHS 71 3.74 Ownership of a refrigerator, 1985−2005, according to GHS 71 3.75 Ownership of a sewing machine, 1985−2005, according to GHS 72 3.76 Ownership of an electric fan, 1985−2005, according to GHS 72 3.77 Ownership of an iron, 1985−2005, according to GHS 72 3.78 Ownership of a VCR, 1985−2005, according to GHS 73 3.79 ownership of a VCD, 2005, according to GHS 73 3.80 ownership of a personal computer, 2005, according to GHS 73 3.81 Percentage of HH owning a mobile telephone, zone-wise, 2005, according to GHS 73 3.82 Ownership of a land telephone, 1985−2005, according to GHS 74 3.83 Ownership of means of transport by 100 HH, 1985−2005, according to GHS 74 3.84 Movable property of the 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 75 3.85 ownership of books, according to GHS of 2005 75 3.86 number of books in the 100 HH in 1985 and 2005 (percentage of HH) 76 3.87 Average age of HH members, 1985−2005, according to GHS (years) 76 3.88 Average age of close relatives (dead or living), 1985−2005, according to GHS (years) 77 3.89 Marital status of HH members, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH members) 77 3.90 Formally educated (in percentage), 1985−2005, according to GHS 78 3.91 Educational status of family members of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of the formally educated (SSC+HSC+graduates and above) 78 3.92 Location of closest relatives in Dhaka city, 1985−2005, according to GHS 80 3.93 Percentage of HHHs’ fathers and mothers with the same home district, according to GHS 80 3.94 Degree of involvement of HHH in voluntary organisations, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 81 3.95 Involvement of 100 HH in voluntary organisations, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 81  Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

3.96 Newspaper/magazine reading habits of HHH according to GHS, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 82 3.97 Reading habits of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 82 3.98 Spending leisure time, according to GHS, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 83 3.99 recreation and entertainment pattern in Dhaka City, 1985 83 3.100 Spending leisure time by 100 HH (percentage of HHH) 84 3.101 Position of HHH with respect to father, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 85 3.102 HHH opinion on family planning, 1985−2005, as expressed in GHS (percentage of HHH) 85 3.103 Opinion of 100 HH on family planning, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH) 86 3.104 Preference for economic system, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH) 86 3.105 Opinion of 100 HHH on the economic system preferred, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 87 3.106 Opinion of 100 HHH on the general environment of the area, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 87 3.107 Opinion on the two most important civic problems, zone-wise, 1985−2005, according to GHS 88 3.108 Opinion of 100 HHH on the nature of civic problems, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 88 3.109 Occupation and religion, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 89 3.110 Occupation and education of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 90 3.111 Gender and land ownership, 1985−2005 90 3.112 Religion and land ownership, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 91 3.113 Gender and education, 1985−2005 91 3.114 Religion and education, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 91 3.115 Religion and family size, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH) 92 3.116 education of HHH and number of children, 2005 93 3.117 income of HHH and average number of children, 2005 93 3.118 income of HHH and family size, 2005 (percentage of HHH) 94 4.1 Dependency ratio (DR) 102 4.2 District background of HHH (percentage of HHH) 102 4.3 District background of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage) 103 4.4 Occupation of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage) 104 4.5 Education of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage) 104 4.6 Purpose of visit, 1985−2005 (percentage) 105 4.7 Village home and property of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage) 105 4.8 education of HHH (percentage) 106 4.9 education of non-student members of the HH, other than HHH (percentage) 106 4.10 occupation of HHH (percentage) 106 4.11 occupation of other members of the HH (i.e. leaving aside HHH, small children and servants), 1985−2005 (percentage) 107 4.12 Ownership of durable consumer goods, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH owning) 108 4.13 Ownership of books in percentage of HH, 1985−2005 108 4.14 ownership of means of transport by the HHH (percentage of HH owning) 108 4.15 average monthly expenditure, 1985 109 List of Tables xi

4.16 average monthly expenditure, 2005 110 4.17 Condition of residence of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage) 110 4.18 condition of the front road of the residence (percentage) 111 4.19 General environment of the area where the HHH resides, 1985−2005 (percentage) 111 4.20 Economic system of preference, 1985−2005 (percentage) 112 4.21 Comparison of HHH with father, 1985−2005 (percentage) 112 4.22 important economic, political, environmental, social and cultural problems in Dhaka city, 2005 113 4.23 Servants in the house, 1985−2005 114 4.24 employment of servants by income groups in 2005 (per HH number of servants employed) 114 4.25 Newspaper/magazine reading habits, 1985−2005 (percentage) 115 4.26 Spending more than half of leisure time, 1985−2005 (percentage) 115 4.27 recreation trends among HHH, 2005 (percentage) 115 4.28 Education level and average family size, 1985−2005 117 4.29 Education and income of HHH, 1985−2005 117 4.30 Occupation and income of HHH, 1985−2005 117 4.31 education and occupation of HHH, 2005 (percentage of the total in each category) 118 4.32 monthly income and ownership of land in Dhaka city, 2005 118 4.33 a comparison between HHH of GHS and HHH of GQS, 2005 119 5.1 monthly expenditure of non-madrasa students 131 5.2 Districts of origin of civil servants 145 5.3 Districts of origins of engineers 148 5.4 Districts of origin of teachers 151 5.5 income of teachers 152 5.6 Districts of origin of lawyers 154 5.7 Districts of origin of educated homemakers 157 5.8 housing conditions in Dhaka city 158 5.9 housing status of uneducated homemakers 160 5.10 education level of doctors 165 5.11 income of doctors 166 5.12 Districts of origin of artists/painters 168 5.13 income of middle-class entrepreneurs 179 6.1 occupation of sons and daughters, 1985–2005 (in percentage) 194 7.1 education levels of the police and ansars 230 8.1 income of servants in Dhaka city, 1803–1837 257 8.2 employment of domestic servants in Dhaka city (full-time/part-time servants), 1985–2005 based on the GHS 259 8.3 Per HH number of part-time servants, zone-wise, 1985–2005 based on GHS 260 8.4 Per HH number of full-time servants, zone-wise, 1985–2005 based on GHS 260 8.5 occupation of female heads of households 266 9.1 monthly income of beggars in 1985 279 9.2 monthly income of beggars in 2005 279 9.3 Connection with immediate family members after entering prostitution, 1985−2005 (in percentage of the respondents) 290 9.4 Monthly income of prostitutes (in Taka), 1985−2005 294 9.5 Standard of living and lifestyle, 1985−2005 (percentage of respondents) 294 xii Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

9.6 Values and norms, 1985−2005 (percentage of respondents) 294 9.7 Number of crimes in Dhaka city, 1985−2005 (according to the police records, but corrected through verification against police oral testimony) 298 9.8 most important crimes in Dhaka city, by thana, 1985−2005 299 Preface

Social Formation in Dhaka City was the only comprehensive sociological study of Dhaka city when it saw the light of day in 1990. Based on data and information collected in and around 1985, it was the first attempt to establish the broad social coordinates of Dhaka through (a) analysing the salient characteristics of the major classes and groups, (b) delineating their interrelationships and interactions, and (c) identifying the change agents among them and assessing the prospects of change. The book was well received by the academic community, and was reviewed favourably in many journals and newspapers at home and abroad. It entered the reading list in many universities where urban sociology in the Third World context was taught. It was also widely quoted in relevant books and journal articles dealing with Bangladesh’s urban sector. However, as researchers and authors, we could not remain content with having completed the 1985 study. We strongly felt that without a longitudinal study, we would never be confident about generalising on the social trends emerging over time from Dhaka city. Indeed, that is what we tried to accomplish in the present study, Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985−2005: A Longitudinal Study of Society in a Third World Megacity. It took us about two years simply to complete the fieldwork, because Dhaka had expanded enormously in the intervening period and we had to grapple with the numerous challenges of fieldwork on a gigantic scale and requiring a combination of several research methods. We are pleased that our labour of love has come to a successful end with the completion of the final manuscript. A large number of people have helped and encouraged us during the last five years. We express our indebtedness and gratitude to all of them. In particular, we would like to put on record our sincere thanks to Dr Mehtab Currey for helping us to obtain a DFID grant for this work and Dr Kaiser Haq, Professor of English, Dhaka University and Ms Barbara Hauo’fa, formerly Publications Officer, Faculty of Business and Economics, University of South Pacific for language editing the book. The opinions expressed in this book have nothing to do with the organisations with which we are associated. In the last analysis, the sole responsibility for the opinions expressed in this book falls squarely on the principal author (Kamal Siddiqui). Kamal Siddiqui Jamshed Ahmed Kaniz Siddique Abul Hossain Saydeel Huq S. Nazimud-Doula Nahid Rezwana

Dhaka and Suva 2010 This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 1 An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City

Background of this study

By the middle of the 21st century, more than 50 per cent of the world’s population will be living in an urban environment. Most of the new urban growth will take place in Asia and Africa, and many governments in these two continents seem woefully unprepared for the challenges they will face in providing their urban citizens with the basic services and security from poverty, environmental degradation and crime. It is in this context that in-depth studies to lay bare the contours and characteristics of society and institutions in the urban setting of Third World countries assume importance and urgency. In 1990, we (Kamal Siddiqui, Syeda Rowshan Qadir, Sitara Alamgir and Sayeedul Huq) published a book entitled Social Formation in Dhaka City based mostly on empirical data collected around 1985. The main objective of this book was to capture various socio-economic dimensions of Dhaka city, the capital of a new nation born in 1971. However, some years later, I (Kamal Siddiqui) felt that it was only through a longitudinal study that we would be able to capture the changing social coordinates of this megacity and explain the reasons for the change. Meanwhile, I had completed a longitudinal study of a village in Narail district (Jagatpur, 1977–1997: Poverty and Social Change in Rural Bangladesh, UPL, Dhaka, 2000). This experience also gave me the required confidence and inspiration to conduct a longitudinal study involving the primate city of Bangladesh. More importantly, it was a matter of filling a genuine knowledge vacuum about the dynamics of social change in Dhaka city. During the last two decades, we have witnessed a proliferation of studies on Dhaka city in various universities and research centres of the country. However, except for our study, there has not been any comprehensive examination of the social structure of Dhaka city during this period. The available studies deal mostly with the lives of slum and squatter populations in isolation without connecting them to the rest of the urban society, and that too only at one point in time. The present work is the first longitudinal sociological study of Dhaka city. Indeed, without establishing the major socio-economic trends over time, it would not be possible to generalise on the dynamics of the society in Dhaka city with confidence. We hope that by filling this gap we will contribute to a greater understanding of the city. Out of these considerations we (Kamal Siddiqui, Jamshed Ahmed, Kaniz Siddique, Sayeedul Huq, Abul Hossain, Shah Nazim-ud-doula and Nahid Rezwana) undertook this study in 2005, i.e. two decades after the first.

The concepts of social structure and social formation

It is necessary, before we proceed further, for us to clarify the term “social formation” as we have used it in this study. Social structure, in its simplest meaning, refers to relations (especially  Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 more permanent, stable relationships) among people, between groupings or institutions, and backwards and forwards between people and groupings (Crothers, 1996), whereas “social formation”, a Marxist term, denotes not only the mode of production (i.e. consisting of the relations of production and the forces of production) but also the superstructure (i.e. dominant ideology, beliefs and institutions) obtaining within the context of a society. Within the Marxist tradition, controversies persist about the relationships between the mode of production (also called the base) and the superstructure (Hindess and Hirst, 1977). In the present study, we did not attempt to establish the specifics of the mode of production or the superstructure in Dhaka society over the two decades from 1985 to 2005 because such an exercise, in our opinion, has proved to be no more than a war over semantics, and hence counterproductive for adopting either policy or strategic directions (for example, the debate on the mode of production in Indian agriculture in the pages of Economic and Political Weekly during the 1970s and 1980s). Also, it remains for many Marxist scholars a “structuralist” notion, not useful for appreciating the role of human agency (Habib, MAR, 1996). Therefore, we have used the term in the sense of understanding the important economic, social, cultural and political characteristics of the most important classes and groups of people of Dhaka city and their interrelations and propensity towards changing their lot, as expressed through their core beliefs, ideology and activism at two points in time. In other words, we have taken a more open and practical approach, so that our findings are useful for formulating doable policies and a guide to action.

Objective of the study

The objective of the present study is, therefore, to come up with answers to the following questions:

a. How have the social, religious, demographic, political, economic, cultural and spatial characteristics of the various classes and groups of people living in Dhaka city changed over the two decades between 1985 and 2005? b. How has their relative access to basic needs (i.e. food, shelter, education, clean water and health) changed during this period? c. How has the nature of interrelations and interactions among various classes of people living in Dhaka city evolved and changed over the two decades? d. How has the potential among various classes of people living in Dhaka city for bringing about social change evolved between 1985 and 2005? e. Why have the changes mentioned in (a) to (d) occurred? f. Who are the change-agents in taking the city and the country forward?

Before presenting our empirical evidence in the present book, we would first like to introduce Dhaka city to the readers. In doing so, we have tried to highlight the unique features of the city over time, in general, and between 1985 and 2005, in particular, so that readers are able to relate these to the intertemporal trends presented in the subsequent chapters. An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 

An introduction to Dhaka city

Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh, is located almost in the middle of the country, on the banks of the . Its coordinates are latitude 24º40ºN and longitude 90º20ºE. Its climatic characteristics are hot and humid summers, short and mild winters and heavy rains during the monsoons, i.e. from May to September. The primacy of Dhaka among Bangladeshi cities is not confined to population growth alone. Administrative functions, civil employment, financial and banking services, international commerce and business activities and much of the industrial production activities are concentrated in this city. The best of educational, health, cultural and sports facilities are located here. It is said that in the final analysis, the fate of Bangladesh is decided by what happens in Dhaka city.

A brief city

Pre-Pakistan period the origin of the curious name of the city is as controversial as its early history, which is shrouded in fanciful traditions and myths (for details, please see Hossain, N., 1980; Haider, 1967). One thing, however, is certain: that its history goes back to the early centuries of the Christian era. It flourished during Hindu rule and also under the independent Sultans of . In 1608, when was the Mughal emperor in , it was made the capital of the subah (province) of Bengal, and Orissa and renamed as Jahangir Nagar. As the administrative and military headquarters of the province, Dhaka expanded rapidly, and soon the growth of its trade and commerce and the flourishing world-famous () industry brought additional wealth and increased population and led to further expansion, making it the queen of the cities of eastern India. During this period, a large number of foreign traders settled here. Among them, the Portuguese, the , the Dutch, the English and the French established their factories in the Banglabazar and the Babubazar areas of the town. At the height of its glory and prosperity during the Mughal period, the boundaries of Dhaka were defined to the south by the river Buriganga (on whose north bank it is situated), to the north by the Tongi bridge, a distance of about 15 miles, and from Jafarabad on the west to Postogola on the east, a distance of about ten miles. However, the city proper was limited to a much less extensive area, chiefly along the ten miles of the riverbank and at most two and a half miles inland to the north. The greater part of the north of the city consisted of gardens and cropland and was sparsely populated. The city was also said to have contained a population of about 900,000. Many palaces, mosques, temples, roads, bridges, gateways, gardens, aqueducts, tanks, markets and ghats (landing places on the river) were built to meet the needs of high officials, while the ordinary people, unsurprisingly, lived in the crowded quarters of what is now known as (Ahmed, N., 1984). During its “golden era”, when it was ruled by (1663–1679), Dhaka must have been one of the largest cities of the world. Manrique, who journeyed through India during the 1640s, speaks of it as a very cosmopolitan trading city:

Many strange nations resort to this city on account of its vast trade and commerce in a great variety of commodities, which are produced in profusion in the rich and fertile lands of this region. These have raised the city to an eminence of wealth which is stupefying especially when one sees and considers the large quantities of money which lie principally in the houses of Cataris (a class of merchants), in such quantity indeed that, being difficult to count, it used to be weighed (quoted in Rizvi, 1969).  Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

By the beginning of the 18th century, Dhaka had lost its status as the provincial capital, which was transferred to in 1717 by Nawab . This practically put an end to further growth and development. However, it did not lose its significance as an important centre of administration, trade, commerce and manufacture for it remained the headquarters of regional administration (the jurisdiction of the Dhaka niabat or sub-province of Dhaka extended over half the area of present-day Bangladesh) and its commerce and manufactures increased by leaps and bounds, largely through the activities of the European trading companies and other foreign merchants. However, by the second half of the 18th century, Dhaka quickly lost its position as an important centre of administration, commerce and manufacture as the disintegrated and the British took over the administration of Bengal. In 1757, the British gained military control of Bengal and, in 1766, assumed the civilian administration of the country. From about this time, Dhaka declined rapidly. Political power shifted to Kolkata, the rising capital of the province, which gradually took administrative and military control over the whole country and increasingly monopolised trade and commerce. Later another blow came when the importation of cheap mill- made English cotton goods ruined Dhaka’s flourishing textile industry (Rizvi, 1969). In 1765, the city had an estimated population of 450,000 and in 1793 was stated to cover an area four miles long and two and a half miles broad. By 1801, the population had declined to 200,000 and the limits to the city shrunk still further, from Enayaetganj on the west to Faridabad on the east, a distance of about three and a half miles, and from the Buriganga on the south to Dewanbazar on the north, a distance of about a mile and a half. In 1824, Bishop Heber described the city as merely the wreck of its ancient grandeur, having two-thirds of its vast area filled with ruins and jungles. In 1840, James Taylor found Dhaka to have degenerated into a filthy and insanitary place (Ahmed, S.U., 1980). In the first census of 1872, the population of Dhaka city was recorded as 69,212. This was, however, the population within the municipal area of six square miles, which was much smaller than the area described by Heber and other foreign travellers. From 1872 onwards, a steady growth of population was recorded in the census reports, as shown in Table 1.1. Following the Partition of Bengal in 1905, Dhaka was reincarnated as the provincial capital and the seat of government of Eastern Bengal and . However, in the face of growing Bengali nationalism, the Partition was annulled in 1911, and Dhaka was once again relegated to a more obscure position as a Divisional Headquarters. Dhaka city attracted more people when it acquired the status of provincial capital in 1905. The increase in the city population during 1901–1911 was as high as 21 per cent. However, the annulment of the Partition of Bengal in 1911 and the influenza epidemic of 1918 adversely affected the growth rate which declined between 1911 and 1921 to only half that of the previous decade. The censuses of 1931 and 1941 recorded respectively 15.2

Table 1.1 Decennial population of Dhaka city, 1872−1941

Year Population Area Year Population Area 1872 69,000 6.0 1911 126,000 10.0 1881 80,000 8.0 1921 138,000 12.0 1891 83,000 8.0 1931 162,000 12.0 1901 104,000 10.0 1941 240,000 12.0 Source: UNCHS (1980). An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City  per cent and 54 per cent growth rates in the city population. Although there was definitely some deliberate inflation in the latter figure, the fact remains that the city population steadily increased throughout the latter half of the 19th and first half of the 20th centuries (Hossain, N., 1980).

Post-Partition population growth and physical expansion of Dhaka city

In 1947, the Partition of the subcontinent took place, and Dhaka became the capital of . Partition meant the mass exodus of to India and of Muslims to East Pakistan. Consequently, the communal balance in Dhaka’s population underwent a drastic change from Hindu to Muslim predominance, just as a Muslim majority during the Mughal period had given way to a Hindu majority during the British period. Great changes took place in Dhaka city during the 25 years of Pakistani rule, one of which was the heavy influx of people. In the aftermath of the 1971 War of Liberation, Dhaka emerged as the capital of the newly independent country of Bangladesh, and this gave Dhaka a completely new dimension, far beyond all its past experience. Post-Partition Dhaka rapidly grew beyond the bounds of the Old Town as the construction of government offices and new houses got underway and the city spread out to a new band of development containing Azimpur, New Market, New Eskaton, Purana and Kamalapur. Dhanmondi dates from 1953 and the development of Mohammadpur, Tejgaon and Gulshan followed in the 1960s. Around this time, a gradual process of industrialisation began, with a concentration in certain adjoining areas (specifically , Tongi and Ghorasal) rather than in the city itself; jute and textile mills sprang up, as did fertiliser factories, power stations, light engineering works, food processing units, etc (Rizvi, 1969). In the mid-1960s, Dhaka city was also designated as the second capital of Pakistan, and accordingly, a new crop of offices and residences for government functionaries came up in what is now known as Sher-e-Bangla Nagar. Because of the growing commercial and industrial demands, and the possibility of the silting up of the Buriganga River, Narayanganj, on the Sitalakhya, developed as the city’s port. In the late 1970s, Dhaka’s form approached that of a conurbation in the sense that its outward growth started to link up with outlying towns, particularly Narayanganj and Keraniganj in the south and Tongi, Savar and Gazipur in the north. The corridor between Dhaka and Narayanganj was being continuously built up, mainly due to industrial growth. With the growth of the Model Town and development of the Kurmitola area, underdeveloped spaces between Narayanganj and Tongi started to diminish rapidly. However, there were still considerable open spaces between Dhaka and Savar and between Tongi and Gazipur at the end of the seventies. In the 1980s, the 1990s and first five years of the 21st century, the expansion of Dhaka city meant filling up more of these vacant spaces and in addition, of huge areas of wetland, rice land, water bodies and forest land in and around the city (for example, the Basundhara Housing Complex, Defence Officers’ Housing Societies, etc.) with built-up areas, mostly in gross violation of the existing rules and in connivance with the powers that be. An expansion on the southern bank of the Buriganga opposite the Friendship Bridge is also now underway. However, the physical expansion of the city is ultimately constrained by physical barriers, the most important of which are the low-lying flood-prone areas. For this reason, such expansion cannot continue for too long without causing severe environmental problems. This physical expansion over the decades was mainly due to rapid population growth. Indeed, the highest rate of population growth and physical expansion took place during 1981–1991 when population doubled and the city expanded from 510 square kilometres to 1,353 square kilometres. Table 1.2 indicates the growth of the city from 1951 to 2001.  Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 1.2 Area and population growth of Dhaka city, 1951−2005

Year Period Population Area in sq km 1951 Pakistan 411,279 85 1961 Pakistan 718,766 125 1974 Bangladesh 2,068,353 336 1981 Bangladesh 3,440,147 510 1991 Bangladesh 6,887,459 1,353 2001 Bangladesh 10,71,2206 1,530 2005 Bangladesh 12 million 1,600 (estimated) Source: BBS (1987, 2006).

Spatial structure of Dhaka city

The spatial structure of Dhaka city is a function of many factors, including history, natural and topographical features, the urban land market, housing and resettlement policies, the transportation system, and to a lesser extent industrial location policies. Old Dhaka, the historic urban core of Dhaka city, is an area of 5.6 square kilometres along the north bank of the Buriganga River. This high-density area, where population has increased manifold over time, contains a complex mixture of land uses and settlement patterns. Roads are narrow and congested, and the physical infrastructure is overloaded and inadequately maintained. In addition to old Dhaka, densification has occurred not only in old, unplanned commercial, industrial and residential areas all over the city, such as Hazaribagh, to the west of old Dhaka, Jinjira across the river, Jatrabari, Kamrangir Char, Rayer Bazar, Demra, Kalabagan, Kathal Bagan, Agargaon, Khilkhet, Mirpur and Badda, but also in planned areas such as Dhanmondi, Gulshan, Banani and Baridhara where permission has been granted for constructing multi-storeyed buildings and putting residential property to non- residential uses. For example, a large number of clinics, schools and private universities are now operating in the planned Dhanmondi area. Similarly, the number of single- and double-storeyed buildings is declining sharply in that area, as these are being replaced by multi-storeyed buildings, often containing a large number of flats. Government offices and banks, insurance companies and private sector firms are concentrated in the Dilkhusha, Motijheel, Segunbagicha, Kakrail and Purana Paltan areas, Tejgaon, Karwan Bazar and Sher-e-Bangla Nagar. These comprise the main CBD of Dhaka but it is now expanding into Gulshan, Banani, Baridhara, Sultanganj and even Cantonment areas. To the northwest, Mirpur contains a number of planned public sector residential schemes for low-income families and formal and informal sector industries, as well as several pockets of uncontrollable residential settlements. However, the adjacent cantonment is a low-density area that contains various military establishments, Defence Officers’ Housing Societies and an airport that private air companies were allowed to use for a short while. The management of this area under a separate military authority (the Cantonment Board) with their own exclusive rules and regulations, divorced from the realities of the city as a whole, is hardly tenable and is causing much hardship to the rest of the city (for example, in terms of transport and communications). An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 

Table 1.3 Land ownership pattern in Dhaka city, 1986

Income group Percentage of population Percentage of land Rich 2 15 Upper middle 28 65 Middle/lower middle 40 20 Poor 30 0

Source: Nazrul (1986).

Land in Dhaka city

Land ownership pattern the main sources of gaining land ownership in both 1985 and 2005 were, in order of importance, purchase, inheritance, gift and other sources. The land ownership pattern in Dhaka city in 1986 is presented below in Table 1.3 (Nazrul Islam, 1986). There are no comparable data for 2005, but given the growing concentration of land ownership over the years, the 2005 land ownership pattern is likely to be further skewed towards richer people. One important way this concentration increased was through the housing companies. According to selected respondents, they grabbed land not only from individual owners (mostly from lower middle class people and/or agriculturists) but also from the government at throwaway prices or for free by using political and muscle power and fraudulent means. They also violated the government laws on land ownership ceilings. The flats constructed on these lands were, naturally, sold to the upper middle class or the rich.

Government land in Dhaka city the Ministry of Land holds two kinds of government (khas) land, i.e. land available for settlement and land not available for settlement. The latter consists of roads, playgrounds, canals, woodlands and other public easement land. In 1985, the total amount of khas land fit for settlement in Dhaka city was only 671 acres. According to a conservative estimate, an equal amount of khas land in Dhaka city was either illegally occupied or occupied by individuals who had forged false ownership documents. In both processes, either housing companies or powerful individuals were involved. In 2005, the amount of khas land increased to 2,050 acres only because the area of Dhaka city had undergone expansion over the previous two decades. However, illegal occupation of khas land (both available and unavailable for settlement) by the powerful people continued unabated in 2005. The third kind of government property in Dhaka city is land already handed over to the various public agencies, which is mostly private land acquired by the Land Ministry. In this category of land, there are reports of both under-utilisation and non-utilisation for the putative purpose, in addition to illegal occupation. For example, in the case of the total railway land of 1,188 acres in Dhaka city, 185 acres are under the illegal possession of powerful individuals, slum dwellers (actual possession is with a few powerful persons who have then rented out the hutments to the slum dwellers) and government organisations (Interview of Railway Ministry officials in 2005). The fourth category of government property in Dhaka city comprises vested and abandoned property. In 2005, these amounted to respectively 1,253 acres and 144 acres. Of these about 20 per cent were under illegal occupation (Interview of Land Ministry officials in 2005).

Land use pattern in Dhaka city the land use pattern is not a static phenomenon, since it changes with the physical expansion of the city area as well as the pressure of population on the land  Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 1.4 Land use pattern for privately owned land in Dhaka city, 1982

Type of land use Percentage of total privately owned land Housing 87.64 Shop 4.91 Office 1.21 Factory 1.89 Vacant 1.19 Others (including agriculture) 3.16 Source: Ministry of Lands, GPRB (1982). Note: This was the situation in a non-expansionary phase of the city apparently, because in the expansionary phase the percentage of agricultural land increased considerably. available. In 1982, the land use pattern for private land was as shown in Table 1.4. Only about 16 per cent of the holdings reported secondary use, mainly for shops, followed by factories and other purposes. In fact, in respect of both primary and secondary uses, shops predominated, particularly in the case of plots located on the main and important roads. There was also a tendency to combine shops with residence. This was mainly because the rate of the land development tax (LDT) and the municipal rates were much higher for shops than for housing. In both 1985 and 2005, the main uses of government land (whether under possession of the government or illegally occupied) were residential (including squatter settlements through a so-called owner), public utilities and easement, and government offices and other establishments. By 2005, Dhaka city had once again entered a non-expansionary phase. We do not have any survey data for 2005 on land use of privately owned land; however, from selected respondents, we identified the following trends:

• While residential use remained the most important, mixed use, combining shops with residences, increased considerably; at the same time, the area of land used exclusively for shopping facilities also increased. • Use of land for factories increased because of the growth of the garment industry. • Use of land for offices increased due to an increase in government, NGO and private activities in the city over time. • The percentage of agricultural land within the city limits decreased.

Trends in the price of land

In 1985, the following trends were noted:

• The annual rate of increase of the price of land in Dhaka city in the 1980s varied from 12.7 per cent to 40.2 per cent. • Land values increased at a much faster rate in the new areas than in the old city. • Homestead land was priced lower than agricultural land. • The highest prices of land were noted in the CBD, followed by commercial and industrial locations. An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 

There were several reasons for the galloping land prices in Dhaka city in 1985. First, the urban rich and high-income Bangladeshi expatriates living abroad found investment in Dhaka city land most secure and profitable. Second, because of population pressure, the demand for any type of land always far exceeds its supply. Third, government fiscal arrangements had miserably failed to mop up unearned income obtained through land speculation and rack-renting. Fourth, housing societies and companies had created an increased demand for land. In 2005, similar trends prevailed, and as a result, land had gone out of reach of the middle and lower middle class. There were mounting pressures on RAJUK (Capital City Development Authority) to increase the number and size of planned housing areas so that the middle class could have better access. The demand for such plots of land far exceeded the supply.

Land transfer in Dhaka city

In 1985, the land transfer trends in Dhaka city were as follows:

• The incidence of land transfer in and around the city was much higher than in any other area in the country. It amounted to almost one-tenth of the total land transfer in the country as a whole. • In Dhaka city, the main reason for land transfer was the rising price of land in addition to other economic and social factors. • Land transfer in Dhaka city was associated with a change in the character of land use, from agricultural to non-agricultural.

In 2005, similar trends prevailed. However, other reasons for land transfers in 2005 were (a) pressure of the co-sharers of inherited land to sell it and divide the money obtained according to the Muslim laws of inheritance; (b) need to transfer money abroad for business, children’s education and migration.

Urban sprawl Dhaka city is noted for unacceptable proportions of urban sprawl, i.e. the process of scattered development of miscellaneous types of land use in different locations on the fringe, followed by the filling in of the intervening spaces with similar uses. The detailed land use pattern of the city in 2001 shows that urban sprawl along the main spinal road towards the north and along the road to the south-east, was widespread. This had implications for loss of valuable agricultural land, sub-standard and unsustainable urban development and lack of public utility services. Illegal occupation of government land and lack of effective and adequate land use regulation and planning are the main causes in this regard (Rahman, Alam and Islam, 2008).

Industries in Dhaka city

Dhaka city has a long tradition of arts-and-crafts industries dating back to the Christian era. For a long time, the most important traditional product was muslin, considered widely to be the finest cotton cloth that has ever been produced anywhere in the world. The muslin industry throve on the patronage of the Mughal rulers of Delhi and Dhaka. The advent of the British in India gave rise to unequal competition from English machine-made cloth; consequently, muslin was wiped out of existence by the middle of the 19th century. Other important traditional industries of Dhaka city have included embroidery, handloom , conch shell, perfumery, horn carving, filigree work, gold and silver jewelleries and boat building. Over time, most of these declined in importance. 10 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In the latter half of the 19th and the first half of the 20th centuries, cotton, textiles, tannery, hosiery, and manufacture of essentials such as glass, shoes, matches and bricks rose into prominence. During the Pakistan period, these industries further expanded, and at the same time new industries, such as iron and steel works, furniture, light engineering, oil mills, rice and flourmills, chemicals and pharmaceuticals, rubber, plastic, food and beverages, printing presses, filmmaking, candle manufacture, button manufacture, glazed pottery and ceramics were set up (Rizvi, 1969). In the post-independence period, metal works, printing, rubber products, leather goods, furniture and footwear, garments and textiles emerged as the most important industries of Dhaka city. The present concentration of manufacturing activities in and around Dhaka city can be explained by the fact that much of the nation’s scarce managerial talent, skilled and experienced workers and industrial support services are located here. In both 1985 and 2005, five distinct industrial locations might be identified within Dhaka city:

1. Postogola: situated in the southeastern part of Dhaka, this industrial area has now extended to Faridabad, Jurain, Saidabad and South Jatrabari. 2. Islambagh (Water Works Road): this is the earliest industrial location in Old Dhaka. 3. Hazaribagh-Jikatola: this is an industrial area in the western part of Old Dhaka, meant specifically for the leather and tanning industry. This is now to be relocated to Savar. 4. Tejgaon, Karwan Bazaar and Testoribazaar: this was the first industrial area to be set up in the early 1960s, and is now fully occupied. 5. Mirpur: this is located in the northwestern margin of the city.

Many small factories and workshops are scattered in the commercial and residential areas of old and new Dhaka. The larger industrial establishments are located on the city’s periphery, in Tongi to the north, Narayanganj and Demra to the east and Jinjira to the south. In recent years, Jinjira, Dholaikhal, Mirpur and Rayer Bazaar have earned a reputation for small entrepreneur-based industries. In 1986, there were 6,105 factories, including large, medium, small and cottage industries. Garment constituted the principal industry, followed by light engineering, pharmaceuticals and chemical industries. Other important industries were leather, plastic and rubber goods, aluminum products, re-rolling and food processing. In 2005, there were 15,146 industrial units (large, 32; medium, 874; small, 7,627 and cottage, 6,573). The major industries in 2005 were textiles (garment and knitting), forest products (mainly furniture) and food and allied products (Interview of Industries Ministry officials in 2005). Thus while there has been expansion in the number of industrial units and the number of people employed, the composition of the industries has not changed much over the two decades. In fact, with the mounting problems of exporting garments in recent years, the possibility of the garment industry going into a severe recession and resulting in considerable unemployment in the not too distant future cannot be ruled out.

Trade and commerce in Dhaka city

Dhaka’s commercial tradition is as old as its industrial tradition. It was, however, with the establishment of a provincial capital in 1612 that Dhaka began to attract traders and merchants in a big way. During the Mughal period, not only did merchants of Moorish, Mughal, Pathan and Turani (Turkish) origin throng to Dhaka, but there also came the Armenians, the Dutch, the Greeks, the Portuguese and the English. As a port, Dhaka, therefore, had to handle a huge quantity of various goods (such as the world famous muslin, pottery and various arts-and-crafts products) An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 11 that had to be dispatched to internal markets as well as distant lands. The important materials were mainly metals, such as iron, copper and tin. The imported goods were so meagre in quantity and value compared with exports that the foreign companies often had to import bullion for almost the whole amount of the exports. Only a part of the exports was manufactured in the city while the bulk of them, particularly cotton goods, came from surrounding places and manufacturing centres. With the advent of the British, the commercial importance of Dhaka city began to decline. First, imported machine-made cotton goods from England dealt a heavy blow to the manufacture and trade of muslin and other cotton goods. Secondly, the rise of Kolkata as the new capital of Bengal also reduced Dhaka’s role in the region’s trade and commerce. However, at this time, indigo and jute began to emerge as new export items. In the latter half of the 19th century, Dhaka city’s main exports were cloth, indigo, betel nut, saffron flower, soap, skins, shell bracelets and jewellery. In the 20th century, the main export item was jute (nearby Narayanganj had emerged as Bengal’s principal jute trading centre), while principal imports were cotton piece goods and yarn, salt, kerosene oil, alcoholic beverages, shoes and umbrellas from Kolkata; lime, timber and coal from Assam, and rice, along with spices, molasses and betel nut from the interior. The Partition of 1947 provided a boost to Dhaka’s trade and commerce. Since becoming the capital of East Pakistan, its communication with , the port city, and other important centres of trade and commerce was developed. Prior to 1947, there was no commercial bank in Dhaka city. By the end of the 1960s, there were 13 local banks, five foreign banks and four insurance companies. Many government offices, including those directly related to trade and commerce, were set up. A number of new shopping centres and food markets were established. Most of the large importers had also set up local offices, if not their head offices, in Dhaka. During the Pakistan period, Dhaka city, along with the rest of the country, followed a system of weights and measures that was non-metric and a hybrid of indigenous and British systems (Rizvi, 1969). The independence of Bangladesh in 1971 established Dhaka as its capital and in every sphere of trade and commerce, Dhaka began to receive far greater attention. In 1985, Dhaka had 106 food markets serving the limited population of surrounding areas. These were handed over to the (DCC) for management and development. A food market, as distinct from a central business district (CBD), does not serve the whole city. The rest of the retail trade showed unplanned development, along the main roads of the city, forming arterial shopping centres. In 2005, the number of DCC food markets remained the same. However, a large number of shops and shopping complexes selling daily food items were set up during the two decades in the private sector. Also, DCC allowed many more informal food markets to operate. This mushrooming growth of retail trade continued during the period under study. The retail market centres of Dhaka city in both 1985 and 2005 may be classified into the first, second and third hierarchical centre depending on the zone of influence or service area. The first- order centre or CBD served the whole city and its surrounding areas or at least 25 per cent of the city area. The second-order centre or regional market centre mainly covered a particular section of the city comprising one or more community areas. The area covered did not exceed more than one- sixth of the whole city. The third- or lowest order centre served primarily one or more localities or neighbourhoods. The area served was not more than one-tenth of the city area. As in other comparable cities, the Dhaka CBD also concentrates on common needs goods (cloth, shoes and electrical goods), luxury shops (jewellery, watches and fancy goods), banks, high class restaurants, cinemas and business offices, compared to frequent necessities (groceries, tobacconists and sweetmeat shops) and periodic necessities (convenience goods and haircutting salons), specialised by neighbourhood establishments. In the CBD, rents, land use intensity and 12 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 the value of land and buildings are the highest. In addition, nighttime population in the CBD is at a minimum. In 1985, the following trends were noted with respect to the CBD. First, there was an indigenous centre in old Dhaka to the south, which during British days became important and had banks and insurance companies. This included Nawabpur, Johnson Road, Sadarghat, Patuatuli, Moulovi Bazaar, Islampur, Moghaltuli and Chawkbazaar. Second, the modern part of the CBD existed to the north, and included Motijheel, Bangabandhu Avenue, Baitul Mukarram, Dilkhusha, Gulshan, Topkhana, Bejoynagar and the Dhaka Improvement Trust (DIT) Extension Road. The third part was the semi- modern New Market and surrounding areas. The modern part, as the focal point of all business activities and with peak land values, constituted the hard core of the CBD. Fourth, the CBD was extending northwards. In 2005, the CBD trends in Dhaka city underwent a number of significant changes. The indigenous centre became further marginalised because roads were narrow, population pressure was high and there was little scope for expansion. However, in terms of access to wholesale markets and second- and third- order retail markets, the indigenous centre still has an edge over new Dhaka. However, the quality of available marketing services is much better in the modern part. Also, with the southward expansion of the city (triggered by the building of a bridge over the Buriganga) and improved economic conditions, these business centres are likely to be reshaped in the future. Second, the modern centres have become highly congested, with deteriorating road conditions and without adequate parking facilities. Efforts have been made to improve these conditions in recent years, but it is doubtful if these centres will retain the importance they still enjoy. Third, the semi-modern centres are also highly congested, with limited room for expansion. Finally, the northward expansion of the CBD towards Gulshan, Banani and Baridhara via Karwan Bazaar, Farm Gate and surrounding areas that we noted in 1985, had taken a concrete shape by 2005. Indeed, the newest part of the CBD has developed between Gulshan I and Gulshan II, even though this is a residential area for the upper middle class, the wealthy and the diplomats. Thus, the CBD in Dhaka city in 2005 was fragmented owing to poor city planning in a situation characterised by lack of space for expansion.

Some distinct features of Dhaka city

Dhaka city has a number of distinct features, some of which are highlighted below.

Mosques Dhaka has been and continues to be a city of mosques. This feature derives from the city’s Mughal past and Muslim predominance during the last four hundred years, minus the period between the latter half of the 19th century and first half of the 20th century. In 1985, there were 1,650 well-known mosques in Dhaka city. However, the total number of mosques at that time, including thatched, makeshift ones and those not so well attended, was around 4,000. In 2005, the number of well-known mosques increased to 1,800 while, the total number in Dhaka city, including small and unimportant mosques, was around 7,000 (Alam and Islam, 2006). Some of the increase is related to the expansion of the area and population of Dhaka city. However, it was noted in both 1985 and 2005 that there were motives other than love of Islam, in particular opportunistic ones like the prospect of enjoying material gains and patronage, which worked towards the proliferation of mosques in Dhaka city. Thus, mosques and khanka sharifs have been built to earn cheap popularity, block roads, grab land, build shopping centres and suchlike less worthy reasons. Some mosque building had also been encouraged by the provision of free water and electricity within the mosque premises. In the process, Dhaka has now turned into a city of too many under-utilised mosques. An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 13

Rickshaws in both 1985 and 2005, Dhaka remained a city of cycle rickshaws. In 1985, there were 100,000 rickshaws and 250,000 rickshaw-pullers. These figures increased to 200,000 rickshaws and 500,000 rickshaw pullers in 2005 (Interview with DCC officials, 2005). In 1985, it was estimated that the entire rickshaw industry − covering renting, pulling, repair and production of rickshaws − involved perhaps one million people. We have no estimate for 2005 on this account, but the figure is likely to be around 2.5 million people. This happened despite banning rickshaws from many important roads and attempts to rehabilitate the rickshaw pullers in other occupations. There are arguments both for and against rickshaws in Dhaka city. The chief arguments against rickshaws are that they are slow moving and cause bad traffic jams and that they are responsible for the proliferation of slums in the city, with all the deleterious effects on health and the environment. Apart from providing substantial employment, there are two powerful arguments in favour of the rickshaw, namely that it saves fuel and that Dhaka’s air quality would have been even worse if the rickshaws were replaced by vehicles using fossil fuel. Art forms at the back of the rickshaw are also a unique feature of Dhaka city. Painted by untrained artists, the themes of these art pieces evince the fantasising, nostalgic and naive mental make-up and aspirations of city dwellers of peasant origin. Fights among animals, some of them ingeniously imaginary, film-based tableaux featuring actresses with big bosoms and well-rounded hips and idyllic scenes from village life are some of the common themes.

Traffic jams An important feature of Dhaka city in both 1985 and 2005 has been traffic jams. Probably no city in the world can come anywhere near Dhaka in this regard. Everyone wants to overtake everyone else, and that too from the wrong side. Too many rickshaws, narrow and winding roads, considerable speed difference between rickshaws and other non-motorised vehicles (for example, push carts and cycle vans) and motorised vehicles, holding of public meetings at street corners (inevitable in the absence of any public venue for such meetings), lack of knowledge of and disregard for traffic rules by all concerned and an inadequate and corrupt traffic administration were some of the factors contributing to the horrendous traffic jams. Over the years, while old problems persisted, several new ones emerged, for instance, frequent VVIP (very, very important person) movement and political processions on important roads and use of roads for hawking and storage of construction materials. These have naturally greatly aggravated the traffic situation in the city.

Rusticity a distinguishing feature of Dhaka city is its rusticity in both 1985 and 2005. It was and still is a city of peasants with strong rural links, who have been pouring into the city on a massive scale during the last six decades in search of employment, education, medical care, business and shelter. Indeed, as we shall note in subsequent chapters, in both 1985 and 2005, most residents of Dhaka city, whether rich, middle class or poor, were first-generation city dwellers. In fact, the rusticity of Dhaka city has only increased over the two decades. This phenomenon is acutely reflected during the Eid holidays when Dhaka city (particularly new Dhaka) empties out its residents to villages far and near. Consequently, an urban ethos in terms of civic sense, culture and sophistication, which should have been strong in an old city like Dhaka, is generally lacking. Given such a composition of the population, there are several clearly identifiable facets to Dhaka city culture: 14 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

a. a peasant way of life, represented by religiosity, folk music and folk drama (jatra), a carefree (“stand and stare”) lifestyle, fondness for rural food and dress; b. the traditions of old Dhaka, in which features like food, dress, language, architecture, music and sense of humour still remind one of the city’s Mughal heritage (though this is now fast declining); c. one section of the educated middle class or bhadrolok who emphasise a secular (but not anti-religious) and nationalistic culture. This group is interested in adda, alpona, the modern Bengali theatre, sculpture and painting in the modern Bengali tradition, the songs of and Kazi Nazrul Islam, poetry readings, and celebrating occasions such as (Bengali new year), boshonto utsab (spring festival), Language Martyrs’ Day (21 February) and Victory Day (16 December). In their food and dress also, they have their version of modernity; d. the emphasis of another section of the educated middle class on “Muslimness” rather than “Bengaliness”. Thus, they observe strict purdah among women, give more importance to Muslim festivals, and wear “Islamic dress”. They read Islamic novels and abhor many of the Bengali traditions as “Hindu culture”. This trend had more or less died after Bangladesh became independent, but it revived to some extent with the flow of job seekers from Bangladesh to the Middle East and the flow of money to Bangladesh from the Middle East and also because of the activism of certain religious groups and political parties; e. a section of the population of Dhaka city is greatly influenced by Indian Hindi movies, TV programmes and lifestyles; and finally f. there is another section of the Dhaka population, mainly the rich and the upper middle class, who are into aspects of western culture like party- and club-going, western dress and food, pop music, fashion shows, consuming alcohol, celebrating the Christian new year and Valentine’s Day. These six trends are constantly influencing one another and overlap while at the same time trying to maintain separate identities.

Poverty there is a stark contrast between the rich and the poor in both 1985 and 2005. The data on poverty in Dhaka city does not give out a uniform signal. According to a GPRB-ADB (1996) study, in 1996 the moderate poor and the hardcore poor account for respectively 55 per cent and 32 per cent of the city population. The study conducted by Hossain, Afsar and Bose (1999) shows a considerably lower level of poverty, i.e. 18.6 per cent moderately poor and 11.1 per cent hardcore poor. Another study shows that between 1995–1996 and 2000, the percentage of the total city population in a state of poverty increased from 40.2 to 44.8. It seems that the rural poor who migrate to Dhaka certainly come out of extreme poverty after some time but because of the never ending migration of the extreme poor to Dhaka city, the percentage gains in poverty reduction are continually being wiped out. Indeed, not only Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries in the world, its capital Dhaka is also one of the world’s poorest cities, with a low per-capita GDP, low literacy rate, low energy consumption, fewer motorised vehicles and fixed telephones per capita (the figures are lower than those of other comparable cities of the world but higher than those of other cities of Bangladesh). The inequality aspect in the city is brought out vividly by the latest model imported cars on the roads and crowded shopping plazas and malls filled with costly imported goods, on the one hand, and by the ever increasing number of disabled beggars and vagrants on the pavements and beggar women with small babies at the traffic lights, on the other. The inhuman conditions under which the poorest live in the slums and on pavements under open skies have few parallels. Such dwellings can be found on ditch embankments and on the edges of lakes, rivers and sewers and beside railway tracks. Foreign tourists start meeting beggars from the moment of arrival at Dhaka’s An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 15 modern Zia International Airport and find them outside their five-star hotels and at traffic lights on the main roads. Despite various direct and indirect attempts to “clear” the city of these people, such as direct evictions in 1974, frequent deportations of beggars from city limits and restrictions on ration cards, their numbers continue to swell. The adverse conditions under which they live, coupled with the high population density, gives rise to a myriad of social, health and environmental problems. In contrast, the areas monopolised by the rich and the powerful exhibit their obscenely high standard of life. Perhaps the only city that comes anywhere near Dhaka in the extent of its slums and the plight of its slum dwellers, squatters, beggars, vagrants, disabled people and street children is Kolkata. In both 1985 and 2005, except for a few oases like Gulshan, Dhanmondi, Baridhara, Uttara, Banani and the Cantonment, the rest of Dhaka gave the impression of slums and near slums. With uncollected and rotting garbage all over, cave-like thatched dwellings on the roadside, railway lines flanked by squatter settlements, brackish water bodies, streets with gaping holes andno street lights, open drains and sewerage lines with malodorous spillovers often running onto the thoroughfares, stagnant ponds at prominent locations filled with water hyacinth and waste, most of Dhaka city indeed offers a most dismal spectacle. During the monsoons, the misery of most of the city residents, and particularly those living in the slums, assumes an indescribable state. On the other hand, the oases of affluence, with luxurious buildings, brand new cars, and a lifestyle involving conspicuous consumption provides a sharp contrast to the general picture of poverty prevailing in the city. Another related aspect of poverty in Dhaka city is the deplorable condition of the innumerable children who grow up in the streets. They work as domestics and apprentices in the informal sector, waiters in small restaurants and eateries, conductors on motorised transports, garbage collectors, stonebreakers, car attendants, flower sellers, day labourers, beggars, prostitutes and drug traffickers. They are everywhere, somehow eking out a miserable living. They are financially exploited by the police, the mastans and even the so-called guardians. In the process, many of them end up as brutalised adults, if they can survive up to that age.

Informal sector another important feature is the presence of numerous informal economic activities alongside the growing formal sector providing basic industrial, commercial, administrative and other employment. According to the World Bank (1999), 65 per cent of all employment in Dhaka city is in the informal sector. In some sectors, such as transport (particularly rickshaw related) and retailing, the informal sector accounts for more than 85 per cent of the employment. The major informal sector employment for females is as domestics. The GPRB-ADB study (1996) reports that in Dhaka city, 81 per cent of the urban poor are employed in the informal sector.

Mosquitoes Dhaka in both 1985 and 2005 was a city infested with mosquitoes. Poor drainage and stagnant pools all over Dhaka city offer ideal breeding grounds for mosquitoes. Every Mayor of DCC promises a jihad (holy war) against mosquitoes through such tactics as aerial spraying, clearing water hyacinth, cleaning drains and introducing mosquito larvae-eating fish into the water bodies, but in reality no improvement has taken place. In the early 1950s, Dhaka was cleared of mosquitoes for a short period. Then they returned to an unusual extent, and at present, the menace has surpassed all limits of forbearance. In 1985, there was no outbreak of dengue, but in 2005, dengue caused by mosquito bites was quite common. The solution to the problem calls for concerted action from all quarters, and in particular, citizens’ participation in planned and sustained cleanliness drives on a massive scale. However, this may not be forthcoming in the existing politico-administrative milieu. 16 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Town planning Dhaka was at one time known as a city of “52 markets and 53 lanes”. In fact, in those days, a neighbourhood (mahalla) grew around a market place. Nowadays there is an unhealthy tendency to construct too many shopping centres in a most unplanned manner and often flouting RAJUK’s Building Code. This was noted in both 1985 and 2005 and may be identified as another important characteristic of present-day Dhaka city. Unfortunately, in some instances mosques are used as a front for building shopping centres. Consequently, congestion and ugliness have replaced the city’s former spacious look. Indeed, there is now an acute shortage of gardens (Dhaka was at one time known as a city of gardens), parks, playgrounds, woodlots, public meeting places, stadiums, swimming pools, picnic spots, community halls, public libraries, museums, theatres, schools, hospitals, vagrant homes, orphanages and homes for disabled children. In fact, over the years, what has happened in the public spaces that once existed is destruction of the green cover, continuous and unplanned construction of commercial and residential buildings, encroachment by politically powerful land grabbers and increasing presence of anti-social elements. Few roads have been widened despite the population growth. With the return of democracy since 1991, there have been some attempts at greening the city, clearing the banks of the Buriganga of unauthorised structures, constructing public toilets, overbridges and public libraries and beautifying Dhaka through private–public partnership. But these efforts remain unequal to the needs.

Environment Dhaka city is subject to various forms of environmental degradation, the following seeming all too visible in Dhaka city:

a. There are many sources of noise pollution, the most intrusive being the horns and sirens of various kinds of vehicles, indiscriminate use of microphones by restaurants, mosques, marriage and picnic parties, and growing air traffic in the nearby airport. Even hospitals, clinics and educational institutes are not spared this menace. Indeed, between 1985 and 2005, noise pollution intensified, largely because of the phenomenal growth of population within a limited area. b. Almost half the garbage produced in the city everyday (about 4,000 metric tons) is not removed and disposed of. As a result, many places, in particular Mirpur, Pallabi and Karwan Bazaar have become the unofficial dumping grounds for garbage. c. The level of underground water has gone down drastically, making it almost impossible for Dhaka Water and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) to depend on underground water as a source of piped water. The water pollution in all the four rivers around Dhaka city (i.e. Buriganga, Turag, Balu and Sityalakha) and the lakes within the city has increased to a dangerous level, making them unfit to be alternative sources of piped water. d. The Hazaribagh tanneries have affected the health of about two million people. Efforts to relocate these to an alternative site in Savar have thus far come to nothing. These tanneries discharge untreated waste containing harmful chemical pollutants into the Buriganga River. As a result, the dissolved oxygen content of the water is much below the minimum standard, and this along with massive encroachment of the river frontage by land grabbers, has endangered the river and its aquatic life. In fact, water from the other three rivers around Dhaka − Sitalakhya, Balu and Turag − and related canals is also highly polluted. The pollution was pervasive, and not limited simply to chemical pollutants. e. Brick kilns in Dhaka city, in general, and by the side of the Buriganga River, in particular, are causing irreparable damage to the quality of the soil and the air. Untreated emission from industries and motor vehicles also contributes significantly to the city’s air pollution. An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 17

Youth population Dhaka remains a city of young people, in both 1985 and 2005. Very few cities of the world can match Dhaka in this regard. The child population (i.e. 18 years and below) of Dhaka city in 1985 was around 50 per cent. Although there are no comparable figures available for 2005, indirect evidence suggests that the percentage has probably increased between 1985 and 2005. This change has several major implications. The student population, despite dropouts and inadequate facilities, is high and continues to increase. It puts high pressure on existing institutions and at the same time results in setting up new institutions, but only with the minimum of facilities. A considerable number of the students at the college and university levels have a tendency to become involved in politics, mostly as a tool of the national political parties, and this student politics is generally violent in nature. The deterioration of discipline and teaching standards in the educational institutions, a general breakdown of values in society, lack of employment opportunities and inadequate facilities for healthy indoor and outdoor activities (sports and games, outings, visits to libraries, social work and cultural activities) propel a large section of the young people towards crime (such as hijacking, murder, drug addiction, extortion and prostitution) and other anti-social activities. The large majority of the young people belong to families living in poverty. They are deprived of the basic amenities of life, such as food, clothing, education, shelter and medical care and are forced to fend for themselves and earn for their families at a very young age as child labourers, tokais (street children), beggars and prostitutes.

Housing Dhaka city is noted for a severe shortage of housing facilities. The private sector provides 90 per cent of the housing for government employees, while the government provides only 10 per cent. Land is a highly scarce resource. More than 70 per cent of the city population has no access to land. The distribution of land among the 30 per cent of the city population who own land is also highly unequal (Stubbs and Clarke, 1996). As mentioned earlier, although the city has expanded to the maximum over the years, physiographic factors, such as low-lying agricultural land and natural barriers, such as rivers, canals and depressions, seriously constrain the expansion of the city. The severe scarcity of land has driven the price of land upwards at a rapid rate. Added to this are the rising prices of traditional and modern construction materials, land titling, acquisition and conveyance complications, underdeveloped housing finance and the predatory behaviour of many private housing companies. Thus, the common people are unable to purchase land and build homes in the city.

Infrastructure Dhaka city has poor physical infrastructure and inadequate civic services (such as roads, transport, communications, supply of electricity, gas and fuel, piped water, management of sewage and solid waste; facilities for education, health, and recreation) compared to other South Asian megacities. However, compared to other cities and the rural areas within the country, Dhaka is privileged. Also, although over the years there may have been an improvement in the physical infrastructure and civic services in absolute terms, this increase is not enough compared to the population growth. Added to these are problems like poor maintenance and repair, systemic loss and poor governance. Road building in the city has not kept pace with population growth. Also, poor maintenance and repair and narrow and unplanned roads have further compounded the problems. There is about 25 per cent “system loss” of electricity and frequent and long-drawn outages. About 90 per cent of the poor do not have access to gas. Only 60 per cent of the people have access to piped water. The sanitary situation remains highly unsatisfactory. Only about 25 per cent of the population is serviced by the DWASA sewerage system (Interview of officials of DESA, DESCO, Titas Gas and DWASA in December, 2005). 18 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The existing health care system of the city has failed to cope with the rapid population growth. During the last two decades, there has been no significant increase in the number of beds or hospitals in the public sector. Most of the private hospitals and clinics serve only the rich and the middle classes, while in the government health units, which the poor can access, the services are inadequate and poor in quality. In the education sector, while numbers of private schools, colleges and universities have increased, they cater only to the needs of the small rich and the upper middle class. About 45 per cent of the school-age children are not attending schools. The schools attended by students from poor and lower middle class families suffer from poor physical facilities, overcrowded classrooms, poor teaching standards and high dropout rates (Interview of officials of the Ministries of Education and Health in December, 2005).

Squalor Following from the poor basic civic services, Dhaka has earned the notoriety of being one of the dirtiest cities of the world. Solid waste management, despite the City Corporation’s numerous personnel, substantial financial outlay and logistics, has deteriorated over the years. About 4,000 tonnes of solid waste is produced every day, and only half of it is disposed of, and that also not in a safe manner. The remaining amount continues to pile up or gets scattered and blown away. This, coupled with the open drains and a poorly constructed and maintained sewerage system, makes life miserable for many residents. During the floods of 1998 and 2004, the stagnant floodwater, with solid waste and effluents from drains and sewers, converted Dhaka into a city of floating sewage. Indiscriminate spitting, defecating, urinating, and dumping of garbage in public places add to the already unbearable situation. Although the number of public toilets has increased over the years, they have not kept pace with the population growth. Finally, the dirty look of the city is also aggravated by graffiti (mostly political) on the city walls and buildings.

Fads Dhaka seems to be one of those cities that are always in the grip of some craze or another. In the 1960s, it witnessed a mushroom growth of laundries, printing presses and dry cleaners. Since 1972, Chinese restaurants have been springing up in every corner of new Dhaka (their quality is poor; except for one or two, the rest serve a cuisine that is at best bang-ching rather than any of the authentic Chinese food varieties, such as Beijing, Shanghai, Hunan, Schezuan or Guanzow). The same could be said of pharmacies and sweetmeat shops. Video clubs, kindergartens, private clinics, shopping centres, garment factories, modern grocery shops, NGOs and real estate businesses were the latest fads of the 1980s. In the 1990s and in the first five years of the 21st century, the new additions included private universities, beauty parlours, private TV and private radio stations and internet cafes. In the world of locally made movies, the trend since the 1980s has been widespread plagiarism of sex and violence-ridden Mumbai films. Money laundering and the acquisition of super-profits by meeting the demand for such movies from a large section of the working class have been the main reasons for such investments. Currently, going to parties, wearing western and fashionable clothes, listening to pop music, and frequenting internet cafes have gained popularity among a large number of youths from the upper classes. For the educated middle class, attending seminars and watching talk shows and Bengali drama serials on the local TV channels and Hindi ones on the Indian channels are the most popular pastimes. In the Bengali drama serials, regional dialects and the colloquial Bengali of the city have replaced standard Bengali to a considerable extent. During the last 60 years, several fashion waves, particularly in hairstyles, ornaments, dress and make-ups have swept across the various strata of Dhaka society under the influence of Western and Indian fads. Commercial theatre, a post- independence phenomenon located in Bailey Road, is mostly restricted to a select audience from An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City 19 the educated middle and upper middle classes. Book fairs have become popular with the educated middle and lower middle classes.

Women Dhaka is still a city with comparatively low visibility of women in public spaces, particularly in the market places, work situations, and in the streets. No doubt, Dhaka has come a long way from the strict purdah observed by Dhaka women in the 1950s, and by rural women even today. The increasing pressure of city life gradually brought middle class Dhaka homemakers out of their homes. The proportion of working class women, who cannot in any case maintain purdah, increased substantially because of the increasing need for housemaids and the garment industry boom in Dhaka since the 1980s. Poverty and poor social conditions also drove a large number of women into begging and prostitution. In recent years, the deteriorating law and order situation in the city has prevented women from coming out into the open in larger numbers, particularly after dark. In particular, the risk of getting mugged (and losing money and valuables, particularly jewellery) and suffering sexual assaults, has prevented women from coming out at night.

Centralisation Dhaka is the administrative capital in a unitary system of government with a high level of centralisation. There are about 350,000 government and semi-government employees working in the different ministries and related agencies. The Secretariat located at Abdul Gani Road is the centre of administration where most Ministries and Divisions are located. Hundreds of government and semi-government offices are spread throughout the city. Only about 10 per cent of the government employees could be provided government accommodation. Since the government system is highly centralised, common people throng to the Secretariat and other government offices from all over the country in pursuit of their requests and grievances. Dhaka city has a bureaucratic sub-culture, developed through office politics, club life, common interests and exclusive gatherings.

Floods Dhaka suffers from frequent and severe floods and has a poor drainage system. The topographic situation of Dhaka city makes it vulnerable to flooding during the rainy season. Unplanned infrastructure development, closure of natural and old artificial drainage and navigational canals, DCC’s failure to clear up the clogged drains of the city and the filling up of ponds, tanks, ditches and depressions for constructing houses and shopping complexes have aggravated the poor drainage, floods and rainwater stagnation. Finally, while a flood protection embankment is a must for the city, it would be counter-productive if it did not operate effectively. The impact of the floods (for example, the floods of 2004) has been devastating in terms of losses to the stocks of capital and goods, interference with economic activities and extreme suffering, particularly to the poor people of the city.

Violence Dhaka, over the years, has turned into a city of violence and crime. According to police sources, nearly 60 per cent of the country’s crime occurs in Dhaka city, though it has only 10 per cent of the country’s population. In addition to other crimes, mugging and snatching of valuables in the streets and extortion of protection money on behalf of “godfathers” from business centres, bus terminals, construction sites and slums have been on the rise during the two decades. Summary trials, special patrols, “cross fire”, “Operation Clean Heart”, creation of RAB and such other measures have only acted as palliatives. The perpetrators of such crimes continue to devise innovative methods (such as those used by the so-called Molom Party, Half-Pant Party, Halua Party, Aggyan Party and Sharbat Party) to continue with such crimes. Political violence, which has by no means abated with the establishment of democracy in 1991, generally takes the form of 20 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 clashes between the security forces and opposition political groups or between supporters of the government and opposition political parties. Some of the extremist Islamic groups have added a new dimension to political violence by resorting to bombing and grenade attacks on targeted political/cultural groups. Other political crimes are secret killings, looting and destruction of property, arson and rioting, often with the help of professional terrorist groups.

Media Dhaka city has undergone a “mini media explosion” during the two decades. In 1985, only 282 newspapers and periodicals were published from the city. This figure increased to 415 in 2005. There was no private TV channel in 1985. In 2005, the number of private TV channels was 11. However, this increase is not commensurate with population growth during this period. More importantly, the quality of both print and electronic media leaves much to be desired. Sensationalism, linguistic errors, exploitation of sex, plagiarism, character assassination, blackmail and yellow journalism remain the hallmarks of even the top end of the media.

Social cohesion Dhaka city over the last two decades has lost a great deal of its “social openness”. In 1985, despite its growing stratification, the city still offered an open society to some degree, where, beyond a not-very-high level, everyone either knew or knew of everyone else through birth, marriage, association and evening gossip sessions (adda). In 2005, Dhaka was no longer in that condition. The population had increased enormously and spread out over a much larger area. Face- to-face contact had declined because of traffic jams, rising transport costs and fear of becoming a victim of crime during travel; of course, with the spread of the mobile phone network telephonic contact had increased quite considerably. The increase in population since 1985 was massive and originated from all over the country. A very large number were from the poor and lower middle class, faceless, anonymous, powerless, and struggling to settle down in an inhospitable environment. They neither counted for much, nor had they developed roots in the city, and as such were largely isolated from the better-off parts of the population. The links through birth, marriage, association and common gossip sessions now worked only at a higher level.

Governance Finally, Dhaka city suffers from poor governance owing to lack of effective power and responsibility in the principal local government body for Dhaka city, namely the Dhaka City Corporation (DCC), and lack of accountability, transparency, efficiency, integrity and participation in the major service providers (such as DCC, DWASA, DESA, DMP and RAJUK). In addition, there is no system of coordination and cooperation in place among the various public, private and NGO organisations working for the city. Chapter 2 Methodology Used for Information Collection

Introduction

This is a large, complex and path-breaking study on the social formation in Dhaka city. Its main objective is to analyse and understand the social, economic, cultural and political make-up of this megacity over the period of 20 years between 1985 and 2005, and at the same time capture and explain the changes that have taken place in their interrelationships during the same period. This is necessary not only to follow the path of its transition over time, but also to draw important lessons on how to go about it. Thus, the study will provide a picture of the major problems of the city in bringing about change, and at the same time indicate who might and might not be the agents of change in the near future. Finding relevant information to understand social change over a period of two decades was a challenging task. We had to deal with not only “length and breadth” but also “depth” issues. We had, therefore, to employ several methods of data collection. These were mainly as follows:

a. household survey based on stratified random sampling (i.e. General Household Survey,GHS, and Government Quarters Survey,GQS) in both 1985 and 2005, based on a structured questionnaire, covering Dhaka City Corporation area with municipal holding numbers; b. comparison of data on 100 targeted households, i.e. of the survey data generated for the same 100 households covered by GHS in 1985 and 2005; c. stratified random household survey for government officials (living in government quarters) in both 1985 and 2005, based on the questionnaire mentioned at (a) above; d. case studies of selected groups of people; e. gathering information from selected respondents; f. focus group discussion (FGD) with selected people, including FGD on certain issues with the participation of various stakeholders; g. interview of government and semi-government officials; and h. perusal of secondary materials, including newspaper reports, journals, books and magazines.

An overview of the methodologies used

Two surveys were conducted for materials used in Chapters 3 and 4, entitled General Household Survey (GHS) and Government Quarters Survey (GQS) respectively. As a starting point for carrying out a social class analysis of Dhaka city population, we applied the criteria already created by the Dhaka City Corporation, DCC (known as Dhaka Municipal Corporation, DMC, in 1985) in both years. Thus, we assumed in both 1985 and 2005 that households who paid DCC holding tax and hence had a holding number (and those renting such property) were at least out of extreme, if not moderate, poverty. Indeed as we found out from DCC officials, of those paying DCC holding tax or renting such property, only a small percentage was below the 22 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 poverty line. This was even truer in 2005 when we found fewer poor people living in spaces having a municipal holding number. In the context of Bangladesh, they belonged to the lower middle class, middle class, upper middle class and the rich class and were covered by the GHS. However, in 1985, some formal and informal sector poor were living in property with a municipal holding number, perhaps as tenants or caretakers free of rents, and as such, were also covered by the GHS. In 2005, we found the number of such people much lower than in 1985. Those who did not have a holding number and hence did not pay a holding tax could be divided into two groups: (a) government servants living in government quarters and other accommodation; and (b) squatters and slum dwellers. Obviously, government servants have all the major characteristics of those having a municipal holding number, and hence they were treated separately through Government Quarters Survey (GQS) but as a continuation of GHS. This separate treatment is also justified because the culture and ethos of Dhaka, as the capital of Bangladesh, are to some extent affected by the presence of a large number of civil servants. According to one estimate, there were about 350,000 employees of government, semi-government, government corporate and autonomous bodies living in Dhaka city in 2005. Focus Group Discussion (FGD) was used for garment workers, criminals and special groups and areas. For different groups, we used different discussants. Thus, for garment workers, FGD included researchers, journalists, owners of garment factories and garment labour leaders. For FGD on criminals, we got hold of knowledgeable Dhaka city-based police officers, journalists, researchers, magistrates, criminal lawyers and jail officials as discussants since we had separately interviewed the criminals. In the case of special areas and groups, we followed the method used for criminals, namely separate interviews of the directly relevant people combined with FGD involving knowledgeable journalists, civil servants and researchers. We employed selected respondents to probe into sensitive areas throughout the study. These respondents were generally highly knowledgeable persons on a particular subject matter pertaining to Dhaka city, selected from among civil servants, judges, journalists, lawyers, university teachers and researchers. Knowledge was not the only criterion for selecting them. We also ensured that they were objective in their understanding of Dhaka society, fearless in expressing their views and could be self-critical. Depending on the situation, we obtained information from them both collectively and individually through crosschecking. In addition, we interviewed relevant government and semi-government officials for mainly filling quantitative data gaps in different chapters. We used case studies for chapters on middle class intellectuals and professionals, the richest class, formal and informal sector poor and the underclass. Thus, we covered about 50 categories of people through the case study method, including prostitutes, beggars, criminals, pimps, keepers and owners of prostitutes, street children, rickshaw-pullers, house servants, hawkers, female heads of poor households, substance users, substance peddlers, hotel workers, hospital workers, salespersons, Class IV employees, security guards, garment workers, owners and related NGO representatives, ansar jawans, police constables, land grabbers, richest people of the city, teachers, doctors, engineers, lawyers, dancers and singers, religious leaders, madrasa students, general students, educated and uneducated homemakers, artists, painters, writers, actors, trade union leaders, political workers, journalists, NGO executives, private sector executives, civil servants, bankers and accountants and middle class entrepreneurs. Case studies followed a mixed method of pre-determined checklist of questions and free-flow spontaneous conversations. The case studies provided the team with a deeper understanding of the social dynamics that exist in Dhaka city. Secondary sources, such as books, articles and newspaper reports were employed mainly for writing Chapter 1 (“An Introduction and an Overview of Dhaka City”) of the book. When all other methods failed to yield insights and information, we applied our own judgement and experience to Methodology Used for Information Collection 23 reach our conclusion. After all, some of us have lived all our lives in this city. We thus hope that we have been able to address not only breadth and length but also depth aspects of data collection. As indicated earlier, the GHS contained only a very small percentage of the formal and informal sector poor. However, given the preponderance of the lower middle class to the rich class in the GHS sample, it was not possible to delineate fully their specific characteristics and interrelationships with other classes from the GHS data. In order to capture these more completely, we decided to carry out separate studies to cover these two major groups of people living in Dhaka city. In 1985, the formal sector poor were surveyed as a whole through a questionnaire. In 2005, we examined their most important segments through the case study method. The informal sector poor could be divided into two broad categories: (a) those pursuing legally approved professions; and (b) those engaged in illegal or “undesirable” activities (the underclass). We covered the former in five separate studies in 1985, namely floating people, female household heads among the squatter population, tokais, domestic servants and rickshaw pullers. In 2005, we added one more category, hawkers, to this list. On the other hand, we addressed the latter in three separate studies, namely on prostitutes, criminals and beggars. Obviously, not all prostitutes and criminals were from the poor classes, but since prostitution and crime were major poverty responses, we decided to cover these groups under informal sector poor pursuing illegal or undesirable professions (the underclass). The GHS obviously did not specifically focus on the richest people of Dhaka city. The sampling technique did not allow us to capture them in the GHS. In any case, the open survey method was inherently unsuitable for studying them. Nevertheless, since this was an extremely important group despite being numerically very small, we had to find other ways to study them. Indeed, without understanding their way of life, it would be almost impossible to come to grips with the real socio- economic trends of Dhaka city. Therefore, we studied them separately. From the above studies, we could broadly distinguish classes and groups who could and could not be change agents in Dhaka city. However, it was also necessary to focus on some specific “talked about” groups, in order to fully understand the characteristics and types of existing and potential change agents in Dhaka city. In 1985, we attempted this in the last chapter (Chapter 8) of that book. In 2005, we have first examined the characteristics of some selected segments of the educated middle class (in Chapter 5 of the present book) and then in Chapter 11 have discussed not only change agents but also the power structure prevailing in Dhaka city. Moreover, in response to a valid criticism of our book based on 1985 data, we have added Chapter 10 to delineate the main characteristics of special areas and groups of Dhaka city, particularly in the light of the rapidly diminishing diversity in its population.

A chapter-wise description of the methodologies

Methodology for the GHS (Chapter 3)

General before commencing the GHS, our study team had to complete three tasks in both 1985 and 2005. First, we travelled around various parts of the city for a feel of the place. This meant we spent hours sauntering about the area, sipping tea in restaurants, meeting Ward Commissioners and the local people and taking down notes. This phase lasted about three months. In 2005, we concentrated on areas that were not part of Dhaka city in 1985. Second, we collected and read a considerable amount of published materials on Dhaka city, including paper cuttings. In 2005, we also saw a documentary prepared by Channel i (a local private TV channel) on the problems 24 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 of different Wards of Dhaka City Corporation (DCC). Third, we conducted a quick community survey of Dhaka city, covering all the Wards of Dhaka city (75 in 1985 and 90 in 2005).

Data collection and collation In order to conduct the GHS in 1985, we first had to devise and finalise our main research instrument, a pre-coded survey questionnaire. In developing this, we took into account not only the objectives of the study but also knowledge and information gathered during the community survey and available questionnaires and codes. We finalised the draft questionnaire through discussions among study team members, keeping in mind particularly the following: length of the questionnaire, sensitivity of the questions and the need to balance objective and subjective questions. We pre-tested the draft questionnaire, and made the necessary corrections in the light of difficulties faced. The final questionnaire, prepared in Bangla, had the following contents:

• socio-economic background of the Household Head (HHH) and family members; • communications and relationships with relatives, friends and servants; • condition of housing; • means of communication and transport used by the HHH and family members; • reading habits and opinions on selected issues; • income, expenditure, movable and immovable property, loans, etc.; • opinions of the investigators on the cooperation from the respondents.

In 2005, we decided to retain the 1985 questionnaire with a few changes (both additions and modifications) to simplify comparison of 1985 with 2005. The questionnaire of 2005 may be seen in Appendix 3. In both the years, we devoted maximum attention to the recruitment and training of research assistants and investigators. We did not recruit anyone below graduate in 1985. In 2005, most investigators were Master’s degree holders with previous field survey experience. In both the years, we selected investigators through open advertisement and interview. The training of investigators,

Table 2.1 Zone classification of Dhaka city according to average holding tax, 2005

Zone Average holding tax* Major areas included Zone 1 4,277.50 Old Dhaka, i.e. Old lower middle class Sutrapur,Kotwali, Lalbagh and Hazari Bagh, except a few areas Zone 2 14,052.14 Motijheel, Dhanmondi, New middle class Gulshan, Mohammedpur, Ramna, Adabar, Sabujbagh, Badda, Khilgaon,Paltan, New Market and Tejgaon PS Zone 3 7,098.68 Kafrul, Shyamali, Jatrabari and New lower middle class Kamrangir Char PS except a few areas Zone 4 14,760.97 Selected areas of Gulshan, Upper middle class and Dhanmondi, Ramna, Airport rich and Uttara PS Notes: * Total holding tax in Taka divided by the total number of holding tax-payers. Methodology Used for Information Collection 25

Table 2.2 Zone, number of holdings, police stations, name of area and wards of Dhaka city

Zone Police stations Area Wards 1 Sutrapur, Kotwali, Lalbag, Begumganj, Babubazar, Begumbazar, Boxibazar, 59, 60, 61, Hazaribag. (Lower middle Barakatra, Campanygang, Chowkbazar, Chankhar Pool, 63, 64, 65, class in old Dhaka area) Chotokatra, Dalpatti, Dayaganj, Gandaria, Imamganj, 67, 68, 69, Islampur, Islambagh, Kumartoli, Kaptanbazar, 70, 71, 72, Kashmiritola, Lalbagh, Mitford, Moulovibazar, 73, 74, 75, Malitola, Moghultuli, Nazirabazar, Nawabganj, 76, 77, 78, Narinda, Nawabpur, Nababkatra, Rahmatganj, 79, 80, 81, Rokanpur, Sikkatuli, Shahidnagar, Shamshabad, 82 Swarighat, Sadarghat, Tikatuli, Wari and Zindabahar

2 Ramna, Motijheel, Arambagh, Azimpur, Aramaghbazar, Badda, Baina 21, 23, 24, Dhanmondi, Gulshan, Dhaki, Babupura, Bangabandhu Avenue, Begunbari, 31, 32, 33, Mohammadpur, Sabujbag, Bejoynagar, Banasri, Central Road, Charakghata, 34, 35, 36, Adabor, Badda, New Market, Chamelibagh, Dhanmondi, Dilkhusha, East Raja Bazar, 37, 38, 39, Paltan, Khilgaon, Tejgaon. East Tejtori Bazar, Elephant Road, East Rampura, 40, 42, 44, (New Middle class Area) Fakirapool, Green Road, Hatirpool, Jhigatola, Kathal 48, 50, 51, Bagan, Kakrail, Karwan Bazar, Karimullahbagh, 52, 54, 55, Kulipara, Kazirbagh, Khilagaon, Karatoli, Kalabagan, 56, 57, 58, Kalunagar, Kamalapur, Moneshwar, Monipuripara, 62, 85, 86 Mohammadpur, Mohanpur, Malibagh, Motijheel, Nayatola, New Elephant Road, North Shahjahanpur, Nayapaltan, Nakhalpara, , Nadda, Par Gandaria, Purana Paltan, Peelkhana, Paribagh, Rayerbazar, Ramna, Rajarbagh, Shoadda, Shahar Khilgaon, Shideshwari, Shankar Tola, Shantinagar, Satmasjid, Sayedabad, Shahjahnpur, Shantinagar, Segunbagicha, Tejkunipara, Tejgaon lndustrial Area, Tejgaon and Tallabagh Para 3 Mirpur, Pallabi, Kafrul, Afatb Nagar, Ahmednagar, Alauddin Tek, Alundi, 7, 8, 9, 10, ShahAli, Jatrabri, Kamrangir Ahamed Bagh, Baradiabari, Bardhanbari, Bishil, 12, 13, 14, Char. (Lower middle class in Balurghat, Baron Tek, Bhashan Tek, Barabagh, 15, 16, 17, new Dhaka area) Bashbari, Basila, Baghbari, Bashabo, Chotbari, 22, 25, 26, Darussalam, Dayari Para, Dayabari Poribagh, 27, 28, 29, Damalkot, Dholaikhal, Dhania, Dholaipar, Dholpur, 30, 41, 43, Golapbagh, Gandaria, Goran, Gedar Tek, Gabtoli, 46, 47, 83, Godakhali, Golar Tek, Harirampur, Ibrahimpur, 84, 87, 88, Jahanabad, Johrabad, Jatrabari, Jurain, Joar Shahara, 89, 90 Jaganath Pur, Katasur, Khilkhet, Kuril, Kazi Para, Kalyanpur, Kotbari, Kalwala Para, Kachu Khet, Kafrul, Khowali Para, Kukumang, Kadirabad, Kamrangir Char, Kalachandpur, Mir Hazaribag, Mirpur, Munsurabad, Matikata, Monipur, Mirpurbazar, Monikanandi, Madar Tek, Merul, Meradia, Muradpur, Maniknagar, Naleshwari, Nobanerbagh, Pallabi, Postogola, Paikpara, Palashnagar, Shenpara, Shaialbari, Shah Alibagh, Shorerbagh, Syedabad, Sultangang, Sheorapara, Shen Para Parbata, Shyamoli, Shahara and Tallabagh 4 Selected areas of Gulshan, Banani, Baridhara, both DOHS, Basundhara, 1, 2, 3, 4, Dhanmondi, Ramna, Airport Dhanmondi Residential Area, Eskaton Gardens, 5, 6, 11, and Uttara. (Upper middle Gulshan, Lalmatia, Mohakhali, New Eskaton Road, 18, 19, 20, class + rich area) Sideshwari (a small part) and Uttara 45, 49, 53 26 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 which lasted for about two weeks, consisted of both classroom lectures and training in filling questionnaires in the field. The study team members acted as trainers. Subjects covered in classroom lectures were as follows:

• objectives and importance of the proposed study; • survey method of research, sampling, coding and tabulation of data; • key terms and concepts used in the questionnaire; • salient features of Dhaka city, including history, area, location, population, economic and social conditions, local government system and its relationship with the central government; • instructions for investigators (Appendix 4); • remuneration, reward and punishment in the work situation (all sincere investigators were provided with a certificate and helped to obtain jobs while those guilty of habitual dereliction of duty were released).

Each class ended with a question and answer session. We issued identity cards to all investigators. In both 1985 and 2005, we divided the city into four zones, according to the average holding tax. In 2005, the picture was as outlined in Table 2.1. Thus, using the above average holding tax as a starting point, we were able to divide the city into four areas according to their level of affluence or poverty. We called these the old lower middle class zone, the new middle class zone, the new lower middle class zone and the upper middle class and rich zone. We have further elaborated it in Table 2.2. In 1985, the number of households subjected to GHS from each zone was one per cent of the total households of the zone. We selected these households through two-stage stratified random sampling. Thus in 1985, the total number of households of the city covered by GHS was 2,960. In 2005, we followed the same method, but this time, we surveyed 2.54 per cent of the households with a holding number, which came to 5,074 households. This is shown in Table 2.3. Selection of sample households in 2005, after detailed discussions among the members of the study team, we decided to select the sample as follows: one household in every 50 holding numbers would be taken up for survey. However, if in one holding there were more than 25 households, the next survey household would be selected after 25 holding numbers. If in one holding, there were more than 40 households (i.e. in the case of a large block of flats) then from that holding, two households would be randomly selected for survey. Our guiding principle was thus to go by the

Table 2.3 Zone, number of holdings, number of households and the percentage of households surveyed, 2005

Zone Number of holdings Number of households Percentage of surveyed households surveyed Zone 1 29,300 846 2.89 Zone 2 61,581 1,619 2.63 Zone 3 64,368 1,716 2.67 Zone 4 44,223 893 2.02 Total 199,472 5,074 2.54 Source: Dhaka City Corporation. Methodology Used for Information Collection 27

Table 2.4 Cooperation of respondents during GHS, 1985−2005

Grading 1985 2005 Excellent 37 48 Good 31 43 Satisfactory 21 8 Suspicious 10 1 Others 1 – holding number. However, in practice we surveyed one household in every 50 households. This gave us about 2.54 per cent of the total holding numbers in Dhaka city. Included in the comparison of 1985 and 2005 GHS data was, where possible, comparison of the same 100 GHS for both the years. We drew these 100 households from all the four study zones, although not necessarily in proportionate numbers. This was because in some zones, it was not possible to trace the same households. In more than 50 per cent of these 100 households, the HHH of 1985 was still the HHH in 2005, while in the remaining households a new HHH had replaced the HHH in 1985 because of death or old age. Thus, these were the very same households for both 1985 and 2005. On the other hand, it is important to emphasise that households of 2005 GHS were mostly different from those of 1985 GHS. Respondents in 2005 cooperated better than those in 1985 (see Table 2.4). This was due to a rise in general awareness and because we were able to convince the respondents that they need have no fear in answering our questions since complete confidentiality had been maintained in 1985 and there would be no departure from this practice in 2005.

Methodology for the study of residents of government quarters (Chapter 4)

In 1985, only 9 per cent of the government and semi-government employees lived in government and semi-government accommodation. Despite some increase in such accommodation over the last two decades, the vast majority of these employees in 2005 still lived in private accommodation, rented or owned. However, the largest single concentration of this category of people is still located in government and semi-government quarters. We could not specifically deal with the residents of government quarters in the General Household Survey (GHS), although they featured there quite prominently along with others, since there are no holding numbers for government quarters in the DCC records. On the other hand, visiting and interviewing them in their offices or private accommodation was impractical. Therefore, in order to study them separately, our only option was to approach them in their official accommodation. In both the years, in order to accomplish the tasks, we first prepared a list of government quarters in Dhaka city, followed by a list of the households residing in each one of them. Following the method used for GHS, we decided to choose one household from every hundred households (that is, one per cent of the total number of households) through the random sampling method. Thus in 1985 and 2005, we chose respectively 150 and 400 households. Of these, we could interview only 137 in 1985 and 383 in 2005. We conducted both the surveys with the help of trained investigators using the same pre-coded structured survey questionnaire used during the GHS. We have called this survey the Government Quarters Survey (GQS) in order to distinguish it from the GHS. The cooperation of respondents during the Government Quarters Survey (GQS) was similar to that of the GHS respondents. 28 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Methodology for the study of the educated middle class (Chapter 5)

In 2005, we took up the following method in conducting this part of the study. In all, we selected 22 segments, consisting of Muslim religious leaders, madrasa students, non-madrasa students, trade union leaders, political workers, journalists, singers and dancers, private sector executives, civil servants, engineers, teachers, lawyers, educated homemakers, non-educated homemakers, scientists, doctors, artistes, painters, NGO executives, writers, actors, middle class entrepreneurs, bankers and accountants. From each segment, 50 or 51 respondents were chosen and information and data were collected through the case study method. In selecting the sample, we tried our best to make it as representative as possible in terms of characteristics such as location, age, gender and religion. However, we must admit that it was not always possible to follow these criteria. For example, we sometimes could not ensure gender balance in the sample because either they were too few or they did not wish to be interviewed, despite our assurance of maintaining anonymity. We also asked additional questions to cover the special characteristics of the segment concerned. We included non-educated homemakers in order to compare them with the educated homemakers so that we could better understand the determinants of gender discrimination in Dhaka city.

Methodology for the study of the richest people (Chapter 6)

In 1985, we encountered two serious problems during the study of the richest. First, because of the novelty of the terrain, there was no precedent (particularly in methodology) to fall back upon. Second, the study proved to be extremely sensitive from the very outset. Some respondents merely raised eyebrows, while others went to the extent of making veiled threats to the researchers. We had, therefore, to develop an appropriate methodology during the course of the study. To begin with, identification of the richest section of Dhaka city proved to be a challenging task. We had long discussions with officials of the Income Tax Department, banks, Chambers of Commerce and Industry and the in order to prepare a preliminary list of 100 richest people. We then checked this against published materials and opinions passed by selected respondents well conversant with the wealthiest of Dhaka city. Finally, we applied our subjective judgement in finalising a list of 75 richest people of Dhaka city, but without ranking them. However, we could cover only 68 people because of logistical constraints. In order to maintain anonymity and to ensure our own security, the list of respondents and individual-level data on the richest were not included in this chapter. Mostly, we used the case study method to understand the characteristics of the richest people of Dhaka city in 1985. In this regard, we devised two sets of questionnaires, one sanitised, so that we could easily present it to the respondents through our trained investigators, and the other, not so sanitised, dealing with rather sensitive issues. These were:

a. extent of their wealth; b. mode of acquisition; c. association with anti-productive utilisation of wealth; d. general lifestyle and aspirations; e. relationship with other classes of people in the society; f. degree and nature of links with and hold over the power structure; and g. foreign connections. Methodology Used for Information Collection 29

We had the second questionnaire filled in through selected respondents, that is, people who knew these richest people of Dhaka city intimately. Originally, we planned to crosscheck the statements of one selected respondent with that of another on the same person. However, in reality, given the small number of such selected respondents and the lack of cooperation among them, we could hardly pursue this objective. In fact, we could fill the second questionnaire for only 56 richest people and that, too, mostly without any crosscheck with other selected respondents. However, we gently reminded our respondents to neither exaggerate nor understate information they gave us whenever we had doubts. In 2005, we followed the same methodology. However, this time we settled for 146 respondents from a preliminary number of 187. We did not encounter any threats this time but the cooperation was as hopeless as during the last time. Much of the lack of cooperation was because these people led extremely busy lives and could hardly manage time for researchers like us. For filling in the not so sanitised questionnaire through selected respondents, we could obtain information for only 123 respondents. In both the years, collecting information on the richest people, whether through direct interviews or through the selected respondents, was exceedingly time-consuming and often taxed our patience to the limit. It took months just to arrange an interview. Prospective respondents backed out at the last minute, or simply made themselves unavailable without providing an excuse or an alternative time and date. In both the years, we often encountered rude behaviour, and to overcome this problem, we took to employing smart and young females for the direct interview of the richest, on the assumption that in our society, most of our respondents (who were men) would not generally misbehave with young and attractive females. Finally, in both the years, we also augmented the case studies with published materials, such as bank statements on loan defaulters, enquiry committee reports, newspaper articles and books. The study team as a whole supervised this segment of the study in both the years. We specially trained the interviewers for the purpose. Some of them had already gained valuable field experience from interviews they took in connection with the GHS and GQS. In both the years, data collection for this segment of this study took more than two years.

Methodology for the study of the formal sector poor (Chapter 7)

In 1985, a purposively selected sample of 125 respondents was drawn from among unskilled industrial workers, skilled industrial workers, permanent construction workers, unskilled office workers, service sector workers, transport workers, menial workers in religious and educational institutions and piece-rate workers. We subjected them to a special questionnaire devised for the purpose. We also obtained additional information (mostly of a sensitive nature) from selected respondents and employers. In 2005, we identified seven major groups of formal sector poor from discussions with selected respondents. They were garment workers, hospital workers, hotel workers, salespersons, security guards, fourth class employees and police constables and ansar jawans. From each group, we selected 50 respondents and then we applied the case study method on them. In selecting the sample for case study, we tried to make it as representative as possible. In addition, we collected sensitive information from selected informants. For garment workers, we also used focus group discussion (FGD) consisting of researchers, garment workers, and representatives of the Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers’ and Exporters’ Association (BGMEA), trade unions and government. The FGD was carried out on 16 September 2006. 30 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Methodology for the study of the informal sector poor (Chapter 8)

In 1985, the approach to the informal sector poor was through location, i.e. slum and squatter areas of the city, and about 401 HHH in those areas were subjected to a survey questionnaire. In 2005, we generally went by the major occupations among the informal sector poor, namely rickshaw-pullers, hawkers, tokais and house servants. We also added one other category among the informal sector poor, namely female heads of slum households, in order to get a fuller picture of the informal poor of Dhaka city. We chose 50 respondents from each category, taking into consideration factors like age, location and gender and then we applied the case study method to obtain data and information according to a carefully drawn checklist.

Methodology for study of the beggars (Chapter 9)

For the purpose of this study, in both 1985 and 2005, the beggars were subdivided into different groups, such as male−female, able−disabled, children−young−old, beggars with small babies, beggars living in the street, beggars living in slum houses, beggars at the railway stations, beggars at launch terminals, beggars in bazaars, beggars near shops and beggars at mosque premises. In 1985, we interviewed 64 beggars representing the above groups. A questionnaire was prepared as guideline, but not taken to the field, lest respondents be panicked or put off. The team members interviewed beggars at the places where they were begging. We conducted all the interviews during the day. Initially, the individual team members interviewed beggars separately. However, in some places, such as railway stations and launch terminals, the team members jointly interviewed one beggar at a time. During the interview, one team member talked to the beggar while the other observed his/her attitudes and expressions. Initially, the beggars were a little suspicious about the purpose of the interview. It took some time to build rapport with them. Gradually, the beggars expressed their opinions more freely. They usually expected some kind of help from the interviewers. Each interview took one to two hours depending on the specific circumstances. Since we conducted the interviews during their “working” hours, we compensated them with a modest amount, varying between Taka 5 and Taka 25. We also served food to them. Overall, we treated them with utmost sympathy and humaneness. We conducted the interviews from February to July 1985. In 2005, the sample size was 50. The amount given to them as compensation for giving us their time was Taka 10–50 and we conducted the interviews from March to June. In both the years, we followed the same methodology. The data quality in both the years was reasonably reliable, and we compared it with data obtained through other studies on Dhaka city beggars.

Methodology for the study of the prostitutes (Chapter 9)

In both 1985 and 2005, we followed more or less the same methodology in studying the prostitutes of Dhaka city. In 1985, we made a prior division of Dhaka city prostitutes into three sub-categories, low, middle and upper, based on our observations and literature survey. The low stratum consisted of the common freelance streetwalkers and brothel prostitutes with fees generally ranging between Taka 150–300 per client per transaction. The middle-range prostitutes earned around Taka 500 per client per transaction. They were to be found among hotel, office area and film industry-centred operators and among those living in rented houses outside brothels. Finally, the upper range of prostitutes earned at least Taka 1,000 per client per transaction (the range being Taka 1,000–5,000) and they were generally located in high class hotels and rented houses in Gulshan and Banani and Methodology Used for Information Collection 31 among film artistes with a good standing. Social background, physical beauty, age, location and contacts were determining factors for the sub-category a prostitute belonged to. However, it was quite apparent that most prostitutes belonged to the lowest sub-category, and the percentage of prostitutes in the middle range was much higher than that in the upper most sub-categories. In selecting the sample for our case study, we kept all these factors in mind. In all, we studied 50 prostitutes over a three-year period, from 1985 to 1988. Of them, 28 belonged to the lowest stratum, 15 were from the middle and only six were chosen from the upper stratum. The low-earning prostitutes were subdivided into brothel and non-brothel residents. In 1985, the overwhelming majority of Dhaka city prostitutes were streetwalkers, and hence in our sample, we chose only six prostitutes from the brothel. In 2005, the sample consisted of 100 prostitutes. No one was from the brothel, since brothel prostitution did not exist in 2005. Eighty were drawn from among the streetwalkers, while 15 belonged to the middle-range and only five were drawn from the upper stratum. We always contacted prostitutes directly. However, we sometimes took the help of pimps, keepers and “owners” in locating them. We promised and ensured concerned parties confidentiality and anonymity. We clearly explained the purpose of the interview. We also disclosed our identities, and made them no false promises. We paid the prostitutes always according to their prevailing rates before interviews commenced. We also clearly told them the following:

a. We would pay them irrespective of whether they were willing to talk to us and tell their stories truthfully. b. We would escort them to their destinations whenever they felt like leaving. c. We paid them because time was money to them, and we considered it completely unethical to waste their valuable time without any compensation.

In fact, this approach completely disarmed them, and except in a few cases, we never had any inconclusive interviews. On the contrary, in most cases, we were able to build a perfect rapport with our respondents. Many of them wept and made us weep before we parted company. Therefore, the criticism (Khan and Arefin, 1989) that payments to prostitutes act against rapport building was, in our experience, baseless. Given their mobility and our time constraint, it was impractical to proceed on the path of long- drawn rapport building as demanded by traditional anthropological methods. Indeed, if our effort was confined to relatively immobile brothel prostitutes (as Khan and Arefin did), then perhaps this would have been possible, but as pointed out earlier, at present brothel prostitutes constitute only a small segment of Dhaka city’s prostitute population. Dealing with them alone would have yielded only a partial picture of prostitution. Payment for the time we spent with them was methodologically far sounder than their effort to build rapport with prostitutes under the protection of the police, whom the women generally regarded as their tormentors. The study team members conducted the interviews in a place designated by the prostitutes. The locations of interview included office premises, hotels, restaurants, our own residences and residences of prostitutes. Brothel prostitutes preferred their brothel premises. Streetwalkers preferred places other than their permanent locations, because they were living there with their family members, and sometimes they were virtually without a shelter and sleeping on pavements. In any case, this category of prostitutes was highly mobile and used to spending time in places other than their own abode. On all occasions, we offered to give our respondents a lift to their next destination, wherever and whatever it was, after the interview. Similarly, one of the study team 32 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 members always escorted our respondents to the place of interview. In at least half the cases, we were able to see their place of residence. This happened mostly in the course of giving them a lift to their place of residence. The main reason we could not inspect the residences of the remaining half was that they avoided taking us there. The actual interview consisted of detailed questions and answers around certain selected topics. Longhand recording was preferred to tape recording, to put the respondents at ease. We avoided insensitive questions, and we took care not to hurt their feelings. Each interview lasted for two to three hours. We always provided them with light refreshment, and we made the atmosphere congenial by being courteous, friendly and charming. They were also free to ask us any questions. We separately interviewed relevant pimps, keepers, “owners”, police constables and jail authorities to crosscheck the statements of respondents. In all the cases (50 in 1985 and 100 in 2005), study team members were able to establish perfect rapport with the respondents within the first half hour of preliminary discussions. Consequently, notwithstanding a few exaggerations, wilful omissions and concealment of truth, the quality of material brought out through interview of prostitutes, pimps, keepers, owners, police constables, jail authorities, newspaper reporters and lawyers and personal observations are quite reliable. We obtained special permission from the Home Ministry before commencing the study in both 1985 and 2005. This permission came in extremely handy several times when the police confronted our study team members in the course of making contacts with and escorting the respondents. Interviewing respondents in the office premises and our own residences and escorting them to their next destination was quite embarrassing within our existing social norms. The atmosphere inside the brothel was also awful. There was the fear of violence from muscle men, on the one hand, and the horrible physical conditions, on the other. Some of our respondents were not very comfortable in the beginning, as we were not using the brothel for its designated purpose, nor did we take female study team members to the brothels for fear that potential clients might take them as prostitutes. A lot of patient explaining was necessary to make our purpose clear to them. Making contacts and arranging interview was extremely painstaking, taking weeks and months. Fortunately, contrary to our fears, we did not face any untoward incident.

Methodology for the study of criminals (Chapter 9)

As in 1985, data and information on crime and criminals of Dhaka city in 2005 were collected from all parties involved with crime, namely metropolitan magistrates, crime reporters, criminal lawyers, metropolitan police, jail administration, selected respondents from various neighbourhoods and finally criminals themselves (referred to as seven versions on crime in Dhaka city in Chapter 9). Other sources of information were relevant articles, records, monographs and reports (including those published in magazines and newspapers) on crime and criminals of Dhaka city. In both the years, in obtaining information and data from metropolitan magistrates, crime reporters, criminal lawyers and jail administration, the methodology adopted involved long-drawn unstructured but collective interviews, based on a checklist of relevant questions. These questions revolved round four main themes: (a) major crimes in Dhaka city (in order of importance and in terms of concentration in localities); (b) social background of criminals; (c) causes of crimes in Dhaka city; and (d) the role of the criminal justice system in the control of crime in Dhaka city. The study team members interviewed five to ten respondents belonging to each of these professions collectively but strictly within the same profession and they recorded the consensus that emerged from the debates. The interviews generally lasted for three to four hours and we conducted these in times and places chosen by the respondents themselves. Methodology Used for Information Collection 33

We completed the interviews in 2005 between May and September. The following people formed our discussants for FGD on criminals of Dhaka city:

• magistrates − seven from among Dhaka city metropolitan magistrates; • crime reporters − six from among crime reporters of Ittefaq, Jana Kantha, Ajker Kagoj and Jugantor; • criminal lawyers − six from among criminal lawyers practising in the courts of the Dhaka metropolitan magistrates; • jail administration − four senior officers and a lady doctor attending female patients; • police officials − six from different Thanas of Dhaka city with long work experience in Dhaka city; • neigbourhood-based selected respondents − ten from the most crime-prone areas.

In addition, in both 1985 and 2005, we subjected selected convicts who generally resided in Dhaka city and had committed various crimes in Dhaka city to the case study method using a checklist within the premises of Dhaka Central Jail. We selected them according to the major crimes of Dhaka city, as revealed in the interviews of selected respondents, magistrates, criminal lawyers and crime reporters in both 1985 and 2005. The number was 60 (10 women) in 1985 and 81 (17 women) in 2005. In addition, in both the years we collected information on mastans through selected respondents.

Methodology for the study of the special groups and areas (Chapter 10)

It was difficult to study special groups and areas, except old Dhaka, for one or both of the following reasons:

a. this category was too small to be captured by the General Household Survey (GHS); b. it was politically sensitive to study them through methods that were more open in nature.

Therefore, we took the help of selected respondents, FGDs and secondary data to study these entities and delineate their position in relation to the larger Dhaka society.

Methodology for the study of the power structure (Chapter 11)

We did not attempt the exercise on the power structure in 1985. For 2005, we collected the materials for this chapter through (a) critical perusal of published materials (which were rare); and (b) cross-examination of a number of selected respondents from different occupations and strata of the society in a focus group situation. The study group later subjected these materials to a critical review. We then delineated three groups of people among the residents of Dhaka city, namely the most powerful, the least powerful and those apparently powerless but with potential to be powerful in the future. We followed this by describing and analysing these groups in terms of their general characteristics, evolution, sources and uses of power and future perspectives. The propensity of various classes, groups and segments for social change is also based on materials presented in the earlier chapters. 34 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Limitations of our fieldwork

We were placed in a much better situation in 2005 compared to 1985 in that our level of confidence and expertise was much higher in 2005 because of the valuable field experience of 1985. As pointed out earlier, we also had better cooperation from respondents this time. In 2005, we did not have many turnover problems with our research assistants. They were better educated and experienced and owing to the good emoluments offered, they remained with us as long as required. Information on matters like income, expenditure, wealth and property is always difficult to obtain but we feel that we accomplished a reasonable degree of accuracy even in this regard. Since the team leader was in an important bureaucratic position, there was no problem in obtaining the cooperation and support of the civil servants while collecting relevant data and information. Our main limitation was that after the data collection stage was over, we operated as a team only through telephonic conversations and emails and hardly ever through face-to-face team meetings. This was because the team leader had to leave the country for employment abroad. However, we held together as a team despite this problem. Another limitation was that this research was not the full-time occupation of any team member. Finally, we were all insiders. Many of us were born and brought up in Dhaka city. While this has many advantages, it is possible that consciously or unconsciously, we may have been biased one way or the other. Chapter 3 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005

Introduction

The objective of this chapter is to compare the various sociological data pertaining to Dhaka city for 1985 and 2005, and explain the inter-temporal trends noted. We accomplished this task by conducting a General Household Survey (GHS) in both years. As mentioned earlier, the GHS was limited to that portion of the city population residing in dwelling units with municipal holding numbers. In other words, this chapter deals mainly with lower middle to the affluent classes.

GHS data, 1985−2005

We present below, under nine headings, comparative data based on the GHS of 1985 and 2005 and comparing the same 100 households in 1985 and 2005:

a. general demographic characteristics; b. education, occupation, income, expenditure, savings, loans and transportation; c. links of HHH with the village; d. housing and related conditions of HHH in Dhaka city; e. ownership of durable consumer goods by HHH; f. characteristics of HHH’s family members, close friends and relatives; g. membership of organisations, reading habits, leisure and recreation of HHH; h. opinions of HHH on various matters; i. relationships among various variables, 1985−2005.

General demographic characteristics of HHH, 1985−2005

Table 3.1 revealed that no appreciable change had taken place in the percentage of young (i.e. below 40 years of age) HHH between 1985 and 2005, which remained at around 41 per cent. In other words, the movement of the young to middle-aged was offset by migration of generally young people from outside Dhaka city and natural growth of population within it. There had been an appreciable increase in the percentage of elderly (i.e. above 50 years of age) HHH between 1985 and 2005, which was consistent with the increase in the longevity of life in Bangladesh over the years. Consequently, there had been a decline in the percentage of middle-aged HHH (i.e. in the 40–50 years age range) between 1985 and 2005. In 2005, the percentage of elderly female HHH (40.8 per cent) was noticeably higher than that of the elderly male HHH (32.7 per cent), which was again partly in keeping with the higher longevity of life of women compared to men, and partly due to the fact that women generally became 36 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

HHH at a more advanced age, for example, when husbands died or became disabled or deserted the family.

Table 3.1 Age of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (in percentage of HHH, if not specified)

Category 1985 2005 Below 40 years 41 41.2 41–50 years 30 25.3 >50 years 29 33.5 Below 40 years male HHH Not known (NK) 42.1* Below 40 years female HHH NK 31.3** >50 years male HHH NK 32.7* >50 years female HHH NK 40.8** Age range 19–75 years 16–75 years Average age 44 years 46 years Zone with the highest % of under Zone 2 (46%) Zone 3 (46.3%) 40 age Zone with the highest % of HHH Zone 4 (36%) Zone 4 (39.3%) over 50 years Average age in Zone 1 45 years 46.4 years Average age in Zone 2 43 years 46.3 years Average age in Zone 3 43 years 44.8 years Average age in Zone 4 45 years 48.12 years Notes: *Percentage of the total male HHH ** Percentage of total female HHH.

Conversely, in 2005, the percentage of young male HHH was higher than that of young female HHH. The average age of HHH also increased during the period 1985−2005 for the city as a whole. This was quite in keeping with the increase in life expectancy in Bangladesh as a whole. Zone 4 remained the area with the highest percentage of elderly HHH for both the years. The average age of HHH also remained the highest in Zone 4, which was the most prosperous area in both 1985 and 2005. The average age of HHH remained the lowest in the lower middle class Zone 3 in both 1985 and 2005. Most of the 100 HHH in the initial study were still alive after two decades. That is why the average age of HHH shot up from 46 to 65 years between 1985 and 2005. In contrast, Table 3.1

Table 3.2 Age of 100 HHH, 1985−2005

Age group 1985 2005 21–30 10 – 31–40 25 1 41–50 30 9 51–60 23 27 Above 60 11 62 NR 1 1 Average 46 65 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 37 reflected the impact of not only ageing but also migration of younger HHH to Dhaka city during the two decades. According to the GHS of 1985, 96.6 per cent of the HHH in Dhaka city were males. The percentage of male HHH was lowest in the lower middle class Zone 3 (95.6 per cent). On the other hand, according to the GHS of 2005, the percentage of male HHH had decreased to 90.24 for Dhaka city as a whole, and Zone 3 had the lowest percentage of male HHH (88.5 per cent). This perhaps meant that migration of lower middle class female-headed HH to Dhaka city had increased or/and there had been a greater desertion of families by their male HHH or there were greater deaths or disability of male HHH, which meant a corresponding increase in female HHH among the lower middle class families. The 100 HH comparisons between 1985 and 2005 showed that 96 per cent of HHH were males and 4 per cent were females in both 1985 and 2005, which was only obvious because these were old households with mostly the same HHH.

Table 3.3 Mother tongue of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Language 1985 2005 Bangla (Bengali) 96.6 99.8 1.4 0.2 English 1.1 0

Linguistically, Dhaka had become less cosmopolitan and more homogeneous over the two decades, with Bengali further displacing other languages (Table 3.3). In 1985, Zone 4 had the lowest percentage of Bengali-speaking HHH (about 84 per cent). However, in 2005, Zone 4 was only slightly behind the average percentage of Bengali-speaking HHH for the city as a whole. In both 2005 and 1985, Zone 1 had the highest percentage of Urdu-speaking HHH. Another feature of the increased domination of Bengali in Dhaka city was the greater use of rural Bengali dialects. In the 100 HH comparisons between 1985 and 2005, the picture was obviously unchanging, these being the same HH over the two decades. In both the years, 100 per cent spoke the same language, namely Bengali. How do we explain the change noted in the GHS? First, the majority of the English speakers in Dhaka city were the Anglo-Indians, who had started to migrate abroad even before independence. During the period under study, this process continued. Second, in Dhaka city, the major Urdu-speaking groups were the Biharis (please see Chapter 10) and a section of people in old Dhaka, but these people were under increasing pressure to learn Bengali and integrate with the majority community, given the new official language policy after independence. Also, many Biharis had migrated to Pakistan during this period. Third, the rural–urban migration ensured that various rural Bengali dialects would compete with standard Bengali. In religious terms also, Dhaka had turned into a less cosmopolitan and more homogeneous city, with the percentage of Sunni Muslims increasing over the years (Table 3.4). On the other hand, while the percentage of upper caste Hindus had declined due to their greater migration to India, that of the lower caste Hindus remained static since they had not much to gain out of this process. The percentage of Hindus (irrespective of caste) in Dhaka city would have been perhaps even lower but for their greater propensity to migrate to Dhaka city from the rural areas because of security considerations. As in 1985, the Hindu community in 2005 was concentrated in Zone 1. The Christian community 38 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.4 Religion of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Characeristic 1985 2005 Sunni Muslims 94.2 96.1 Upper-caste Hindus 3.0 2.1 Lower-caste Hindus 1.2 1.2 Catholic Christians 0.4 0.4 Non-Catholic Christians 0.17 0.1 Percentage of Hindus (Upper 9.0 8.4 and lower castes) in Zone 1 Percentage of all 1.0 0.7 denominations of Christians in Zone 2 Percentage of all 7.0 0.3 denominations of Christians in Zone 4 remained static, but in 2005, they were no more concentrated in Zone 4, as was the case in 1985. However, they had some concentration in Zone 2 in both 1985 and 2005. In the 100 HH comparisons between 1985 and 2005, the religious picture was obviously unchanging given that these are the same HH for both the years: 95 per cent were Sunni Muslims, 2 per cent each were caste and scheduled caste Hindus and 1 per cent was Catholic Christians.

Table 3.5 Greater home district/division of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

District 1985 2005 Dhaka 54.1 15.5 Comilla 9.2 13.7 Barisal 5.3 9.8 Faridpur 7.4 9.2 Noakhali 4.6 6.3 Rajshahi Division 4.8 7.9 Khulna and Barisal Divisions 10.1 15.1 NA – 22.0

As Table 3.5 depicts, the overall picture was that the dominance of people from in Dhaka city had declined drastically over the two decades, with the ascendancy of migrants from Comilla, Barisal, Faridpur and Noakhali districts in that order of importance. At the same time, the percentage of migrants from Rajshahi and Khulna Division had also registered an increase over the two decades. The concentration of HHH from Dhaka district was highest in Zone 1 in both 1985 (74.1 per cent) and 2005 (18.9 per cent). HHH from Comilla and Noakhali dominated Zone 4 in 1985. In 2005, HHH from Dhaka, Comilla, Faripur and Noakhali dominated Zone 4, in that order. In 1985, people from Faridpur and Barisal dominated Zone 2. In 2005, Comilla, Dhaka, Barisal and Noakhali dominated Zone 2, in that order. Comilla, Dhaka, Faridpur and Barisal dominated Zone 3 in 2005. The situation was similar in 1985, although the order among these districts was slightly different. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 39

The high percentage of “no response” in 2005 (22 per cent) indicated that at present a greater percentage of people identified themselves with Dhaka city rather than with any particular district. The percentage of “no response” was obviously highest in Zone 1 (48.7), the oldest settled area of Dhaka city. Why did the percentage of HHH from Dhaka district decline so dramatically over the two decades? First, there was greater migration from districts other than Dhaka district during this period because of both poverty and enterprise. Thus, for example, Noakhali and Comilla districts are well known for both poverty pockets and the enterprising capability of their people. It is, therefore, no wonder that they feature among the top four districts supplying migrants to Dhaka city. Second, in 2005, more HHH from Dhaka district decided to identify themselves with Dhaka city rather than their original home district because they had arrived in Dhaka city much earlier than HHH from any other district, and as a result, their contact with their home district had become more tenuous. Third, in 1985, more people from Comilla and Dhaka districts living in Dhaka city identified themselves as hailing from Dhaka district for whatever reasons (the prevailing district-wise job quota for government employment might be a possible reason for at least people from Comilla). This was not done in 2005. Fourth, the percentage of HHH from Rajshahi Division in Dhaka city had increased considerably. Possibly, the construction of the Jamuna Bridge had helped this process. A fifth factor could be monga (seasonal scarcity in the northern districts) and a higher unemployment rate in greater Rangpur district, driving poor and lower middle class people from that area to Dhaka city in search of employment and income. Finally, the representation of Khulna and Barisal Divisions in general, and of Barisal district in particular, had appreciably increased in Dhaka city over the years. Improvements in communications may have played a significant role in this regard, in addition to the attractions of Dhaka city.

Greater home districts of 100 HHH

Since these are the same households over the two decades, no inter-temporal change is expected in respect of district of origin. Thus, 68 per cent were from greater Dhaka district in both the years. The next in importance was Comilla with 9 per cent. Noakhali was third with 4 per cent. The entire Rajshahi Division had only 3 per cent in both the years. The same was the situation for Khulna Division with 3 per cent. Barisal Division’s share was 4 per cent, while that of Faridpur district was only 2 per cent. Thus, the results obtained from the 100 HH comparisons are quite consistent with those obtained from the comparisons between the GHS for 1985 and 2005. In 1985, the percentage of unmarried HHH was highest in Zone 1 (6 per cent) and lowest in Zone 4 (1.4 per cent). In 2005, it was still highest in Zone 1 (4 per cent) and lowest in Zone 4 (1.7

Table 3.6 Marital status of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Marital status 1985 2005 Married 91.0 90.1 Unmarried 4.0 2.3 Divorced 0.0 0.2 Widow/widower 4.8 7.0 40 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 per cent). In 1985, the percentage of widowers was lowest in Zone 3 (0.16per cent) and highest in Zone 4 (3.4 per cent). In 2005, it was still the lowest in Zone 3 (0.8 per cent) and highest in Zone 1 (1.2 per cent). In 1985, the percentage of widows was highest in Zone 2 (4.2 per cent). In 2005, it was highest in Zone 1 (7.4 per cent). There was no significant difference in the marital status of HHH over the two decades, except in the case of divorced and widow/widower HHH, where the percentage had increased from 0 to 0.2 per cent. This slight increase in divorced HHH over the 20 years was quite consistent with the national picture. This showed that in the main, the traditional norms still operated in the case of divorce, although things had started to change.

Table 3.7 Number of years HHH married, 2005 and 1985, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Characteristic 1985 2005 Married for 15 years or less 37 40 Married for 15–25 years 30 25 Married for over 25 years 33 35

There were thus no significant differences between 1985 and 2005 in this regard.

Table 3.8 Marital status of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Characteristic 1985 2005 Unmarried 2 1 Married 89 88 Divorced 0 0 Separated – 1 Widower 4 6 Widow 5 4

None among the HHH practised polygamy in either 1985 or 2005. There was no divorce. Only one HHH was separated. This showed that traditional norms prevailed for the 100 HHH during the 20 years as far as marriage and divorce were concerned; it also suggests the notion that polygamy and Islam are closely related is a false one at least in the context of urban middle and upper classes of Bangladesh.

Number of children of HHH

The number of ever-married HHH was 2,843 in 1985 and 4,956 in 2005. The average number of children per ever-married HHH for Dhaka city, as a whole, was 2.75 in 2005. The corresponding figure was 3.78 in 1985. The average total number of children was highest in Zone 1 on both the years, namely 3.87 in 1985 and 2.8 in 2005 and lowest for Zone 4 on both the years, namely 3.38 in 1985 and 2.6 in 2005. The average number of children per ever-married HHH in 1985 and 2005 for Zone 2 and Zone 3 were as follows: A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 41

Zone 2 1985: 3.78; 2005: 2.74 Zone 3 1985: 3.20; 2005: 2.78

Thus, while the average number of children per ever-married HHH had declined over the two decades, it was still above the norm set by the government: “boy or girl, two is enough”. There was also a correlation between socio-economic condition of the HHH and the number of children. In other words, HHH from the lower middle class areas tended to have more children than those from the upper middle class and the rich areas. Several factors explain this trend. First, in keeping with traditional values, there is a strong son-preference across the board. While this manifests itself in other developing countries (such as India and China) in foeticide, it generally translated in Bangladesh into having more children until a son was born. Second, the lower-income HHH, being less educated and still under greater influence of traditional values, did not want to adopt family planning practices, despite the increase in their verbal commitment to these (please see later) over the years. This was perhaps more acute among the new migrants from the districts of Chittagong and Divisions, where religious opposition to family planning was particularly strong in the countryside. Also, the percentage of HHH with exclusive religious education (i.e. madrasa graduates) was greater among the lower middle class HHH. Third, the middle and lower middle class held to the notion of children as “old age insurance” more than did the upper middle class and rich HHH.

Dependent members (DM) of HHH

In 1985, 65 per cent of HHH did not have any dependents residing with them other than spouse and children. In 2005, this percentage was 75. In other words, the general trend was towards a further nuclearisation of the family, although at a slow pace. However, the average number of dependants per HH (please note that some dependants did not reside with the HHH but in hostels and halls of residence) had increased from 0.81 in 1985 to 1.82 in 2005. The zonal dimension of dependants was as follows for 1985: Zone 4 had the highest number of dependants per HHH, that is, 1.62 while it was the lowest for Zone 3 (0.59). The corresponding figures for Zones 1 and 2 were respectively 0.93 and 0.78. For 2005, the picture was as shown in Table 3.9.

Table 3.9 Dependence on HHH, 2005

Zone HHH with Total Average Dependent number of number members DM of DM per (DM) HH 1 519 929 1.79 2 1,055 1,964 1.86 3 1,058 1,908 1.80 4 553 1,099 1.82 Total 3,185 5,810 1.82 42 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In 2005, Zones 2 and 4 had the highest average number of dependent family members, and these two zones were also the relatively prosperous areas. It is worth noting that the highest number of dependents was in Zone 4 in both 1985 and 2005. In 2005, the average number of dependants for the city as a whole as well as for each of the zones was higher than in 1985. In other words, a decrease in the number of own children was somewhat offset by an increase in dependent members in the household. Thus, there two groups of dependants, namely dependants belonging to the nuclear family and those drawn from the extended family who needed to stay in Dhaka city in pursuit of education, jobs and business. Two factors were important in this regard, namely affordability and traditional values. The former was obviously related to the HHH’s income, while the latter meant a strong sense of responsibility to look after members of the extended family. Thus, on the one hand, nuclearisation of family had increased to some extent in Dhaka city over the two decades in response to the inability to maintain the entire extended family; on the other, there was also a growing trend towards looking after a few members from the extended family as dependants. This obviously meant that while there was a greater tendency among the lower middle class to live in nuclear families, a strong trend prevailed among the middle and affluent classes to look after members of the extended families.

Table 3.10 Zone-wise number of family members and family size, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Zone Number of family Number of family Average family Average family members in 1985 members in 2005 size in 1985 size in 2005 1 6,667 4,552 7.6 5.38 2 8,300 8,274 6.3 5.11 3 3,683 8,566 6.0 4.99 4 1,070 4,718 7.2 5.28 Dhaka city 19,720 26,110 6.7 5.15

The average family size had declined over the two decades for both Dhaka city as a whole and for each of the four zones. Zone 1 (perhaps due to old social values) and Zone 4 (being the richest, it could perhaps afford large families) were leading the city in both 1985 and 2005 in the average family size.

Table 3.11 Average number of sons and daughters per HHH among the 100 HH, 1985−2005

Characteristic 1985 2005 Average number of sons 1.99 2.38 Average number of daughters 2.21 2.31 Average number of sons and 4.20 4.69 daughters Average number of dependants 0.77 1.42 (other than wife and children) A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 43

The average number of sons and daughters increased slightly over the two decades for reasons discussed earlier; however, the average number of dependants (other than wife and children) increased quite appreciably during the same period. As in the GHS, this was due to the operation of the traditional value of looking after members of the extended family, particularly those coming from the village home, which also fitted in well with an increase in the real income of the 100 HH over the two decades.

Education, occupation, income, expenditure, savings, loans and transportation

Table 3.12 Educational status of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Educational status 1985 2005 Illiterate 10.3 9.3 Semi-literate (I–X) 36.0 32.3 SSC–HSC 23.0 23.7 Graduates and post-graduates 30.7 34.1

There was some improvement in the educational status of the HHH over the two decades, but it was by no means dramatic. In 1985, the highest and lowest concentrations of the illiterate HHH were in Zone 2 (11.6 per cent) and Zone 4 (0 per cent) respectively. In 2005, these were Zone 1 (12.8 per cent) and Zone 4 (5.4 per cent) respectively. Zone 2 had improved in literacy over the two decades, moving from 11.6 per cent illiterates in 1985 to 8.3 per cent illiterates in 2005. The position of Zone 3 slightly deteriorated with HHH illiteracy rate rising from 10 in 1985 to 10.7 per cent in 2005. In 1985, the percentage of semi-literate HHH was highest in Zone 1 (45 per cent), closely followed by Zone 3 (39 per cent) and Zone 2 (38 per cent). On the other hand, it was lowest in Zone 4 (7 per cent). In 2005, Zone 1 continued to have the highest percentage of the semi-literate HHH (45.2 per cent), followed by Zone 3 (34.6 per cent) and Zone 2 (27.9 per cent). In 2005, the percentage of semi-literate HHH was still the lowest in Zone 4, but it had shot up from 7 per cent to 23.9 per cent during this period. In 1985, the percentage of formally educated (i.e. SSC and above) HHH was highest in Zone 4 (93 per cent), lowest in Zone 1 (44 per cent) and second lowest in Zone 3 (52 per cent). In 2005, the same order prevailed, with Zone 4 in the top position (70.7 per cent), Zone 1 in the lowest position (42.1 per cent) and Zone 3 in the second lowest position (54.8 per cent). As is well known, there was a general deterioration in the quality of education at all levels, except in a few educational institutions, which meant that quantitative gains were mostly wiped out by low quality education. The above trends need to be explained. First, educational improvement was not spectacular over the two decades because the continuous rural−urban migration brought more uneducated, illiterate and semi-literate people to Dhaka city, and despite the expansion of educational facilities over the years, these were insufficient to cope with the ever-increasing demand for education. Second, since there was no free or subsidised education beyond SSC, higher education was directly related to the affordability of the family. Third, the quality of education deteriorated because of governance problems and wrong policies, such as violence in the campus, mass cheating in examinations, 44 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 recruitment of low quality teachers, replacement of English by Bengali as the medium of instruction at college and university levels and lack of quality text books, to name a few.

Education status of 100 HHH

In both 1985 and 2005, the education status of the 100 HHH remained exactly the same: 10 per cent illiterate; 35 per cent semi-literate; 27 per cent SSC–HSC; 27 per cent graduates and post- graduates; and 1 per cent dakhil (religious education). This shows that the ambition to move up the educational ladder was not very strong among particularly the youngest of the 100 HHH of 1985 and the HHH who replaced the old HHH during this period; there would otherwise have been some improvement in the educational status of these 100 HHH between 1985 and 2005. This was because, as in most societies, education in Dhaka city was sought not for its own sake, but to do well economically, and as data show, the 100 HHH had attained success with whatever education they had had in 1985.

Table 3.13 Main occupation of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Main occupation 1985 2005 Occupation involving high/intermediate skills (i) Jobs ingovernment/semi-government/private organisations (office 40.4 30.7 workers) (ii) Doctors 0.6 1.5 (iii) Lawyers 0.5 0.0 (iv) Artists 0.0 0.2 (v) Social workers 0.0 0.1 (vi) Teachers 1.9 0.0 Trade and commerce (i)Large business 4.9 9.5 (ii) Small and medium business 31.8 29.4 Occupations requiring low skills/education (i) Agriculture 1.6 0.1 (ii) Rickshaw-pullers 3.9 0.0 (iii) Daily labourers/masons 2.5 0.5 (iv) Guards/darwans 0.0 0.5 (v) Technicians 0.6 0.0 (vi) Drivers 1.3 5.5 (vii) Nurses 0.0 0.1 (viii) Carpenters 0.0 2.2 (ix) House workers 1.9 1.1 Occupations requiring no formal employment (i)Homemakers 0.4 7.5 (ii) Students 0.3 0.0 (iii) Retired officials 3.7 9.0 (iv) Property renting 2.6 1.9 (v) Unemployed 0.4 0.5 (vi) Live on remittance 0.0 0.1

In both 1985 and 2005, office workers and businesspersons dominated Dhaka city, although the percentage of office workers declined and the percentage of businesspersons increased over the two decades. The decline of office workers was consistent with a freeze or near freeze in government A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 45 employment over the two decades in Bangladesh (partly due to donor conditionalities), and the increase in businesspersons over the two decades was in line with the growth of the free-market economy in Bangladesh. In both 1985 and 2005, employment in offices as an occupation was most visible in the new lower middle class Zone 3. On the other hand, while old lower middle class Zone 1 was most prominent for small and medium businesses in both years, the affluent Zone 4 led the city in big business in both years.

Table 3.14 Zone-wise ranking of the occupations of HHH (percentage of HHH), 1985−2005, according to GHS

Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Bu Bu Ow Ow Ow Ow Bu Bu Ow Ow Bu Bu Bu Bu Ow Ow Ml Ml Ml Ml Ag Ag Mp Mp Ret Ret Mp Mp Re Re Hw Hw Re Re Re Re Hw Hw Re Re Mp Mp Hw Hw Mp Mp Ml Ml Hw Hw Ret Ret Ret Ret Ret Ret Ag Ag Ag Ag Ml Ml Notes: Bu: Business; Ow: Office work; Ml: Manual labour; Re: Rentier; Ret: Retired; Hw: House work;Ag: Agriculture; Mp: Middle-class professionals.

Tables 3.13 and 3.14 reveal the following. Retired HHH emerged as a distinct group over the two decades. Houseworker HHH (most of whom were women) had increased during the same period. Middle class professionals had declined; so had agriculture as an occupation; as in 1985, business and office work dominated Dhaka city in 2005. In 2005, big business was most prominent in the more affluent Zone 4, although in this zone, business as a whole had declined. Rickshaw-puller HHH had declined because they could no longer afford to live in houses having a holding tax number from the City Corporation and had entirely shifted to the unregistered slums.

Table 3.15 Second occupation of HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Category 1985 2005 Percentage HHH admitting a second 15 14.7 occupation Zone where secondary occupation most Zone 4 Zone 3 important Zone where second occupation least Zone 1 Zone 1 important Most important second occupation Property renting (41% of Property renting (49% of the HHH) the HHH) Second most important second occupation Medium and small business Medium and small business 46 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The percentage of HHH admitting a second occupation remained at virtually the same level over the two decades (14–15 per cent). In addition, the two most important second occupations for both 1985 and 2005 were renting of houses and small and medium businesses, which meant that there was not much choice for a second occupation in the economy that was characteristic of Dhaka city over the two decades. One could also argue that HHH did not have the entrepreneurial inclination or capacity to move beyond these “safe occupations”. For both the years, the second occupation appeared to be least prominent in Zone 1, because house renting was not profitable and there was not much space for expansion of small and medium business in that congested zone.

Table 3.16 Present occupation versus first occupation of HHH (number), 1985–2005, according to GHS

Occupation Present occupation First occupation 1985 2005 1985 2005 Homemakers/ 129 440 54 31 housework Business 1,088 1,492 892 279 Office work 1,194 1,555 1,303 575 Students 8 1 8 5 Retired 110 457 60 40 Agriculture 46 6 60 10 Carpenters 0 114 0 19 Doctors 77 76 64 12 Unemployed 12 27 22 1 Big business* 0 482 0 33 Drivers 39 279 40 40 Renting 77 98 64 2 Guards/Darwans 0 27 0 1 Remittance 0 5 0 105 Artists 0 9 0 1 Nurses 0 3 0 0 Boatmen and fisherfolk 5 – 6 – Lawyers 17 – 17 Daily/industrial 73 – 93 – labourers Rickshawpullers 117 – 109 – NR/No first occupation 1 3,913 Total 2,960 5,074 2,960 5,074 Note: *Big business as an occupation was disaggregated in 2005, but not so in 1985.

A comparison between the two sets of data was difficult because in 2005, a large number of HHH did not report a first occupation; business and office work remained the two most important occupations for Dhaka city whether in 1985 or 2005 and irrespective of its being the first or the present occupation. However, it would seem that there was an upward shift in the case of business (including big business) between the first and the present occupation in both 1985 and 2005 and between 1985 and 2005 in both absolute numbers and percentage terms. In the case of office work, the trend seemed to A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 47 be in the opposite direction between 1985 and 2005. Thus, there was a decrease in office work, both as a present occupation and as a first occupation, in percentage terms between 1985 and 2005. In 2005 either as first or present occupation, there were no occupations like rickshaw-pullers, daily and industrial labourers, boatmen and fisherfolk, teachers, lawyers and technicians. All these occupations featured in the 1985 GHS. We may explain this by the fact that these occupations had become more insignificant in Dhaka city with greater urbanisation or it may be that the HHH pursuing some of these occupations (no matter how significant) could no longer afford to live in any housing other than slums, where there was no holding tax number and as such were not reflected in the GHS, which was confined to HHH living in houses with a holding tax number. On the other hand, new occupations, such as artists, carpenters and house workers were noted in 2005 as both first and present occupations, but these were not visible in 1985. The explanation for the greater visibility of carpenters in 2005 would doubtless relate to the recent construction boom in Dhaka city.

Table 3.17 Changes in the main occupation of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Occupation 1985 2005 Business other than transport 35 40 Transport business 1 2 Retired government officials 4 14 Private office job (retired) 1 – Homemaker 1 6 Property owner 5 3 Mechanic/mason 2 1 Film editor/teacher/lawyer 2 2 Agriculture 4 1 Government officials 18 12 Private office job 13 9

As Table 3.17 shows, in both points in time (i.e. 1985 and 2005) business and office jobs (government and private) dominated the scene, but there had been an increase in HHH taking up business and a decrease in office workers. This matched the trend emerging from the GHS comparisons of 1985 and 2005. Additionally, there was now a considerably greater percentage of retired government officials among the 100 HHH, given the ageing among them over the two decades. The incidence of a second occupation had increased considerably between 1985 and 2005. In particular, house renting as a second occupation (since as an occupation, it was relatively both easy to handle and lucrative, given that there was a huge unmet demand in the Dhaka city housing market) had increased significantly over the two decades, except perhaps in congested Zone 1. This was thus similar to the picture obtained from the GHS comparisons between 1985 and 2005. The comparison between GHS of 1985 and 2005 showed a considerable increase in business as a second occupation over the two decades. However, business as a second occupation was not particularly important to the 100 HHH. This was due to the fact that these 100 HHH, settled in Dhaka city for a longer period of time, could acquire land and buildings more easily than HHH who had migrated to Dhaka later, and hence they found their niche in house renting much more than in business. 48 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.18 Changes in the second occupation of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Occupations 1985 2005 No second occupation 86 70 House renting 2 21 Student 1 0 Driver 1 0 Business 1 3 Shop cum house renting 2 2 Service 1 2 Publisher/painter/instructor/singer 4 1 Private clinic 1 1 Supplier of materials 1 0

Table 3.19 Average number of earning members in the family, 1985−2005

Year Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 1.54 1.67 1.26 3.44 1.85 2005 1.91 1.95 1.82 2.20 1.95

Table 3.20 Average monthly nominal income and expenditure (in Taka) of HH, zone-wise, 1985

Zone Monthly Monthly income expenditure 1 3,851 3,907 2 4,719 5,347 3 3,023 3,174 4 6,176 13,443 City 4,863 4,951

Table 3.21 Average monthly nominal income and expenditure (in Taka) of HH, zone-wise, 2005

Zone Monthly Monthly income expenditure 1 19,953 15,388 2 24,789 19,521 3 18,868 15,384 4 35,561 31,987 City 23,876 19,627 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 49

Income and expenditure of HH

The average number of earning members had increased for all zones except Zone 4, and for the city as a whole because of the greater economic opportunities offered to the rich and middle classes of this city during this period, but as expected, Zone 4 had still the highest average number of earning members. Since the figures had not been adjusted for price increase, the two sets of statistics were not strictly comparable. Despite this problem, at least two points might be noted from the above. First, the zonal pattern of income distribution remained the same over the two decades. Second, in 2005, incomes reported were higher than expenditure reported, whereas in 1985, it was just the opposite (which indicated a greater accuracy of income/expenditure data in 2005 compared to 1985).

Table 3.22 Average family nominal expenditure (in Taka), item-wise and zone-wise, 1985

Expenditure Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City House rent 722 1,450 725 1,917 1,237 Food 1,800 2,149 1,361 4,431 2,087 Clothes 363 385 271 1,362 354 Transport 286 380 183 1,302 361 Education 363 455 342 708 407 Medical 186 264 146 361 252

Table 3.23 Average family nominal expenditure (in Taka), item-wise and zone-wise, 2005

Expenditure Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City House rent 1,600 2,260 1,723 2,402 1,994 Food 6,175 6,580 5,558 7,760 6,375 Clothes 524 734 615 1,134 729 Transport 1,327 1,715 1,251 2,323 1,599 Education 1,592 2,355 1,417 3,104 2,042 Medical 493 726 583 968 682

Since Table 3.23’s figures were not adjusted for prices, comparisons between 1985 and 2005 were difficult. However, despite this problem, at least five points could be noted. First, the zone-wise trend was more or less similar over the two decades. Second, transport costs had shot up rather steeply over the two decades, even with adjustments for prices, owing to rising fuel prices. Third, expenditure on education had gone up for the city as a whole from 8 per cent in 1985 to 10.4 per cent in 2005, which was not very significant. The expenditure on house rent apparently declined from 26 per cent in 1985 to 14 per cent in 2005. However, this was not the real picture when households living in their own houses were excluded for both the years, given that both house rents and the percentage of households living in rented housing had increased quite substantially over the two decades. Indeed, with rural−urban migration in full swing, and land for housing limited, this trend was quite natural. Fifth, the expenditure on food went down from 44 per cent of the total expenditure in 1985 to 32.5 per cent of the total expenditure in 2005, which was no doubt 50 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 significant. According to Engel’s Law, as real income increased, the proportion of income going to food decreased.

Table 3.24 Monthly nominal income of HHH, zone-wise and income-group-wise, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

1985 Income in Taka Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City <1,000 18 20 12 – 17 1,001–5,000 69 65 81 64 69 5001–10,000 12 9 5 25 10 >10,000 2 5 1 11 3

2005 Income in Taka Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 5,000 14 10 16 12 13 5,001–10,000 31 24 31 22 27 10,000–20,000 29 28 28 19 27 >20,000 26 39 25 47 33

A real comparison between the two periods was possible only after price adjustments. The zone- wise income trends of HHH over the two decades were more or less consistent. There were only 3 per cent of the HHH in the highest income group in 1985; in 2005, it was 33 per cent in the highest income group. Similarly, the percentage of HHH in the lowest income group for the city had declined over the two decades. These were significant indications of the rising income of the HHH during this period. So far, incomes and expenditure have been in nominal terms, and if these were deflated by the prices of rice and gold for 1985 and 2005, the comparisons between 1985 and 2005 could become more meaningful:

Price of gold per bhari in Taka (1985) = 4,300/- Price of gold per bhari in Taka (2005) = 13,500/-

Price of rice (medium quality) per kg in Taka (1985) = 9 Price of rice (medium quality) per kg in Taka (2005) = 19

Let us take the example of average income for the city as a whole for 1985 and 2005, which were as shown in Table 3.25.

Table 3.25 Average income for the city as a whole in nominal terms, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Year Average income in Taka 1985 4,863 2005 23,876 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 51

One could buy 551 kg of rice or 1.1 bhari of gold with the average income of 1985; on the other hand, one could buy 1,254 kg of rice or 1.7 bhari of gold with the average income of 2005. So, one could definitely assert that there had been a clear increase in the real income of the HHH over the two decades in all four zones of the city.

Table 3.26 Increase in monthly income of 100 HHH in nominal terms, 1985−2005

Type of response Percentage of HHH No response 31 Nominal income increased by 1.5 times 3 Nominal income increased by 2.5 times 27 Nominal income increased by 6–10 times 20 Nominal income increased by more than 10 times 13 Nominal income decreased 4 No change in nominal income 2

The overall increase in nominal income for those HHH who responded in both the years was about 8 times from an average of Taka 3,773 in 1985 to Taka 31,282 in 2005. It was clear that between 1985 and 2005 most of the 100 HH had experienced an increase in not only nominal but also real income.

Table 3.27 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on food, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Below 1,000 11 1 1001–2,000 37 – 2001–5,000 37 35 5,001–10,000 9 41 10,001–15,000 1 8 15001–20,000 0 6 Over 20,000 – 9 NR 5 – Average 2,410 11,960

Table 3.28 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on clothing, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Below 100 54 5 101–200 31 16 201–500 6 41 501–1,000 3 10 1,001–1,500 0 7 1,501–2,000 0 18 No expenditure on clothing 6 3 Average 145 1,051 52 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.29 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on medicine, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Below 100 52 5 101–200 30 15 201–500 7 25 501–1000 0 5 1,001–1,500 0 8 1,501–2,000 0 17 No expenditure on clothing 8 6 Average 124 1,494

Table 3.30 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on gifts,* 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 16 7 Below 100 45 13 101–200 30 9 201–500 7 37 501–1,000 2 18 > 1,000 0 16 Average 121 1,142 Notes: *Given during weddings and birthdays.

Table 3.31 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on transportation, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 15 3 Below 500 75 11 501–1,500 10 21 1,501–2,000 0 12 2,001–5,000 0 28 5,001–10,000 0 14 Average 304 2,947

Table 3.32 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on education, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 28 24 Below 200 25 7 201–1,000 43 20 1,001–2,000 2 11 2,001–4,000 2 38 Average 304 2,724 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 53

Table 3.33 Monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH on gas, electricity and water, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 17 10 Below 1,000 78 8 1,001–5,000 5 63 > 5,000 0 19 Average 249 4,151

Table 3.34 Total monthly nominal expenditure of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 4 2 Below 2,000 22 3 2,001–6,000 57 12 6,001–10,000 6 18 10,001–20,000 6 30 20,001–30,000 13 2 30,001–40,000 3 22 Average 4,512 37,198

A look at Tables 3.27 to 3.34 shows that for the 100 HH, the average monthly nominal expenditure on food, clothing, medicine, gift, transportation, education, gas, electricity and water and finally total monthly expenditure had increased several times during the two decades, suggesting a real increase in expenditure.

Table 3.35 Rate of monthly savings of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Expenditure range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 82 66 Below 200 10 4 201–1,000 7 10 1,001–2,000 0 11 2,001–4,000 1 9 Average 85.5 1,261

The average savings for the 100 HH went up over the two decades because there were in 2005 more earning members than in 1985. Table 3.36 would suggest that the majority of HHH in both 1985 and 2005 were living within their means, or they had no access to loans, or they were not entrepreneurial enough to access loans. 54 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.36 Outstanding loans taken by 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Amount range (in Taka) 1985 2005 Zero 79 78 Below 50,000 13 8 50,001–300,000 3 8 300,001–1 million 5 2 > 1 million 0 4

Transportation used by HHH and family members

In 1985, the most important modes of transport used by HHH to commute to workplaces were on foot or by rickshaw, minibus, bus or car. In 2005, these were on foot, rickshaw, bus and car. The main modes of transportation used by family members in 1985 were rickshaw, bus, minibus and on foot. In 2005, these were rickshaw, auto-rickshaw, bus, minibus, car and on foot. The only new addition is thus auto-rickshaw.

Links of HHH with the village

In 2005, Zone 4 (76.8 per cent), closely followed by Zone 3 (74.8 per cent) had the highest percentage of first-generation HHH. In 1985, it was Zone 3 (78 per cent), followed by Zone 2 (70 per cent) which had the highest percentage of first-generation HHH.

Table 3.37 Generation of residence of HHH in Dhaka city, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Generation 1985 2005 First 64 68 Second 17 14.5 Third 8 9.7 Fourth 4 2.7 Fifth and above 6 4.8

On the other hand, in both 2005 and 1985, Zone 1, the oldest settled among the four zones, had the highest percentage of HHH whose families had been there for four generations or more. In Zone 1, such HHH increased from 13 per cent in 1985 to 21.5 per cent in 2005. The increase in the percentage of first-generation HHH between 1985 and 2005 confirmed the persistence of rural−urban migration, and of the popularly held notion that Dhaka was still essentially a “city of peasants”.

Living in Dhaka city from birth

In 2005, 30 per cent of HHH had been living in Dhaka city from birth, compared to 32 per cent of HHH in 1985. This was quite consistent with the increase in first-generation HHH in Dhaka city between 1985 and 2005. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 55

The highest percentage of HHH living in Dhaka city from birth was located in Zone 1 in both the years. In 2005, it was 56 per cent, as against 48 per cent in 1985. Similarly, the percentage of HHH living in Dhaka city from birth was lowest in Zone 4 in both 2005 (21.8 per cent) and 1985 (10 per cent). Thus, further peasantisation of Dhaka city had taken place during the two decades.

Table 3.38 Reasons for HHH coming to Dhaka city for those not living in Dhaka city since birth, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Reason 1985 2005 For jobs and on transfer 39 55.8 Education 10 18.1 Business 8 15.8

For female HHH, in both 2005 and 1985, the main reason for coming to Dhaka city was to live with the husband. In both 1985 (56 per cent) and 2005 (57 per cent), Zone 3 had the highest percentage of HHH who had come to Dhaka in search of employment. While in 1985, Zone 2 was ranked after Zone 1 in this regard, this was not so in 2005, when Zones 1, 2 and 4 were more or less at the same level in this regard (i.e. 45–47 per cent of HHH in search of employment). As usual, Zone 4 HHH led the city in education being a reason for coming to Dhaka in both 1985 and 2005. In 1985, Zone 3 had the lowest percentage of HHH who had come to Dhaka for pursuing business. In 2005, it was Zone 4 (10 per cent) followed by Zone 3 (12 per cent). In both 1985 and 2005, very few “push-factors” were noted in the migration process; “pull- factors” predominated. This was consistent with the fact that HHH involved in the general household survey were mostly from the lower middle class to the rich strata, and not the poorest of the rural society.

Table 3.39 Duration of residence of 100 HH in Dhaka city

Year Percentage of households Living since birth 61 1939–40 3 1941–50 3 1951–60 11 1961–70 9 1971–80 11 1981–90 0 1991–00 0 Since 2000 0 No response 3 Total 100 56 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Most of the 100 HHH have been residents of Dhaka city for a long time.

Table 3.40 Number of generations of 100 HHH living in Dhaka city

Generation Percentage of HHH First 36 Second 13 Third 22 Fourth 15 Fifth 3 Sixth 1 Above sixth 6 No response 4 Total 100

Table 3.41 Reasons why 100 HHH came to Dhaka city

Reason Percentage of HHH Living since birth 61 No response 7 For seeking jobs 13 For studies 8 For business 7 Came with parents 1 Others (to play, work, etc.) 2

Thus, 64 per cent of the HHH had been living in Dhaka city for more than one generation. Given that these were old HH, this was quite expected. For the same reason, it was different from the results of the GHS comparisons between 1985 and 2005. Thus, for those not living in Dhaka city since birth, “pull factors” were the main reason for their migration to Dhaka city.

Landed property ownership in the village

In 1985, 64 per cent of the HHH owned some land in the village, the average ownership being 2.54 acres per household. In 2005, 65 per cent of HHH owned some land in the villages, but the average ownership per HH came down to 1.9 acres in 2005. In 1985, the per-HHH ownership of village land was highest in Zone 4 (6.43 acres) and lowest in Zone 1 (1.38 acres). The same positions were retained by these two zones in 2005, but the per- HHH land ownership for the two zones in 2005 came down quite substantially, i.e. to 3.45 acres for Zone 4 and 0.66 acres for Zone 1. The link with the village in terms of the percentage of HHH owning village land had remained at the same level over the two decades, which also showed the continued rural character of Dhaka city. Zone 1 had the least link with the village in both 1985 and 2005, being the oldest urban settlement in Dhaka city. On the other hand, it was not surprising that Zone 4, the most affluent A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 57 area in the city, had also the highest land ownership in the rural areas in both 1985 and 2005. The per-household ownership of land declined over the two decades mainly because of the increased pressure on scarce land from a growing population.

Table 3.42 Ownership of village home, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Characteristic 1985 2005 Percentage with village home 35 77 Percentage with no village home 59 23 Zone with highest percentage of HHH Zone 3 (72.6) followed Zone 3 (77.8) followed with a village home by Zone 2 (70.3) by Zone 4 (77.3) Zone with the lowest percentage of Zone 1 (36) Zone 1 (74.3) HHH with a village home No response 6 –

The appreciable increase in the percentage of HHH of Dhaka city owning village homes over the two decades was quite in keeping with the other indicators showing the increasing rural character of Dhaka city during the same period. Zone 4 had the highest percentage of HHH owning village homes in 2005 and Zone 1 had the lowest percentage of HHH owning village homes in both 1985 and 2005. These trends fitted very well with the prosperity of Zone 4 and the fact that Zone 1 was the oldest urban settlement in Dhaka city.

Table 3.43 Number of visits to the village by HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Average number of visits per year 1985 2005 Zone 1 2.30 2.94 Zone 2 2.13 2.69 Zone 3 1.25 2.68 Zone 4 1.73 2.81 City 2.25 2.74

Visits to the rural areas by the HHH had increased across the board. In both 1985 and 2005, Zone 1 was the highest (perhaps because a significant number of Zone 1 residents were from Dhaka district in general and Munshiganj in particular) and Zone 3 was the lowest in the number of visits to the rural areas per year, although in 2005, the differences among the four zones became rather insignificant. The development of transport and communications and an increase in the rural roots of Dhaka city HHH over the two decades appeared to be the main factors for the increase in visits to the rural areas. In 1985, Zone 1 had the highest percentage of HHH who visited for both meeting relatives and supervising property (67 per cent). In 2005, Zone 2 with 71.7 per cent topped in this regard closely followed by Zone 1 with 66.8 per cent. In 1985, Zone 3 had the highest percentage of HHH who visited villages only to meet relatives (41 per cent). In 2005, Zone 4 topped in this regard with 33.7 per cent, closely followed by Zone 3 (32.9 per cent). 58 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.44 Purpose of HHH visiting the village home, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Purpose 1985 2005 Meet relatives and supervise property 58.0 66.3 Meet relatives only 35.5 31.0 Supervise property only 2.0 1.3 Other reasons 4.5 2.4

Supervision of absentee land owned in the rural areas by Dhaka city HHH had increased over the two decades, perhaps because that was the only way to maintain a stronger control over and ensure a better return from such land. The frequency of visits for meeting relatives had declined perhaps because some of the relatives themselves had migrated to Dhaka city or a nearby city or township. The availability of the mobile telephone might be an added factor in this regard.

Table 3.45 Number of times 100 HHH visited village home yearly, 1985−2005

Number of visits 1985 2005 1–5 33 30 6–10 3 0 11–15 2 1 16–20 1 1 21 and above 4 2 No visits/Not applicable 57 66

In terms of the number of visits, the link with the village was weakening for these relatively more urbanised HH, but the decline is rather slow.

Ownership of village home by 100 HHH

In 1985, 58 per cent of HHH had no village home. In 2005, this percentage reached 65. Conversely, the percentage of HHH with a village home declined from 42 per cent in 1985 to 35 per cent in 2005. In terms of owning a village home, the link with the village was thus on the decline for these HH, but rather slowly.

Table 3.46 Quantity of land owned in the village by 100 HHH, 1985−2005

Quantity of land 1985 2005 Below 0.5 acres 7 9 0.5–2.5 23 12 2.51–5.0 7 3 5.0–8.5 3 0 >8.50 8 6 No response 52 70 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 59

In terms of the quantity of land owned in the village, the link with the village was on the decline for these HH.

Table 3.47 Purpose of visiting the village by 100 HHH, 1985−2005

Purpose 1985 2005 Meeting family members 11 2 Meeting family members and 29 28 looking after property To look after property only 3 1 Other reasons – 2 Not applicable 57 67

In both the years, the main reason that the 100 HHH visited the village was both to meet relatives and look after property. There were thus both differences and similarities between those covered by the GHS and 100 HH in respect of links with the village, with the differences rooted in the latter’s longer period of stay in Dhaka city.

Housing and related conditions of HHH in Dhaka city

Zone 3 had the highest percentage of HHH owning no land/plot in 2005 (54.8 per cent). In 1985, it was Zone 2 with 39.1 per cent. In both 2005 (40.4) and 1985 (18.9), Zone 4 had the lowest percentage of HHH with no land/plot. Zone 4 had the highest percentage of HHH with at least one plot/building in both 1985 and 2005. Just over 81 per cent of HHH of Zone 4 had at least one

Table 3.48 Ownership of plots/buildings in Dhaka city by HHH, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Percentage of HHH Ownership type 1985 2005 No plot/no building 36.9 49.3 One plot/building 56.1 43.9 Two plots/buildings 5.8 5.5 Three plots/buildings 1.0 1.3 At least one plot/building 63.1 50.9 plot/building in 1985, compared with 59.5 per cent of Zone 4 HHH in 2005. The ownership of landed property in Dhaka city was determined by mainly four factors, namely inheritance, possession of wealth/money, length of stay in Dhaka city in order to have the opportunity to acquire such property and availability of housing land. The decline in property ownership over the two decades was indeed clearly explained by the fact that many HHH had recently arrived in Dhaka city and only a small percentage was from the rich class; and housing land in Dhaka city was in short supply compared to the ever rising demand for it. This was despite the widespread conversion of agricultural and wet land in and around 60 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Dhaka city into housing land by RAJUK, housing societies and private developers during the two decades.

Table 3.49 Land and house ownership in Dhaka city by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Quantity 1985 2005 No plot/building 7 0 1 plot/building 93 100 2 plots/buildings 15 24 3 plots/buildings 2 10

We noted that, in the case of these 100 HHH, inheritance became more important than purchase as a means of acquiring new landed property over the two decades. In addition, quite contrary to the trend among the GHS HHH, there was a clear increase in the ownership of plots and buildings among them over the two decades. This was because these 100 HHH experienced economic prosperity during the two decades, and having migrated to Dhaka city earlier, they had had greater opportunity to acquire landed property.

Table 3.50 Ownership of landed property in other urban centres, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Ownership 1985 2005 No plot/building 96.2 93.8 At least 1 plot/building 3.8 6.3 1 plot/building 3.7 5.9 2 plots/buildings 0.1 0.3

Thus, between 1985 and 2005, migration to Dhaka city seemed to be not only from rural areas but also to some extent from other urban centres. These were mainly Narayanganj and Gazipur, followed by Tongi, Savar and .

Table 3.51 Ownership of landed property in other urban centres by 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Quantity 1985 2005 No plot/building 98 90 1 plot/building 2 8 2 plots/buildings 0 2 3 plots/buildings 0 0 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 61

From the above tables, it appeared that 100 HHH had greater ownership of land and buildings than general households over the two decades in other urban centres. This was due to their greater economic gains during this period.

Characteristics of residence and its environment (percentage of HHH)

Own house versus rented house the percentage of HHH residing in their own house declined from 55 in 1985 to 44.7 in 2005. Similarly, the percentage of HHH residing in rented houses increased from 44.1 per cent in 1985 to 55.3 in 2005. The percentage of owner-residents was highest in Zone 3 in 1985 (63 per cent) but in 2005, it was highest in Zone 4 (54 per cent). On the other hand, it was lowest in Zone 2 in 1985 (50 per cent), but in 2005, it was lowest in Zone 3 with 40 per cent. Zone 2 was second lowest in 2005 with 41.4 per cent. Owning a house in Dhaka city and remaining an owner-resident had become increasingly difficult over the two decades. Renting out one’s house for additional income was far more lucrative than residing in it, at least for the middle and lower middle classes. Bank loans for constructing the house had also to be repaid. Thus, many government officials owning houses in Dhaka city generally rented out their houses, not only to repay bank loans but also because, as government officials, they were entitled to live in highly subsidised government houses for 12 years, even if they owned houses in Dhaka city.

Type of housing in 2005, 71 per cent of HHH lived in independent houses and the remaining 29 per cent lived in flats. Flat living was most visible in Zone 4 (36 per cent) and least prominent in Zone 1 (21 per cent). Data on flat living were not collected for 1985 but according to selected respondents, at that time fewer than 5 per cent lived in flats. There were three main reasons for this substantial shift to flats compared to independent units. First, availability of land for housing had declined dramatically over the two decades and hence construction of multi-storeyed flats proved to be one of the obvious solutions. Second, with law and order deteriorating in the city, living in flats was considered a safer option. Finally, the rents of flats were far more affordable to the urban lower middle and middle classes than those of independent units.

Nature of construction in 1985, 55 per cent of the residences were of pucca construction, 27 per cent were of semi-pucca and 14 per cent were of katcha construction. Ten per cent came up with “no response”. In 2005, 64 per cent lived in pucca houses, while 31 per cent lived in semi-pucca and only 3 per cent lived in katcha houses. There was no “no response” in 2005. Thus, pucca housing increased while katcha housing declined over the two decades, which was in keeping with the boom in housing construction in both private and public sectors during this period. In 1985, pucca construction was highest in Zone 4 (87 per cent) followed by Zone 1 (57 per cent), and Zone 3 had the lowest (35 per cent), while in 2005, it was highest in Zone 4 (90 per cent) followed by Zone 1 (76 per cent) and Zone 2 (68 per cent), and lowest in Zone 3 (52.5 per cent). On the other hand, in 1985, katcha housing was most prominent in Zone 2 (17 per cent), while in 2005, it was Zone 3 which had the highest percentage of katcha housing (3 per cent). In both 1985 and 2005, semi-pucca housing was most prominent in Zone 3 (41 per cent and 44 per cent respectively).

Bedrooms and “other rooms” in the residence the average number of bedrooms per HH increased from 2.17 in 1985 to 2.20 in 2005. 62 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In 1985, it was lowest in Zone 3 (2.08) and highest in Zone 4 (2.86). In 2005, it was more or less the same story with the lowest in Zones 2 and 3 (2.11 and 2.13 respectively) and highest in Zone 4 (2.57). In 1985, 28 per cent HH lived in single-bedroom houses. This percentage was highest for the congested Zone 1 (30 per cent), closely followed by Zones 3 and 2 and was lowest for Zone 4 (4 per cent). In 2005, 30.4 per cent of HH lived in one-bedroom houses. This percentage was highest in Zone 3 (37 per cent), followed by Zones 1 and 2, and lowest in Zone 4 (21 per cent). In 1985, 42 per cent of HH lived in two-bedroom houses. This percentage was lowest for Zone 4 (34 per cent) and highest for Zone 3 (46 per cent). In 2005, 35 per cent of HH lived in two-bedroom houses. This percentage was lowest for Zone 4 (28 per cent) and highest for Zone 1 (40 per cent). In 1985, Zone 4 had the highest percentage of three and above bedroom houses (62 per cent), while Zone 3 had the lowest percentage of such houses (26 per cent). In 2005, the picture was the same: Zone 4 was highest with 51 per cent and Zone 3 lowest with 29 per cent. In 1985, the average number of “other rooms”, for the city as a whole, was 1.25. In 2005, it had slightly increased to 1.47. In 1985, about 20 per cent of houses did not have other rooms. In 2005, this had increased to 24 per cent. In 1985, it was, as expected, highest for Zone 4 (2.87) and lowest for Zone 3 (0.99). In 2005, it was 1.08 for Zone 1 and 1.91 for Zone 4. The figures were respectively 1.55 for Zone 2 and 1.35 for Zone 3, which meant more or less the same trend as in 1985. In terms of both bedrooms and other rooms, housing condition had improved for the rich to the lower middle classes over the years, even if marginally.

Use of land within the residential compound the residential use of land in the compound declined, although that still remained the main use. It may be pointed out here that non- residential use of residential land is strictly prohibited under the existing building code, but this is resorted to illegally. Over the two decades, the use of the compound land for shops, messes, tutorials, educational institutions, hospitals, clinics and small workshops and industries increased in keeping with the rising demand for non-residential use of land.

Table 3.52 Use of land within the compound of HHH’s residence, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Type of use 1985 2005 Residential 87 75.0 Shops 7 9.8 Small workshop/industry – 1.7 Mess – 4.3 Godown – 1.2 Others – 4.3

In 1985, shops were most noticeable in Zone 1 and least in Zone 3. Zone 1 had the highest and Zone 3 had the lowest percentage of workshops/industries at that time. In 2005, shops were most noticeable in Zone 3 and least noticeable in Zone 4. Factories and workshops were most noticeable in Zone 1 and least noticeable in Zone 4 in 2005. In other words, the residential character of the land could be best retained only in middle class and affluent zones and least in the lower middle class zones, given the pressure of market forces. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 63

Table 3.53 Land use within the compound of the residence of 100 HHH (percentage)

Land use 1985 2005 Residence 87.8 82 Mess 1.1 3.5 Shop 4.5 10.4 Office 4.5 1.4 Godown 0.7 1.0 Factory 0.7 –- Others 0.7 1.7

The trend for use of compound land by 100 HHH was similar to that of GHS HHH, i.e. increasing use of residential land for non-residential purposes.

Amenities

Access to electricity, piped water and gas in 1985, 74 per cent of HH in the city had access to electricity, water and gas. In 2005, this figure had risen to over 94 per cent.

Table 3.54 Percentage of HHH with access to electricity, piped water and gas, zone-wise, 2005, according to GHS

Zone Electricity Piped water Gas 1 98 94 98 2 95 94 93 3 97 94 94 4 99 98 98

In 1985, in Zone 4, 94 per cent of HHH had access to all three amenities, compared to 82 per cent in Zone 2 and only 67 per cent in Zone 3 (lowest among the four zones). Access to all the three amenities increased significantly over the two decades for the city as whole, but the order among the four zones in access remained the same, although the margin of difference was vastly reduced. However, it may be noted that quality of these amenities had substantially declined over the two decades due to serious governance problems, such as greater interruptions in the supply, increasing “system loss” and illegal connections through bribes and pressure and lack of investment.

Toilet facilities In 1985, Zone 4 had the highest percentage of HH with flush toilets (87) while Zone 3 ranked lowest in this regard (8 per cent). In 2005, Zone 4 still ranked top in this regard but it was confined to only about 49 per cent of HH of Zone 4. On the other hand, in 2005, not Zone 3 (21.5 per cent) but Zone 1 ranked lowest in respect of flush toilets (9.9 per cent). In 1985, in Zone 2, the percentage of HH with flush toilets was 28, which was double what was obtained then in Zone 1 (14 per cent). In 2005, in Zone 2, the percentage of HH with flush toilets was 33.8, which was more than treble the present percentage of HH in Zone 1 enjoying flush toilets. In 1985, Zone 4 had the lowest percentage of HH with katcha and service toilets. In 2005, Zone 4 still had the lowest percentage of HH with katcha and service toilets (1.12), while in the 64 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.55 Types of toilet facilities, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Type of toilet 1985 2005 Flush system toilets 18 28.0 Pucca but without flush system 56 68.0 Service toilets 9 2.6 Katcha toilets 17 0.9 remaining zones, the order was as follows: Zone 1 second lowest with 3 per cent of HH, Zone 2 (3.8 per cent of HH) and Zone 3 had the highest users of katcha and service toilets (4.7 per cent of HH).

Underground drainage connecting the house in 1985, only 12.45 per cent of the HH had an underground drainage system in front of the house. This percentage had increased to about 60 per cent in 2005. In 1985, other arrangements were over-ground pucca (51.5 per cent) and katcha (31.3 per cent) drains. In 2005, the percentage of HH with pucca drains was 32, and percentage of HH with katcha drains was only eight. In 1985, the underground drainage was most prominent in Zone 4 and least so in Zone 3. In 2005, the zonal picture was as follows: Zone 2 with 69 per cent of HH was followed by Zone 3 with 61 per cent of HH, Zone 4 with 56 per cent of HH and finally Zone 1 with only 31.4 per cent of HH. In 1985, Zone 3 had the highest percentage of HH with katcha drainage (74.5 per cent). On the other hand, Zone 4 with 5 per cent had the lowest incidence of katcha drains in 1985. In 2005, the range among the zones in 2005 in respect of katcha drains connecting the house was 14.3 per cent in Zone 4 to 8.6 per cent in Zone 1 to 8.14 per cent in Zone 3 and finally 4.9 per cent in Zone 2.

Entrance road there had been only a marginal improvement in the width of the entrance roads of the residence over the two decades, which showed that Dhaka still had a long way to go in developing a modern road system. As expected, for both 1985 and 2005, the widest roads were located in the prosperous Zone 4 (with serviced plots, according to RAJUK plan) and narrowest roads were to be found in the lower middle class and unplanned Zones 1 and 3. According to selected informants, narrow roads in Dhaka city were associated with not only non-availability of land but also the strong propensity among the residents not to give up land easily for road- widening in the unplanned settlements due to the peasant “land hunger mentality” and lack of social capital. Siddiqui et al. (2000) also corroborated this.

Table 3.56 Condition of residence entrance road, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH)

Entrance road situation 1985 2005 Two cars can pass 9 9.8 On foot or by rickshaw 46 32.5 Two rickshaws or one car plus one 42 53.9 rickshaw can pass Two cars can pass 3 3.7 Zone with widest roads Zone 4 Zone 4 Zone with narrowest roads Zone 1 Zone 1 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 65

Sharing of basic amenities There was no clear improvement with regard to sharing basic amenities; in fact, in respect of water tap and kitchen, there was deterioration. In both 1985 and 2005, most sharing of basic amenities, such as water tap, bathroom, latrine and kitchen was noted in Zone 3 and Zone 1, both lower middle class areas, and least sharing of the same was in Zone 4 followed by Zone 2, respectively the affluent and middle class areas. The correlation between sharing basic amenities and affluence of the area is thus well established for both the years.

Table 3.57 Percentage of HH sharing various amenities for Dhaka city as a whole, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Sharing 1985 2005 Water tap 0.4 30.4 Bathroom 32.6 30.5 Latrine 35.1 30.4 Kitchen 22.2 31.1

Sharing of various meters this question was not asked in 1985 because it was not relevant at that time, given that living in flats had not emerged as a major phenomenon in 1985.

Table 3.58 Sharing of various meters, 2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH)

Zone Joint electric meter Joint gas meter Joint water meter 1 52.4 59.1 70.4 2 41.8 50.7 65.0 3 52.3 62.6 73.5 4 34.8 44.3 52.1 All city 45.8 54.9 65.1

Almost half or more of the HH of the city had to share meters but such sharing of various meters was inversely related to the affluence of the area.

Housing and related conditions of 100 HHH

Tables 3.59 to 3.66 below provide data on housing and related conditions of 100 HHH (there are some “no responses”, where the figures do not add up to 100).

Table 3.59 Sharing of amenities with other HH by 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Amenity Sharing (1985) No sharing (1985) Sharing (2005) No sharing (2005) Water tap 68 22 92 8 Bath room 67 25 88 9 Latrine 77 20 92 8 Kitchen 79 15 88 12 Electric meter 83 2 80 12 Gas meter 83 3 61 35 Water meter 88 – 64 36 66 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.60 Condition of the drain in front of the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Condition 1985 2005 Katcha 28 5 Pucca 50 40 Underground 10 55 No response, Nil 12 0

Table 3.61 General condition of residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Condition 1985 2005 Katcha 13 0 Semi-Pucca 35 30 Pucca 47 70 No response 5 -

Table 3.62 Facilities in the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Facilities 1985 2005 Electricity, piped water telephone and gas 0 61 Electricity, piped water and gas 92 32 Electricity and gas 0 2 Piped water, telephone and gas 0 1 Piped water and electricity 3 4 Only piped water 0 0 Only gas 0 0 Only telephone 0 0 Only electricity 4 0 Nothing; No response 1 0

Table 3.63 Total floor space in the residence of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Area (sq. feet) 1985 2005 100–500 41 18 501–1,000 27 22 1,001–1,500 11 23 1,501–2,000 9 13 > 2,000 10 15 No response 2 0 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 67

Table 3.64 Number of bedrooms in the residences of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Number of bedrooms 1985 2005 1 bedroom 16.0 4.0 2 bedrooms 40.0 36.0 3 bedrooms 19.0 37.0 4 bedrooms 12.0 9.0 5 bedrooms 5.0 7.0 6 bedrooms 1.0 4.0 7 bedrooms 0.0 1.0 8 bedrooms 0.0 1.0 Above 8 3.0 2.0 No response 4.0 0.0 Average number of bedrooms 2.64 3.05

Table 3.65 Nature of toilet in the residences of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Nature of toilet 1985 2005 Toilet with flush 20 37 Toilet without flush 59 61 Service toilet 8 0 Katcha toilet 10 0 No response 3 2

Table 3.66 Condition of the road in front of the residences of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Road condition 1985 2005 Footpath 22 20 One rickshaw can pass 30 19 2 rickshaws can pass 18 20 1 rickshaw and 1 car can pass 17 25 2 cars can pass 11 11 2 trucks can pass 0 3 No response 2 2

A scrutiny of Tables 3.59 to 3.66 shows that over the two decades the 100 HH had experienced (a) a decline in sharing of various facilities and amenities with other HH; (b) improvement in the sewerage and drainage system, housing and toilet conditions; (c) a greater access to water, gas and electricity; and (d) an increase in the floor space and width of the front road. This was clearly because of their increasing affluence during this period.

Servants in the house In both the years, the vast majority of the servants were females. Also, their districts of origin in 2005 were generally confined to flood-prone or food-deficit areas or 68 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.67 Employment of servants in Dhaka city (full-time/part-time servants), 1985−2005, according to GHS

Type of servant 1985 2005 Number of part-time male servants 115.00 113.00 Number of part-time female 743.00 984.00 servants Number of full-time male servants 328.00 190.00 Number of full-time female 983.00 1,614.00 servants Per HH number of part-time 0.29 0.22 servants Per-HH number of full-time 0.44 0.35 servants Percentage of female servants 70.00 80.00 Percentage of servants below the 24.00 32.00 age of 18 years Notes: *The total number of HH for 1985 was 2,960. In 1985, only 564 HH actually employed part-time servants and only 1,179 HH actually employed full-time servants. In 2005, the total number of HH was 5,074. Of them, only 932 HH employed part-time servants while 1,356 HH employed full-time servants.

Table 3.68 Zone-wise distribution of per HH number of house servants in Dhaka city, 1985−2005

Zone 1985 2005 1 0.49 0.21 2 0.19 0.21 3 0.23 0.19 4 0.22 0.55 All city 0.29 0.22

Table 3.69 Per-HH number of full-time servants, zone-wise, 1985−2005

Zone 1985 2005 1 0.29 0.24 2 0.51 0.41 3 0.27 0.23 4 0.60 0.61 All city 0.44 0.35 areas affected by river erosion. The percentage of children among the servants had increased over the two decades. In 1985, respectively 19 per cent and 40 per cent employed part-time and full- time servants. In 2005, these figures were respectively 18 per cent and 27 per cent, which shows a decline. Similarly, the decline in the employment of servants is also reflected in the decrease in A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 69 per-household number of both part-time and full-time servants between 1985 and 2005. While both part-time and full-time servants had increased over the two decades on a per HH basis for Zone 4, the most affluent area, it had clearly declined for the lower middle class Zone 1 and Zone 3 during the same period. In fact, this decline in the lower middle class zones was quite sharp in the case of full-time servants. For middle class Zone 2, while the per-HH number of full- time servants had declined over the two decades, it had increased slightly in the case of part-time servants for the same period. Four major factors contributed to the decline in the per-household employment of servants in Dhaka city. First, the garment industry gave the potential servants (mostly females) an alternative source of employment. This opportunity was not at all prominent in 1985. Second, technology and management had improved (piped water, gas cooking, refrigeration and homemaker-friendly provision stores), enabling many households to manage their domestic affairs without the aid of servants. Third, many middle and lower middle class households could no longer afford to employ full-time servants, even though their real income had increased during this period. Fourth, the servants, in the face of humiliation and hazards associated with this profession perhaps gave it up at the slightest opportunity.

Ownership of durable consumer goods

While the average number per HH (X) had declined or remained static in every zone and for Dhaka city as a whole between 1985 and 2005, the trend for the average number of item per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) was uneven: an increase in Zone 1, a decrease for Zone 2, a slight increase for Zone 3, a substantial increase for Zone 4 and a slight increase for Dhaka city as a whole. The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) declined for the city as a whole and for all zones.

Table 3.70 Ownership of musical instruments, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 Index 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.10 0.09 0.22 0.16 0.09 0.09 0.81 0.35 Y 1.09 1.74 1.98 1.58 1.47 1.55 1.44 2.03 K 7.00 5.00 12.00 10.00 6.00 5.50 57.00 17.00

For the city as whole, the inter-temporal trend was as follows:

Index 1985 2005 X 0.19 0.16 Y 1.70 1.74 K 11.00 9.00 Notes: X: Average number per HH; Y: Average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items; K: Percentage of HH owning at least one of the items. This applies to Tables 3.70–3.82. 70 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In 1985, the Hindus possessed about twice as many musical instruments as the Muslims on a per HH basis. In 2005, there was almost no difference between the Hindus and the Muslims in this regard (i.e. X); in both cases, there was a decline but more so among the Hindus. One explanation may be that in more recent times music is no longer learnt individually in one’s home through employing a guru or ustad (teacher), as had been the system in the past; it is more usual now to attend special organisations and institutions. Second, practising music in one’s home became increasingly difficult over the years because of noise pollution and overcrowding in the neighbourhood. Third, with the greater migration of caste Hindus (who were generally known for practice of music) in recent years, the possession of musical instruments reduced in that community. Among the Muslims, the proportion of the rural migrants in the city population had increased over the years, and it had been only in a sophisticated and long-established urban culture that the practice of music had flourished. Finally, the narrow interpretation of Islam by religious bigots against the practice of music may also have increased over the twenty years.

Table 3.71 Ownership of an air-conditioner, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.08 0.05 0.05 0.14 >0 0.04 0.43 0.46 0.06 0.15 Y 1.00 1.60 1.20 1.40 1.00 1.60 2.01 1.13 1.70 1.73 K 8.00 3.00 6.00 9.50 >0 2.70 34.00 23.00 5.20 8.60

The average number per HH (X) slightly declined in Zone 1, but improved for all other zones and the city as a whole; the average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) increased for all zones and the city as a whole. The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) increased for Zones 2 and 3 and the city as a whole, but declined for Zones 1 and 4. With a closed atmosphere in the city not allowing air movement and low ceilings in most houses, an air conditioner was no longer a luxury item in a city known for its long, hot and humid summers.

Table 3.72 Ownership of black and white TV, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.40 0.20 0.40 0.18 0.40 0.24 0.59 0.16 0.42 0.20 Y 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.10 1.00 1.00 1.00 K 40.00 19.00 40.00 17.00 41.00 24.00 51.00 16.00 41.00 20.00

The average number per HH (X) declined for all zones and the city as a whole. The average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) remained static over the two decades for all zones and city as whole. The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) declined for all zones and the city as a whole. This technology had become almost obsolete over the two decades, and as such, demand for it had declined. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 71

Table 3.73 Ownership of a colour TV, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.13 0.90 0.03 0.90 >0 0.70 0.43 0.97 0.06 0.83 Y 1.02 1.14 1.03 1.14 1.00 1.08 1.25 1.24 1.13 1.14 K 12.00 77.00 2.00 76.00 >0 65.00 34.00 79.00 5.00 73.00

Conversely, the average number of colour TVs per HH (X) increased for all zones and the city as a whole; the average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) increased for all zones except Zone 4 where Y remained static, and the same static situation for Y was also true for the city as a whole. The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) increased for all zones and the city as a whole.

Table 3.74 Ownership of a refrigerator, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.20 0.70 0.33 0.83 0.17 0.61 1.24 0.96 0.30 0.76 Y 1.13 1.11 1.08 1.21 1.00 1.12 1.34 1.37 1.13 1.20 K 18.00 63.00 31.00 69.00 7.00 54.00 92.00 71.00 27.00 63.00

The average number per HH (X) increased for all zones, except for Zone 4 where it showed a slight decline. For the city as a whole, there is a clear increase in the average number per HH (X). The average number of items per HH owning at least one of them (Y) showed a static trend over the two decades for all zones and the city as a whole. Over the two decades, the percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) increased for the city as a whole and all zones except Zone 4, where it declined.

Ownership of an electric or gas oven, 1985−2005

In 1985, 91 per cent did not own an oven. In 2005, 88 per cent did not own one, which meant the vast majority of HH had still nothing to do with them because they did not fit very well with Bengali cooking. In 1985, ownership was mainly restricted to Zone 4, where 42 per cent of HH owned at least one gas or electric oven. It was quite negligible in Zone 3 whereas in Zones 2 and 1, only about 8 to 9 per cent owned at least one such item in 1985. In 2005, 26 per cent of HH of Zone 4 owned at least one such item. Six per cent in zone 3 had at least one such item. In Zones 1 and 2, the corresponding figures were 5.3 per cent and 13.5 per cent respectively. Thus, it was in the affluent Zone 4 where this item had been concentrated over the two decades, but even there, it had declined in 2005. Also, the concentration increased in Zones 3 and 2, but declined in Zone 1. 72 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.75 Ownership of a sewing machine, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.26 0.19 0.36 0.28 0.11 0.26 0.95 0.32 0.31 0.26 Y 1.00 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.00 1.04 1.04 1.06 1.09 1.04 K 26.00 19.00 35.00 26.00 11.00 25.00 91.00 30.00 30.00 25.00

The average number per HH (X) had declined for all zones except Zone 3, where it had increased. X has also declined for the city as whole. The average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) had remained static for all zones and city as whole. The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) declined for all zones except Zone 3 where it increased. K also declined for the city as whole. This overall decline of the sewing machine is obviously related to the growth of ready-made and tailor-made garments in Dhaka city. It was doing well only in new lower middle class Zone 3.

Table 3.76 Ownership of an electric fan, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 1.60 2.70 2.08 3.16 1.40 2.70 6.50 4.00 2.02 3.10 Y 2.40 2.80 0.90 3.33 0.98 2.90 6.50 4.14 2.80 3.23 K 68.00 96.00 72.00 95.00 69.00 94.00 100.00 87.00 72.00 95.00

All the indices, that is X, Y and K, increased over the two decades for all zones and the city as a whole. This was mainly because even more than the air conditioner, an electric fan was an essential durable consumer good in a city noted for heat waves in the summer months.

Table 3.77 Ownership of an iron, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X 0.47 0.44 0.60 0.55 0.48 0.41 1.12 0.65 0.56 0.50 Y 1.09 1.05 1.06 1.10 1.05 1.04 1.12 1.13 1.08 1.08 K 44.00 42.00 57.00 50.00 54.00 40.00 100.00 57.00 53.00 46.00

The average number per HH (X) was either stagnant or declining; the average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) was stagnant or declining and the percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) was on the decline. Several reasons account for this decline. First, ruralisation of Dhaka city may have reduced the use of irons. Also, more of the clothes did not require ironing and finally some households, out of affluence, may have shifted to laundry services. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 73

Table 3.78 Ownership of a VCR, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 X >0 0.02 0.04 0.05 >0 0.04 0.99 0.08 0.07 0.05 Y 1.00 1.00 1.02 1.01 1.00 1.02 1.02 1.00 1.30 1.01 K 0.60 2.00 1.50 4.60 0.70 3.60 7.20 8.30 5.00 4.50

Table 3.79 Ownership of a VCD, 2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City X 0.20 0.22 0.18 0.25 0.21 Y 1.04 1.01 1.02 1.01 1.02 K 19.00 22.00 17.00 25.00 21.00

There was no VCD technology in 1985. The average number per HH (X) was highest for Zone 4. The average number of items per HH owning at least one of the items (Y) was more or less the same for all zones; the percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) was again highest for Zone 4.

Table 3.80 Ownership of a personal computer, 2005, according to GHS

Index Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City X 0.15 0.32 0.18 0.48 0.27 Y 1.03 1.06 1.07 1.60 1.09 K 14.50 29.80 16.80 41.10 24.90

There was no computer technology in 1985. In 2005 though, all the indices i.e. X, Y and K were all highest for the affluent Zone 4, followed by Zone 2, Zone 3 and Zone 1 in that order.

Ownership of a mobile telephone, 2005

This technology did not exist in 1985. In 2005, 43 per cent of HHH of Dhaka city did not own any mobile telephone.

Table 3.81 Percentage of HH owning a mobile telephone, zone-wise, 2005, according to GHS

Zone K X Y 1 55 0.90 1.60 2 61 1.10 1.80 3 51 0.84 1.64 4 60 1.20 2.00 All city 57 0.99 1.77 74 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The percentage of HH owning at least one of the items (K) was highest for Zones 4 and 2, which were also the most and second most affluent areas in Dhaka city. However, the technology had spread very fast throughout the city. X and Y were high for Dhaka city as a whole. Both X and Y was highest in Zones 2 and 4.

Ownership of a land telephone, 2005

In 2005, 66 per cent of the HH in Dhaka city did not own any land telephone. This deprivation was most acute in Zones 1 and 3, where 74 per cent of HHH did not own a land telephone. On the other hand, 56 per cent in Zone 2 and 51 per cent in Zone 4 did not have access to a land telephone.

Table 3.82 Ownership of a land telephone, 1985−2005, according to GHS

K Y X Zone 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1 10.0 36.0 0.10 0.26 1.04 1.042 2 21.0 44.0 0.23 0.42 1.08 1.076 3 5.5 36.0 0.06 0.27 1.08 1.060 4 89.0 49.0 1.03 0.57 1.16 1.180 All city 18.0 34.0 0.20 0.37 1.09 1.090

The fact that ownership of land telephones did not expand very fast shows that the monopoly on land telephones by the public sector, leading to corruption and inefficiency, was the main reason for such sluggish expansion of this essential service. It was never a problem of demand, which was always quite high. This was duly demonstrated by the private-sector-led rapid expansion of mobile telephones in Dhaka city in recent years. In the zonal distribution, Zone 4 had fallen behind itself over the two decades, though it was still ahead of the other zones. Zone 4 was the most affluent zone, so this further confirmed that supply was lagging behind demand because of the public sector monopoly in this regard. The HHH of Zone 4 had perhaps made up their requirement by acquiring mobile telephones.

Table 3.83 Ownership of means of transport by 100 HH, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Transport 1985 2005 Cars 9 25 Motor cycles 12 1 Cycles 2 1

There was a definite improvement in the ownership of cars by the HH. To conclude this section, ownership of movable property and durable consumer goods had increased quite considerably in Dhaka city over the two decades. Where decline was noted, it was mostly because those items had become obsolete technologically. Certain items, such as air- conditioners, telephones and refrigerators were no longer a luxury but a dire necessity in Dhaka city and hence their demand shot up. The reduction in or removal of import duties and restrictions A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 75

Table 3.84 Movable property of the 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Item 1985 2005 Musical instrument 16 17 VCR 6 7 Air conditioner 3 21 Colour TV 19 86 Black and white TV 47 10 Refrigerator 32 82 Electric/gas oven 5 18 Washing machine 1 8 Music centre 3 6 Computer 0 34 3-in-one, 2-in-one-record changer/ 41 13 player Tape recorder 8 25 Radio/transistor 41 0 Sewing machine 36 34 Iron 51 59 Electric fan 81 98 Telephone (land) 28 60 Telephone (mobile) 0 69 VCD 0 25 raised the supply level of modern gadgets in the local market. Most important, during the same period, real incomes of lower middle class to rich HHH in Dhaka city had increased and this, in turn, boosted the demand for durable consumer goods.

Ownership of books

According to the GHS of 1985, 33 per cent of HH in Dhaka city did not own any books, whereas only 2.3 per cent of the households at that time owned more than 500 books. The percentage of HH owning more than 500 books was highest in Zone 4 (26 per cent) and lowest in Zone 3 (0.5 per cent). Similarly, the percentage of HH with no books was lowest in Zone 4 (6.8 per cent) and highest in Zone 3 (42 per cent). The old lower middle class area Zone 1 and the middle class area Zone 2 were placed in third and second positions respectively in owning books.

Table 3.85 Ownership of books, according to GHS of 2005

Number of books Zone 1 Zone 2 Zone 3 Zone 4 City Percentage of HH with no books 20.0 33.0 25.0 17.0 29.0 Average number per HH 73.0 125.0 87.0 195.0 116.0 Percentage of HH with more than 500 books 20.0 23 9.0 30.0 7.5

According to the GHS of 2005, the percentage of HH in the city as a whole with no books had declined by only 4 per cent, that is, from 33 to 29 per cent over the two decades, which was not good news for intellectual development. It did not fit well also with the increase in education. 76 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The percentage of HH with more than 500 books increased across the board, but again not at all dramatically. As in 1985, most books in 2005 were textbooks, religious books and books received as presents during birthdays and weddings. Zone 3 seemed to have made some progress in this regard. As in 1985, Zone 4 had the best position in book ownership in 2005. But as selected respondents reported, many of the nouveaux riches kept books in the house to demonstrate sophistication rather than to read them. According to selected informants, for the educated youth of Dhaka city, in both 1985 and 2005, the most popular reading materials were film magazines and pulp literature consisting of cheap romantic novels, with sexual overtones.

Table 3.86 Number of books in the 100 HH in 1985 and 2005 (percentage of HH)

Number of books 1985 2005 No books 29 12 Below 50 32 35 51–500 32 45 501–1,000 7 8

Possession of books among the 100 HH has certainly increased over the two decades amongst the HH sample. Nevertheless, beyond a point, the increase was not very significant. The books of the 100 HH were also mostly textbooks, religious books and those received as presents during birthdays and weddings. All these characteristics clearly point out that Dhaka city, despite the holding of book fairs regularly over the two decades, has a long way to go in establishing a book-reading culture. Perhaps a comparison with neighbouring Kolkata would illustrate how far Dhaka city is lagging behind in this regard. Indeed, Dhaka city, experiencing a high rural−urban migration and no real breakthrough in the quality of education, could not attain the urban taste required for developing a genuine book-reading culture.

Table 3.87 Average age of HH members, 1985−2005, according to GHS (years)

Members 1985 2005 Household head 44.0 46.0 Husband 42.0 49.5 Wife 35.0 36.8 Son 14.0 17.3 Daughter 11.0 13.2 Brother 24.0 29.3 Sister 19.0 25.9 Daughter-in-law 17.0 26.0 Sister–in-law 22.0 23.8 Grandson 6.0 6.8 Grand daughter 6.0 6.5 Brother-in-law 23.0 25.2 Sister-in-law 25.0 29.2 Father 70.0 69.0 Mother 61.0 61.0 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 77

Characteristics of family members, close friends and relatives

Why did the average age of HH members increase over the two decades? This could be explained by the increase in longevity of life in Bangladesh as a whole. It could also be that recording of age had improved in Dhaka city over the two decades; as is well known, age was generally poorly recorded in the country as a whole and in the rural areas, in particular.

Table 3.88 Average age of close relatives (dead or living), 1985−2005, according to GHS (years)

Close relative 1985 2005 Father 69.0 69.0 Mother 62.0 61.0 Father-in-law 67.0 66.3 Brother 39.0 29.3

No appreciable change was noted except in the case of brothers.

Table 3.89 Marital status of HH members, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HH members)

Relation Unmarried Married Divorced Widow Separated 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Son 91.0 86 7.4 13.8 – 0.02 – 0.05 - 0.02 Daughter 91.0 93 5.8 5.8 – 0.17 0.4 0.28 0.1 0.3 Brother 72.5 67.3 23.5 31.6 – 1.13 4.0 4.9 1.4 3.8 Sister 79.4 70.4 12.3 19.7 – – – - - - Grand son 96.9 99.1 1.40 – – – – - - - Grand 97.6 98.8 0.80 1.3 – – – - - - daughter Note: There were some “no response” in 1985; there were none in 2005.

The percentage of divorcees and separated among family members had increased over the two decades but it was still at a low level, as was the case with the HHH. The main reason was the same as noted for the HHH, namely that traditional values still dominated the society.

Educational status of family members

In Tables 3.90 and 3.91, we only considered change in the percentage of the formally educated among the family members (i.e. SSC, HSC and graduation and above). Thus, compared to the HHH, educational status of family members had improved quite substantially over the two decades. Several factors explained this trend. First, most brothers and sisters belonged to the generation after that of the HHH, and had, therefore, relatively greater opportunities for education. Second, there was a strong government emphasis on female education up to HSC, with scholarships and free tuition as incentives. NGOs also made their contribution by 78 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.90 Formally educated (in percentage), 1985−2005, according to GHS

Category 1985 2005 HHH 54.0 58.0 Spouse 26.0 57.0 Father 23.0 40.0 Father-in-law 27.0 42.0 Mother 1.5 15.0 Brother 45.0 83.0 Sister 20.0 72.0 setting up a large number of primary schools for both boys and girls. Third, when only graduation is considered as the criterion for formal education, the inter-temporal improvement in the education of HHH appears better than that of family members. However, as pointed out earlier, there is no cause to celebrate this educational improvement for Dhaka society as a whole, since it was basically a case of quantitative expansion and qualitative deterioration, for reasons stated in the discussion on Table 3.12.

Table 3.91 Educational status of family members of 100 HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of the formally educated (SSC+HSC+graduates and above)

Category 1985 2005 HHH 54 54 Brothers 31 41 Sisters 13 24 Fathers 28 28 Fathers-in-law 26 28 Mothers 3 3

Again, compared to the HHH, the improvement of the educational status of family members other than parents showed a considerable improvement. Tables 3.90 and 3.91 thus reveal that over the two decades, there was a definite improvement in the educational status of the closest relatives, although according to the GHS of 1985 and 2005, the improvement appeared considerably higher.

Formally educated among closest relatives and friends (percentage) in 1985, 61 per cent of the closest friends and 60 per cent of the closest relatives were formally educated. In 2005, these figures were 88 per cent and 84 per cent respectively. During the two decades, the percentage of formally educated HHH rose from 54 to 58. Thus, the HHH tried to move with friends and relatives who were equal to or slightly higher than him or her. A similar trend emerged when a comparison was made of the educational levels of closest relatives and friends of the 100 HHH in 1985 and 2005. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 79

Socio-economic level of closest friends and relatives

In both 1985 and 2005, the majority of the HHH befriended people of the same socio-economic level, but a considerable number did go for friendship with people at higher levels, and least of all, with those at the lower levels. A similar trend was noted for HHH moving or socialising with closest relatives. The 100 HHH also demonstrated such characteristics in both 1985 and 2005. This trend clearly reflects their “upward looking mentality” in a situation of increasing income and prosperity.

Occupational background of fathers and fathers-in-law of HHH

Business, office work and agriculture were the main occupations of fathers and fathers-in-law for both 1985 and 2005. Both inter-temporal differences and differences between fathers and fathers- in-law in this regard were not highly significant. However, the order was as follows:

• Father, 1985: agriculture, office work, business • Father, 2005: agriculture, business, office work • Father-in-law, 1985: agriculture, business, office work • Father-in-law, 2005: business, agriculture, office work

In other words, for both fathers and fathers-in-law, business was emerging as the main occupation, while office work was on the decline. On the other hand, fathers tended to be more into agriculture while fathers-in-law were more tilted towards business. It is, therefore, safe to conclude that HHH had mostly married into their own socio-economic groups, and as confirmed by selected respondents, only a small group was able to scale the social ladder through marriage, depending mainly on the personal attributes of the bride and bridegroom.

Occupations of brothers

Office work, business, academic pursuit and agriculture dominated the occupations of brothers of HHH in 1985. Business as an occupation among the brothers of HHH had increased except in Zone 4 over the two decades. Office work declined except in Zone 2. No one in any zone reported agriculture as an occupation in 2005, which meant that following the footsteps of HHH, most brothers became alienated from rural life and agriculture, in search of an urban career. Students among the brothers had registered a clear increase over the two decades in all the zones. The unemployed among the brothers also increased during the two decades. A new category, i.e. “the disabled”, had emerged. This category was not reported in 1985.

Inter-temporal trends in the occupation of mothers, wives and sisters

Homemaker as an occupation for mothers declined for all zones of Dhaka city from around 95 per cent in 1985 to 85 per cent in 2005. However, it was still the most prominent among the occupations, while service and manual labour showed a slight increase over the two decades. Homemaker as the main occupation of wives was showing a slight decline over the years except in Zone 4, where it was still the lowest among the zones in both 1985 and 2005. However, 80 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 it was still the most important occupation for wives in 2005 (93 to 82 per cent) for the city as a whole. Over the two decades, wives were taking up office work and business as occupations but rather slowly. It may be noted that there had been a sharp decline in the percentage of middle class professionals among the wives; perhaps the high pressures of such occupations on male-dominated family life underlie the tendency among them to revert to the role of homemakers. For unmarried sisters, housework as the main occupation declined sharply from 91 to 47 per cent in 1985 to 6 to 21 per cent in 2005, and they were now more students and office workers. However, for married sisters, it was a different story: for the overwhelming majority in both 1985 and 2005, the main occupation was that of the homemaker. This trend meant that while education in 2005 was considered essential for girls, in married life they had to take up the traditional occupation of the homemaker for a number of reasons. Firstly, the formal job market had not expanded enough to absorb them; secondly, there was strong gender discrimination in the generally male-dominated society of Dhaka city and thirdly, many husbands disapproved on religious grounds of their wives interacting with unrelated males at the workplace. Although we did not examine this aspect fully, we suspect that this inadequate translation of education into outside home employment for women had a negative impact of family planning.

Table 3.92 Location of closest relatives in Dhaka city, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Closest relatives 1985 2005 Mothers 39 41 Brothers 40 60 Sisters 30 60 Fathers 20 37 Fathers-in-law 17 24

There was a clear trend among the closest relatives of HHH to move to Dhaka city over the two decades. This was quite in keeping with the precedence established by the HHH.

Table 3.93 Percentage of HHHs’ fathers and mothers with the same home district, according to GHS

Zone 1985 2005 1 98.4 97.2 2 95.9 95.1 3 99.2 96.3 4 92.5 91.1 City 98.1 94.5 Note: ‘District’ refers to greater district.

While the inter-district mobility through marriage in the generation preceding the HHH had increased for the city and each of the four zones over the two decades, it appeared to be a rather slow process. It was also clear that inter-district mobility was greater in the prosperous, compared to the lower middle class, zones. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 81

Inter-district mobility through marriage for HHH and wife

In 1985, the percentage of HHH and wife with the same home district was 83.2. It declined to 74.4 in 2005. The inter-district mobility through marriage in the generation of the HHH for the city as whole increased over the two decades quite considerably, and it was no doubt more prominent compared to the earlier generation. However, it was still far from being a dramatic trend, since the overwhelming majority (about 75 per cent) still preferred their own district in choosing their life partners. More love marriages, less hang-ups about certain districts, better inter-district communications, spread of education, longer stay in Dhaka city and personal qualities of the bride/groom were the main factors for the increase in inter-district mobility through marriage in Dhaka city. On the other hand, the continuous rural–urban migration acted against this trend. In both 1985 and 2005, in Dhaka city, the tendency to stick to their respective districts in tying marriage knots was strongest among HH hailing from Sylhet, Chittagong and India. The first two districts were generally considered as highly conservative, while refugees from India tended to flock together because of their lower acceptability in the non-refugee society. All in all, old ways were dying, even if slowly.

Organisations, reading habits, leisure and recreation

Involvement in organisations had remained more or less static (see Table 3.94). In real terms, it might have declined, because of likely over-reporting and preponderance of their token involvement. An increase seemed clearly marked only in Zone 4. In fact, Siddiqui et al. (2000) also noted the low and declining level of social capital for Dhaka city as a whole over the years.

Table 3.94 Degree of involvement of HHH in voluntary organisations, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Zone 1985 2005 1 0.70 0.50 2 0.56 0.60 3 0.64 0.66 4 0.49 0.64 City 0.58 0.62

Table 3.95 Involvement of 100 HH in voluntary organisations, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Involvement in organistions, past and present, as 1985 2005 office-bearers Educational institutions 5 13 Religious organisations 10 26 Cultural, sports and recreational organisations 9 9 Social welfare and crime prevention organisations 8 7 Political organisations 3 3 Office/factory organisations 5 1 Non-involvement in any organisation 57 54 82 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

It was clear that as in 1985, the majority of HHH in 2005 were not involved in any organisation, which indicated low social capital. However, there had been a noticeable change in the involvement of HHH in educational and religious institutions. But in the case of other types of organisations, involvement had been either declining or static. These 100 HH were old residents, and a greater social capital could have been expected from them. But it was not so. How do we explain the above trend? First, the continuous rural−urban migration and frequent change of residence in the initial years in Dhaka city acted as a brake on interactions of HHH with neighbours and hence development of community-based solidarity. Second, in the absence of an upsurge in the quality and content of education in Dhaka city, new values of trust, fellow feeling and reciprocity, essential for social capital, did not grow in Dhaka city. Third, the leaders of religious institutions with whom the HHH were most attached, placed most emphasis on the hereafter and least emphasis on responsibilities to fellow human beings in the here and now. Fourth, the horrendous traffic jams and ever deteriorating transport, communications and law- and-order conditions in Dhaka city were not at all helpful for facilitating interactions among the citizens. Finally, efforts to catalyse social capital-based activities by the Dhaka City Corporation, NGOs and other organisations were still at a minimal level.

Table 3.96 Newspaper/magazine reading habits of HHH according to GHS, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Reading habit 1985 2005 Do not read newspapers 33 29 Do not read any magazine 70 90

The percentage not reading any newspapers had declined by only four over the two decades. On the other hand, the habit of not reading any magazine had increased over the two decades. This trend in reading habits seems to constitute an intellectual underdevelopment among the city residents, and it conformed to the low book-reading culture noted earlier. Again, a comparison with neighbouring Kolkata would perhaps expose Dhaka’s plight more clearly. The continuous peasantisation of Dhaka city over the years, deterioration in the quality of education, and greater availability of “negative attractions” were perhaps the main reasons in this regard. According to some selected respondents, the lack of good quality magazines was mainly because there was little demand for such reading materials.

Table 3.97 Reading habits of 100 HH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

1985 2005 Category Bangla English Weekly Others Bangla English Weekly Others daily daily magazine daily daily magazine Buy and read 48 8 18 0 55 14 9 7 regularly Buy and read 6 4 3 0 14 4 4 – irregularly Read generally 7 0 2 0 11 – – – A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 83

In all categories of readership (i.e. buy and read regularly, buy and read irregularly and read generally) an improvement was noted over the two decades in the case of newspapers but an opposite trend was noted for weekly magazines. The former trend could be attributed to their longer residence in Dhaka city, which developed in them an urban outlook. On the other hand, the latter was probably because the magazines of 2005 were of poorer quality compared to those of 1985 or the readers failed to generate an effective demand for good quality magazines.

Table 3.98 Spending leisure time, according to GHS, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Mode of spending leisure 1985 2005 50–100 per cent of time with family members 63 67 50–100 per cent of time with friends 6 4

It is clear from Table 3.98 that there was not much change in the leisure habits of the respondents of GHS over the two decades. In both the years, spending time with friends meant adda in either one’s own house or the house of a friend or in public places, such as parks, restaurants or clubs. In both the years, generally the unmarried, widowers or widows preferred adda with friends. In 2005, another category added to adda was the retired personnel of government, semi-government and private organisations. The increasing peasantisation of Dhaka city during the period under study may have dampened the impact of the urban ethos on leisure habits. Thus, recently arrived families from the rural areas had little contact beyond the household and workplace. Also, along with the physical expansion of the city, transport and communications problems had increased, as a result of which there were now new constraints on spending one’s leisure outside the home. In 1985, in order to understand the use of spare time with family members and to probe into “other activities” not spelled out by the respondents, we constructed the recreation and entertainment profile shown in Table 3.99 for various classes of people of Dhaka city, based on discussions with selected respondents.

Table 3.99 Recreation and entertainment pattern in Dhaka City, 1985

Poor Middle class Rich Cinema (particularly movies full TV and VCR movies VCR of sex and violence) Visiting park, zoo, museum, etc Visiting zoo and children’s park Eating out in expensive (but not park) restaurants with friends and family members Listening to light vocal music Stage plays and cultural Going to expensive clubs (including folk songs) on radio, functions cassette player. Sex with spouse Fairs and exhibitions Listening to Western music Sex with streetwalking Eating out in Chinese restaurants Going abroad for shopping, sex prostitutes with friends and family members and travel Drinking toddy in illegal joints Reading light books and Dancing, drinking parties listening to light music Watching football matches Watching football and cricket Drug, drinks and womanising (particularly in old Dhaka) matches in the stadium 84 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In 2005, for the different classes, the forms of entertainment have more or less remained the same. However, the additional entertainments for the poor have been TV and substance use. For the middle class, attendance at wedding ceremonies and birthday parties were new additions, and perhaps watching movies in the cinemas (in view of the slightly greater availability of movies to their taste compared to 1985). For the rich, the additional forms of entertainment were spending time with friends and family in the peri-urban garden houses, holidaying abroad and watching stage plays.

Table 3.100 Spending leisure time by 100 HH (percentage of HHH)

Mode of spending leisure 1985 2005 With family members 91–100% time 22 50 With family members 51–90% time 49 25 With family members 1–50% time 11 13 With friends 1–30% time 42 23 With friends 31–60% time 16 2 Social work 9 13 Watching TV 4 15 Outings 2 7 Prayers 5 13

The HHH had aged over the years. They now had more spare time. Also, they must have grown more religious. For them, over the years, spending time with the family had taken precedence over spending time with friends. Similarly, in 2005, HHH were more interested in social work, watching TV, outings and prayers compared to 1985.

Leisure among family members

In 2005, 92 per cent of respondents said family members enjoyed recreational facilities. Only 5 per cent answered in the negative, and 3 per cent came up with a ‘no response’. In 2005, the main types of recreational facilities for family members, in order of importance, were: watching TV, attending weddings or other social functions, enjoying games in the field, watching drama on the stage and watching movies in the cinemas. Ninety-six per cent watched TV in 2005. There was not much of a variation across the zones. Although there were no data for 1985, it was obvious that TV watching had significantly increased over the two decades. Eighty-five per cent attended weddings and other social functions. The variation across the zones was not so significant, although Zones 3 and 4 showed the lowest percentage. There were no data for 1985. However, according to selected respondents, this had registered a significant increase over the two decades Only 7 per cent watched sports and games in the playground in 2005. Zone 1 had the highest percentage, while Zone 3 had the lowest percentage in this regard. Although there were no data for 1985, interviews of selected respondents suggest that sports spectatorship had increased over the two decades. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 85

Only 5.2 per cent of HHH watched movies in the cinema halls in 2005. The lowest percentage was from Zone 3 and the highest percentage from Zone 4. Although there were no data for 1985, cinema attendance may, if anything, have risen marginally over the two decades. Only 5 per cent watched stage dramas in 2005. Zone 4 had the highest and Zone 1 had the lowest percentage in this regard. There were no data for 1985. However, interviews of selected respondents suggest that this activity, too, had increased over the two decades, even if marginally.

Opinions of HHH on selected matters

The general trend in self-evaluation, over the two decades in the GHS was thus that they had achieved clear educational and economic improvement of HHH over their fathers.

Table 3.101 Position of HHH with respect to father, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Category 1985 2005 Improved educationally over father 70 79 Educationally same as fathers 24 15 Deteriorated educationally compared to fathers 6 6 Improved economically over fathers 49 68 Economically same as fathers 31 19 Economically deteriorated compared to fathers 20 13

In 2005, Zone 4 had the highest percentage of HHH reporting improvement over fathers educationally (83 per cent), whereas Zone 1 reported the lowest percentage of improvement over fathers educationally (74 per cent). In 2005, it was Zone 2 which had the highest percentage of HHH (74 per cent) who reported an improvement over their fathers economically, whereas the lowest percentage in this regard was reported by Zone 1 (61 per cent).

Comparison of 100 HHH with their fathers economically and educationally, 2005

Economically, 64 per cent of HHH considered that they had improved compared to fathers; 14 per cent experienced no change and 20 per cent thought that their economic condition had declined. Educationally, 78 per cent felt they had improved; 13 per cent reported no change; and only 9 per cent were worse off.

Table 3.102 HHH opinion on family planning, 1985−2005, as expressed in GHS (percentage of HHH)

Opinion 1985 2005 Yes, necessary 87 97 Partly necessary 5 0.7 No 4 1.2 Not concerned 3 1.1 86 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Thus, in case of both 100 HHH and HHH covered by GHS, the trend was mainly one of improvement over fathers both economically and educationally. This was consistent with the inter-temporal data presented on their income, expenditure and ownership of movable and immovable property. A lukewarm, sceptical or clearly negative attitude to family planning in 1985 was most noticed in Zone 1 (15per cent). This “not so positive” attitude in 2005 was taken up by Zone 3 but involving only 3.1 per cent of HHH. Preference for family planning had increased, and it was also reflected in the declining average number of children per ever-married HHH over the two decades, although the government-set norm of “boy or girl, only two children” had not been fulfilled. It needs to be pointed out here that in Dhaka city, family planning was not much of a problem with the rich and the upper middle class. The difficulty started with the middle and the lower middle classes for reasons stated earlier. However, the main challenge (which we shall also be discussing later) was posed by those living in the slum areas where, owing to fatalistic interpretation of religion, use of young children for income earning, lack of or limited IEC (information, education and communications), insufficient and unsubsidised supplies of family planning materials and absence of follow-up on a door-to-door basis, the situation appeared to be rather alarming.

Table 3.103 Opinion of 100 HH on family planning, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH)

Opinion 1985 2005 No 8 2 Yes 84 94 Partly 4 2 Do not care 1 1 No response 2 0 Other 1 1

As in the GHS, the attitude towards family planning improved among the 100 HHH over the two decades, although this was not well reflected in their actual reproductive behaviour.

Table 3.104 Preference for economic system, 1985−2005, according to GHS (percentage of HHH)

Economic system 1985 2005 Islamic 45 15 Socialist 24 6 Mixed 16 24 Market 7 37 Others 8 18

There was a clear decline in the preference for Islamic and socialist economies and an increased preference for free market and mixed economies over the two decades. It was observed that while businessperson HHH had a stronger preference for a free market economy, the office worker HHH were more inclined towards a mixed economy. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 87

Table 3.105 Opinion of 100 HHH on the economic system preferred, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Type of economy 1985 2005 Market 9 29 Socialist 20 4 Mixed 17 33 Islamic 48 20 No idea 0 7 Does not think about it 1 0 No response 5 7

Among the 100 HHH sample, a greater preference for market economy and mixed economy and a lesser preference for Islamic economy and socialism over the years were self-evident. This was quite similar to the change noted in the GHS. Had the HHH under scrutiny become more materialistic, given that neither socialist nor Islamic values inspired most of them any longer? Or was the knowledge of non-delivery by these two systems the world over the reason for such an answer? Or was it the influence of market fundamentalism and globalisation? Or was it because these HHH had achieved substantial economic progress during this period with a free market economy in command? It is indeed difficult to disentangle the cause and effect in this case. Perhaps a combination of all the four explanations had its impact.

Opinion of HHH on the general environment of the area

In both 1985 and 2005, respondents adjudged the affluent Zone 4 as the best area, while they considered the lower middle class Zones 3 and 1 as the worst areas. Thus, there was no change in the identification of the best and the worst areas. However, the majority of the respondents thought that the general environment had improved in Dhaka city, which was completely contrary to what selected respondents or the research team thought. This may be for the following reasons:

• They were comparing the 2005 situation with that under the immediate past government and not 1985, when they might not have arrived in Dhaka city. • They may have been influenced by the actions of (RAB), which had then come into operation and brought about some cosmetic changes in the short term through the so-called “cross-fires” (extra-judicial killings in the name of armed encounters).

Table 3.106 Opinion of 100 HHH on the general environment of the area, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Opinion 1985 2005 Good 20 20 Average 58 64 Bad 8 15 Dangerous 0 1 No response 14 0 88 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

For the majority of these 100 HH, the overall environment seemed to have deteriorated over the two decades. This opinion is particularly relevant because the same HHH were responding to this question at both points in time. Indeed, their opinion differs quite significantly from that obtained from the GHS.

Table 3.107 Opinion on the two most important civic problems, zone-wise, 1985−2005, according to GHS

Zone 1985 2005 1 Water and electricity Drainage and waterlogging, and crime* 2 Lack of road repair and Mosquitoes and crime* sanitation 3 Sanitation and narrow Narrow/unsuitable roads and crime* unsuitable roads 4 Lack of water and road Crime* and lack of road repair repair Note: *Crime refers mostly to theft, robbery and hijacking.

Dhaka had turned into a more insecure city over the two decades, given that theft, robbery and hijacking had emerged as a major problem in 2005 (please see Chapter 9), whereas in 1985, it was not mentioned for any zone. Lack of adequate roads still remained a problem. It is interesting to note that in the two GHS of 1985 and 2005, HHH did not appear to be moved by the stark poverty of Dhaka city. It is primarily because their minds were agitated by problems that affected them directly. It is also possible that to the affluent and middle class mind, conditioned by rising real income and “looking upward mentality”, the vast multitudes of the poor living in the slums appeared to be simply “outsiders” or “temporary residents” or “faceless and nameless people” who did not matter.

Table 3.108 Opinion of 100 HHH on the nature of civic problems, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Problems* 1985 2005 Environmental 76 86 Social 11 53 Cultural 5 62 Political 0 0 Economic 0 0 Others – 2 No problem 9 4 Note: *Multiple answers.

Environmental problems dominated in both the years. But social and cultural problems assumed greater importance over the two decades. No one surprisingly reported political problems for either year. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 89

Opinion on insecurity of women in Dhaka city

Eighty-six per cent of the respondents in 2005 felt that women were insecure in Dhaka city. The worst condition seemed to be in Zone 2, while the best condition was in Zone 4. Seventy-nine per cent respondents felt physical insecurity of women at night was due mainly to hijacking and rape. Thirty-nine per cent of the respondents felt that women ran the risk of sexual harassment at the workplace, and 69.5 per cent considered teasing of women by the mastans in the city streets a real possibility. Fifty-eight per cent of the respondents thought that low-income working women without hostel facilities were particularly insecure. Although there were no comparable data for 1985, it is safe to infer from our discussion with selected respondents that women’s security in Dhaka city had not improved to any significant degree in 2005. In fact, going by reports appearing in the popular press, the situation may have deteriorated over the two decades.

Relationships between various variables, 1985−2005

Land ownership and education

In 2005, 70 per cent of the landless were illiterate and semi-literate. On the other hand, 71 per cent of those HHH who owned the highest amount of land (i.e. above 0.20 acres) were educated. However, education did not have much effect on ownership of land between 0.025 and 0.20 acres, as 54 per cent of the HHH owning this amount of land were uneducated. The effect of education on landownership in 1985 was a little more direct, that is, landed property of an HHH increased with increase in education. So, it may be said that in the main, there was only a small shift between 1985 and 2005 in respect of the relationship between landownership and education of HHH in Dhaka city. This shift could be explained by (a) greater inheritance of land and (b) greater migration of people to Dhaka city over the two decades.

Table 3.109 Occupation and religion, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Muslims Hindus Buddhists Christians Occupation 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Office work 33.3 36.0 30.3 38.0 43.4 40.3 56.4 52.0 Big business 1.6 10.0 – 6.0 – – – 4.0 Medium plus 30.3 29.0 33.7 38.0 39.4 40.2 25.0 31.0 small business Housework 4.0 8.0 2.2 4.0 3.0 3.0 – 4.0

It is clear from Table 3.109 that, over the two decades, there had not been any dramatic shift among the various religious groups, so far as occupation was concerned. However, the percentage of those in domestic service (housework) increased among all religious groups; but as usual, it had remained highest among the Muslims. It was perhaps because the Muslim women were still less educated, less forward-looking and more held back by their menfolk. There were no big businesspersons among the Hindus, Christians and Buddhists in 1985. The percentage of big businesspersons among Hindus and Christians had increased in 2005, although the 90 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 percentage of big businesspersons remained highest among the Muslims. They were the majority community. Also, as they were the main beneficiaries of political changes in both 1947 ( and Bengal) and 1971 (independence of Bangladesh), this trend was quite expected. The Hindus were ahead of other religious groups in business, as a whole, in 1985. This lead remained intact in 2005. This was because of their historical advantages, whereby they benefited most from the new rules of property and trade and modern education established by the British during the early phase of colonialism. In 1985, the office workers from among minority religious groups were concentrated in private firms and multinational corporations. Over the two decades, both Hindus and Muslims gained slightly at the expense of Buddhists and Christians in office work. In addition, as in 1985, Christians and Buddhists in 2005 were more concentrated in private sector and multinational corporations. Over the two decades, recruitment to government jobs (government was still the most important employers for office work) had become further politicised on party lines. In such a situation, the two smallest religious groups in Dhaka city became further marginalised in accessing such jobs.

Table 3.110 Occupation and education of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Occupation Uneducated Educated 1985 2005 1985 2005 Guards, Darwans 90 66 – – Drivers 92 90 – – Carpenters 91 90 – – Labourers 92 83 – – Housewives 88 73 – – House servants 97 95 – – Unemployed 66 50 – – Junior office workers 88 75 – – Big business – – 82 82 Small and medium business – – 53 52 Landlord 73 50 – – Professional middle class occupation 96 97 – –

The relationship between education and occupation was clear in both 1985 and 2005. Those in manual labour-related occupations were less educated while those in mental labour-related occupations were more educated. However, even in manual labour occupations, education was on the increase, even if not very significantly.

Table 3.111 Gender and land ownership, 1985−2005

Size of land % of female HHH % of male HHH % of total HHH 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Landless 15.9 21.6 37.8 15.7 36.9 16.3 0.025–0.10 55.2 28.9 35.9 20.1 37.7 21.0 0.11–0.20 10.4 7.9 3.4 6.7 3.0 6.8 0.20+ (acres) 10.4 41.6 8.2 57.4 8.3 55.9 No response 8.0 0.0 14.4 0.0 14.1 0.0 A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 91

There was indeed a strong gender bias in land ownership in Dhaka city, which was demonstrated in the increase in landlessness among female HHH, the decline even in their ownership of smaller amounts of land and its lower rate of increase (compared to male HHH) for the highest amount of land.

Religion and landownership

Table 3.112 Religion and land ownership, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Muslim Hindu Buddhist Christian Category 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Landless 36.5 16.0 50.0 26.2 30.3 0.0 37.5 17.4 0.025–0.20 41.4 27.8 28.2 29.2 21.2 0.0 37.5 21.7 0.20+ (acres) 8.4 56.2 9.8 44.6 0.0 100.0 NA 60.9 No response 13.7 – 12.0 – 48.5 – 25.0 –

Religion seemed to have no impact on ownership of land, which had improved for all religious groups over the two decades.

Table 3.113 Gender and education, 1985−2005

Percentage of female HHH Percentage of male HHH Educational status 1985 2005 1985 2005 Illiterate 31.6 23.0 13.1 7.8 Semi-literate (I–X) 46.8 45.5 36.4 30.9 SSC–HSC 11.9 18.6 22.4 24.3 Graduation and above 8.7 12.9 28.1 37.0

In the formal sense, Dhaka city was becoming more educated and less illiterate over the years across the gender divide. Although females were still lagging behind the males, their rate of progress at the level of formal education was equal to that of the males. In the rate of declining illiteracy, the performance of the females was much better than that of the males. This is because, as noted earlier, both government and NGOs gave strong support to female education during the two decades at primary and secondary levels.

Table 3.114 Religion and education, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Education Muslim Hindu Buddhist Christian 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Illiterate 14.3 9.4 5.4 7.7 3.0 0.0 6.3 0.0 Semi-literate (I–X) 20.2 14.2 20.7 9.5 12.1 0.0 6.3 4.3 SSC–HSC 16.6 18.1 23.9 26.8 39.4 0.0 31.3 8.7 Graduates and above 48.4 58.3 50.0 56.0 45.5 100.0 56.3 87.0 92 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

All religious groups had made significant advances in education and literacy over the two decades, but the progress made by the Buddhists and Christians was spectacular. Regrettably, illiteracy had increased among the Hindus by about 2 per cent over the years. Both Buddhists and Christians were small communities in Dhaka city, where community actions and guidance could tackle problems like illiteracy and dropout effectively. Second, only the most educated among the Buddhists had migrated to Dhaka city during the two decades. On the contrary, in the Hindu community, the better-educated higher caste Hindus had migrated to India in greater numbers during the two decades in order to avail themselves of the better economic opportunities there and join their respective families, a part of which had already migrated to India earlier.

Religion and number of children of ever-married HHH

The planned family norm was a maximum of two children. All religious groups had shown a positive attitude towards this norm over the years, as shown by an increasing percentage of HHH having children within that norm, and a decreasing percentage of HHH having children beyond that norm. However, in 2005, not Hindus, as in 1985, but Buddhists had taken to the norm more seriously. Despite the fact that most Christians of Bangladesh were Roman Catholics, they made significant progress in adhering to the set norm. As of 2005, the descending order of adhering to the set norm was as follows: Buddhists, Christians, Hindus and Muslims. In 1985, this order was: Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and Christians. It seemed to us that not religious injunctions but greater survival instincts among the two smallest religious groups were responsible for this change. As already noted earlier, religious sanctions against family planning were strong among Muslim HHH with exclusive religious education and among those hailing from Chittagong and Sylhet Divisions.

Table 3.115 Religion and family size, 1985−2005 (percentage of HHH)

Family Size Muslim Hindu Buddhist Christian 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 1985 2005 Small (1–4) 42.6 43.8 53.3 56.5 51.6 100.0 62.6 44.2 Medium (5–7) 41.5 45.3 28.3 33.3 27.2 0.0 31.3 44.9 Large (8+) 15.5 10.9 18.4 10.1 21.2 0.0 6.1 0.0

The small family norm became more accepted across the board over the years, except for the Christians, among whom there was a decline in the percentage of households accepting the small family norm. It was the medium family size which was most popular among all religious groups except the Buddhists, among whom it had drastically declined. Large families had declined across the board. Buddhists were the most recent arrivals in Dhaka city from and other districts and it was natural that they left behind a part of even the immediate family in the initial phase. On the other hand, Christians had been living in Dhaka for a longer time, and they were perhaps most conscious about their responsibility towards members of the extended families living in rural areas in providing them with education and employment in Dhaka city through their networks. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 93

Education and number of children

In 1985, there was a significant relationship between education and number of children of the HHH. Thus, those HHH who were more educated tended to have fewer children. In 2005, the situation was as shown in Table 3.116.

Table 3.116 Education of HHH and number of children, 2005

Educational status Number of HHH Number of children Average number of children per HHH Illiterate 473 1,722 3.64 Semi-literate 709 2,287 3.22 SSC–HSC 925 2,539 2.74 Graduates and 2,961 7,371 2.49 postgraduates Hafezi 6 18 3.00 Total 5,074 13,937 2.74

In 2005, there was a clear correlation between the average number of children and the educational status of household head. Thus, HHH with high education tended to have fewer children. However, HHH with exclusively Islamic religious education were averse to having a small number of children.

Income and average number of children per HHH

In 1985, there was a relationship between income and number of children of HHH. Thus, those HHH with higher income tended to have more children. The situation in 2005 was as shown in Table 3.117.

Table 3.117 Income of HHH and average number of children, 2005

Income Average number of children per HHH Tk 20,000 2.89

In both 1985 and 2005, the correlation between income and number of children was not strong, contrary to what obtained between family size and income or between education and number of children (see Table 3.118). Thus, in 2005, there was a clear relationship between income of HHH and family size; with an increase in the income of HHH, the family size increased. A similar relationship was observed also in 1985. 94 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 3.118 Income of HHH and family size, 2005 (percentage of HHH)

Monthly income 1–4 members 5–7 members 8 and above members < Taka 5,000 70 27 3 Taka 5,001–10,000 56 40 4 Taka 10,001–20,000 44 48 8 Taka 20,001–30,000 33 54 13 >Taka 30,000 20 53 27

Education and family size

In both 1985 and 2005, no clear relationship could be established between education and family size of the HHH.

Occupation and number of children

In 1985, there was a general positive correlation between occupation and the number of children of HHH; that is, those HHH with better occupations had more children, and conversely, occupations that did not yield much income tended to be associated with a smaller family size. In 2005, we noted a more complex trend among the HHH of Dhaka city from the perspective of occupation, as follows. In 2005, 70 to 77 per cent of the property owners, homemakers and retired HHH had more than two children; 51 per cent of the servants had more than two children; 45–48 per cent of big business, doctors and business HHH had more than two children; 43–44 per cent carpenter and driver HHH had more than two children; and 35 per cent of office worker HHH had more than two children. In 2005, the set family planning norm had been totally ignored by those occupations wherein the HHH were either old and hence had outdated attitudes (landlords and retired people) or those who had no occupation outside the home and hence could be easily persuaded into child-bearing. In 2005, servant HHH did not follow the family planning norm because of lack of education and awareness and access to family planning services. In 2005, big business, business and doctor HHH were gradually conforming to the family planning norm, though not yet fully. In 2005, HHH in office jobs, carpenters and drivers could not afford a large number of children within their limited income, so they were coming round to the family planning norm, though not yet fully.

Gender and occupation

In 1985, the two most important occupations for female HHH were houseworkers and property owners. Thus, in 1985, of the total number of HHH engaged in housework, 37.1 per cent were females. Similarly, of the total HHH engaged as property owners, 41.8 per cent were females. There were no occupations where female HHH were exclusively employed. In 2005, 87 per cent of HHH engaged in housework were females; 66 per cent of the nurses (sample size was only three) were females; 46.2 per cent of the property owners were females, only one was a student and female; 16.4 per cent of the servant HHH were females; in all other occupations, the percentage of females was less than 4 per cent. A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 95

In other words, there has been little change in the occupations of female HHH over the two decades. In fact, female involvement in housework seems to have increased, despite progress in female education. As pointed out earlier, this is probably because of the operation of the traditional gender division of labour in a situation of limited expansion of the job market. Although we did not carry out a detailed investigation in this regard, we suspect that this failure to convert female education into female employment outside the home had adverse implications for family planning.

Occupation and family size

In 1985, no significant relationship could be discerned between family size and occupation. However, in 2005, the following trends could be observed:

• In 2005, occupations with low income had a small family size, while occupations with big income had a large family size. However, large family size did not necessarily mean a large number of own children. • In 2005, HHH who were retired or in house work had a large family because of the large number of their own children. They had more children because either they belonged to the old generation with outdated ideas on family planning or they had no occupation outside the house, so they were more easily drawn into child bearing.

Summary of the main findings

In both years, the GHS covered mostly rich to lower middle class and very few poor HHs. The four zones were Zones 1 and 3 (lower middle class biased), Zone 2 (middle class biased) and Zone 4 (upper middle class and rich biased). Young HHH, i.e. below 40 years of age, constituted around 41 per cent in both the years. On the other hand, there was an increase in the percentage of both female and elderly HHH; the percentage of Bengali speakers and Muslims had increased, leading to a decrease in diversity of the population; the district background of HHH had also changed, replacing the supremacy of Dhaka district with that of Comilla, Barisal, Faridpur and Noakhali. The continuous migration to Dhaka city from rural areas brought an ever increasing number of younger people speaking various dialects of Bengali and from districts known for both poverty pockets and enterprise. On the other hand, the language policy pursued by the government further marginalised English and Urdu, even though these were spoken by a microscopic minority. The migration of Hindus to India, the Urdu-speakers to Pakistan and the remaining Anglo-Indians to various Western countries also affected the religious and linguistic composition of the city. The percentage of married HHH was around 90 per cent in both the years and there was only a small increase in the percentage of widower/widowed and divorced HHH; in neither year was there any HHH practising polygamy. The percentage of households supporting family planning increased from 87 to 97 between 1985 and 2005 but as pointed out earlier, it was a different story at the level of practice. The average number of children per ever-married HHH declined between 1985 and 2005, but it was still above the government recommended level. According to selected respondents, son preference, which was strongly entrenched in the dominant social values, prevented them from adhering strictly to the official family planning norm, irrespective of the zone or class. The continuous 96 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 rural–urban migration has only fuelled this trend. HHH from lower middle and middle class zones tended to have more children than those from upper middle class and rich zones because they were less educated than the rich and the upper middle class in the secular sense, but more educated in religious terms. This, coupled with son-preference and greater belief in children as old age insurance created in them a reproductive behaviour that was more retrogressive than that of the rich and the upper middle class. However, a decrease in the number of own children per family was compensated by an increase in the number of dependent members per family over the two decades, and this increase was found to be higher among the more affluent families. The average family size declined between 1985 and 2005, but in both years, the family size was highest in the affluent zone, where families could take better care of the dependent members from the extended family. Educational status of HHH, in terms of the educated (SSC to graduation and above), had increased but by no means dramatically. This was because (a) the continuous migration from rural areas brought to the city ever-increasing numbers of illiterate and semi-literate people and (b) the limited expansion of educational facilities was unable to cope with this situation. In both 1985 and 2005, those in office jobs and businesspersons dominated, with businesspersons taking the lead in 2005; in both years, the percentage of HHH having a second occupation remained at the same level, i.e.14–15 per cent. This trend has to do with the economy of Dhaka city during the two decades. Greater facilities in the private sector, the growth of the garment industry and Dhaka’s pivotal position as the capital city were the main factors in this regard. The average number of earning members in the HH and the average monthly income in real terms had increased over the two decades, congruent with the economic opportunities opened to the lower middle class through to the rich. Between 1985 and 2005, as expected, the percentage of expenditure went up in the cases of transport and education and declined in the case of food. On the other hand, house rents as a percentage of total income also increased substantially over the years if we exclude HHH living in their own houses. This was quite consistent with the steeply increasing demand for housing land in a situation of massive population growth. Over the two decades, consistent with the continuous migration to Dhaka city, the percentage of first-generation HHH increased and the percentage of HHH living in Dhaka city from birth declined. The three main purposes for coming to Dhaka city remained the same in both years, namely to seek jobs, education and careers in business. However, these three reasons assumed greater prominence in 2005. This was because the rural development efforts remained woefully inadequate to address the economic and social near-stagnation in the rural areas. The percentage of HHH with a village home more than doubled and the average number of visits to the village per year increased during this period. The main purpose of such visits was to meet relatives and supervise property. In both the years, about 65 per cent of the HHH owned land in the village. Between 1985 and 2005, the percentage of HHH owning at least one plot of land in Dhaka city declined from 63 to 50 per cent since the latecomers simply could not afford to purchase such costly land. Thus, the percentage of HHH residing in a rented house increased from 44 to 53 per cent. In terms of the nature of construction, number of rooms, toilet facilities, presence of an underground drain connecting the house, an entrance road and access to basic amenities, there was a marked improvement during the two decades owing to (a) a rise in the economic condition of the lower middle class to the rich and (b) pressure exerted by them on the government to invest in infrastructure in their respective areas. The percentage of HH employing both part-time and full-time servants had declined between 1985 and 2005 (except in the affluent zone, where the opposite was the trend). The same trend held A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 97 true for per HH employment of servants, part- or full-time. This was because of changes in both demand and supply side conditions. Ownership of such durable consumer goods as air-conditioners, colour TVs, refrigerators, electric fans, VCRs, personal computers, mobile and land telephones and means of transports showed a clear increase over the two decades, in keeping with the increasing well being of these HHH. Only ownership of musical instruments declined, due to several factors, including increasing rurality and religiosity in Dhaka city. The percentage of HH with no books in the house – always high − declined only slightly, from 33 to 29 per cent, between 1985 and 2005. In addition, the books remained mostly the same for both the years, namely textbooks and books received as presents. There was only a slight improvement in the readership of newspapers but a decline in the readership of magazines. The involvement of HHH in non-political organisations (i.e. social, cultural, sports, educational and such like) remained low and static over the two decades. A decreasing quality of education, increased rurality and greater availability of “other avenues” were behind these trends. Educational status of family members had increased more dramatically than that of the HHH between 1985 and 2005. The closest friends and relatives appeared to be more educated than the HHH in both the years. In both the years, HHH befriended people only at the same or a higher level. Similarly, they moved with closest relatives at the same or a higher level. This trend was consistent with the rising aspirations of HHH who had improved their economic lot during the two decades. For both fathers and fathers-in-law, the main occupations in both the years were agriculture, office jobs and business. However, for both the groups, business was emerging as the most important while office jobs were on the decline. On the other hand, over the two decades, fathers were more into agriculture than fathers-in-law. Office jobs, business, academic pursuit and agriculture were the main occupations of brothers in 1985. In 2005, no one reported agriculture as an occupation of brothers. More were now into studies. Homemaker (housework) as occupation for mothers, wives and unmarried sisters showed a decline over the two decades due to educational improvement. However, the traditional gender division of labour in a situation of limited expansion of the job market did not allow this trend to be very strong. Close relatives also tended to move away from the village to Dhaka city, perhaps following the footsteps of the HHH. The percentage of HHH whose both parents were from the same district declined slightly between 1985 and 2005. A similar trend was true of the district background of HHH and wife. This suggested an increase, though rather slowly, in the inter-district mobility through marriage. The slow dissolution of the traditional loyalties along district lines again shows the impact of the continuous rural–urban migration during the two decades. The percentage of HHH spending most of their leisure time with family had increased over the two decades. TV had emerged as the most important source of recreation in 2005. During the twenty years, watching movies in the cinemas gained in popularity, but only marginally. The same trend was noted in the case of watching stage dramas. Attending weddings and social functions and watching sports and games in the playgrounds and stadiums had registered a small increase during this period. This trend in spending leisure time can again be explained by an increase in rurality, lack of quality education and unavailability of outdoor sources of leisure in Dhaka city. The percentage of HHH reporting improvement over fathers educationally increased between 1985 and 2005. The same was also true of inter-generational economic improvement. During the same period, preference for the economic system most suitable for Bangladesh also showed a dramatic change. In 1985, the Islamic system was most favoured followed by socialism. In 2005, 98 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 it was the market economy, followed by a mixed economy. This trend conformed to the economic gains made by the lower middle class to the rich during the two decades under a free market economy. It was also possible that the new generation was more pragmatic about the Islamic system, despite their religiosity. Opinion on zone-wise civic problems of Dhaka city between 1985 and 2005 showed that an increase in crime had become especially grave in 2005. Indeed, security of women had particularly deteriorated over time. There were significant relationships among the following variables in both 1985 and 2005, but subject to some changes during the intervening period:

1. Land ownership and education (in 1985, increase in education was directly related to increase in land ownership, but the relationship was not so direct in 2005). 2. Occupation and religion (no substantial shift was noted in the occupations of various religious groups during the two decades). 3. Occupation and education (those engaged in manual-labour occupations tended to be less educated in both the years; however, even in manual-labour occupations, the level of education was on the increase over the years). 4. Gender and land ownership (there was a strong negative gender bias in land ownership in both the years). 5. Gender and education (women were making better progress in education than men over the two decades, because of government and NGO activities). 6. Religion and education (all religious groups had made progress educationally over the two decades). 7. Religion and number of children (in adherence to the official family planning norm, the order was Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and Christians in 1985; in 2005, it was Buddhists, Christians, Hindus and Muslims). Thus, Muslims, the majority community, was lagging behind other religious communities in family planning in both 1985 and 2005. 8. Land ownership and family size (in both the years, both the landless and the landed preferred the medium family size of five to seven). 9. Religion and family size (in both the years, medium family size was the most popular among all the religious groups). 10. Education and number of children (those with high education tended to have fewer children in both the years; however, the opposite was true of those having exclusive religious education). 11. Income and average number of children (there was no clear relationship between the two). 12. Education and family size (there was no clear relationship between education and family size in both the years). 13. Occupation and number of children (in 1985, HHH with well-paid occupations had more children; in 2005, it was a much more complex relationship). 14. Gender and occupation (only a small change had occurred between 1985 and 2005 in female occupations, despite progress in female education). 15. Occupation and family size (there was no clear trend in both the years).

Concluding remarks

The residents of Dhaka city with a municipal holding number ranged, in the main, from the lower middle to the rich class. Although they had improved their material condition considerably over A General Household Survey (GHS) of Dhaka City, 1985−2005 99 the two decades, their level of education had improved only marginally. If the quality of education was taken into consideration, then the picture would have been even gloomier. Due to continuous migration, Dhaka had been further peasantised, with one foot in the rural areas and the other in the city, rather than becoming a people with a strong urbanised ethos. Their real incomes had increased because of the economic opportunities offered to them by the expanding economy of the city, and they were, therefore, in an “upward looking” mode. They had little participation in organisational activities. Their reading habits remained poor. They moved with friends and relatives who were either of their educational and socio-economic level or above. Their opinions reflected nothing to show that they had new ideas for change. Indeed, it seemed they were just leading their individual lives, with little concern for the city as whole. They saw the city’s problems from their own narrow perspectives and were little concerned about the poor and the disadvantaged. It is, therefore, not possible for them to be agents of change in Dhaka city from a collective perspective. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 4 The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters

Introduction

In 2005, there were about 350,000 employees in government and semi-government organisations and government corporations in Dhaka city. In other words, about 1.75 million people were either government employees or their family members, assuming an average of five persons per HH. The population of government officials for 1985 is not known, but as confirmed by selected respondents, the number had increased considerably over the years due to (a) normal expansion of government activities and (b) concentration of such activities in Dhaka city owing to lack of decentralisation and despite earlier attempts to shift government offices to other cities. As the capital city of the country, Dhaka is known for its bureaucratic and administrative culture. Therefore, a separate study of government and semi-government employees is crucial for an adequate understanding of the Dhaka society. This is attempted in this chapter.

General demographic characteristics

Age of HHH

In 1985, 85 per cent of the total HHH belonged to the age group 30–59. Only 7.3 per cent and 6.3 per cent belonged to the age groups 20–29 and 60–69 respectively. In 2005, 95 per cent belonged to the age group 30–59. On the other hand, in 2005, only 3.1 per cent and 2.9 per cent belonged to the age groups 21–29 and 60–69 respectively. This is explained perhaps by the following factors:

a. entry age to government and semi-government jobs was raised in 1991; b. academic sessions jams in the educational institutions did not allow students to pass out in right time and enter government jobs at an younger age; c. given the pressure on housing, retired government employees over-staying in the government quarters were forced to vacate the colonies much more in recent years than in 1985; and d. the pressure of the nuclear family may have led the older HHH to leave the family.

Gender and marital status of HHH

In 1985, 97 per cent of the HHH were male. Among male HHH, nine were single and two were widowers. The remaining 121 (88.3 per cent) were married. Among the four female HHH, one was single, one was married and two were widows. In 2005, 95.3 per cent of HHH were male. Among the male HHH, none was unmarried and only six were widowers. The remaining male HHH were all married. Among the 18 female HHH, one was unmarried, seven were widows and the remaining 10 were married. The likely factors explaining the differences between 1985 and 2005 are as follows: 102 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

a. Women were allotted a quota in government service and far more educational opportunities had become available to females during the two decades. However, the chances of women gaining access to government employment or more specifically government quarters (which required strong lobbying) appeared not to keep pace with this expansion of opportunity. b. The percentage of unmarried HHH declined because of the late entry to government jobs.

Mother tongue and religion of HHH

In 1985, only two out of 137 HHH had a language other than Bangla as mother tongue. Only one HHH was an upper caste Hindu. The remaining HHH were Sunni Muslims. In 2005, four out of 383 HHH were non-Bangla speakers. In 2005, the number of people with religions other than Islam among the total HHH had increased to 18 (4.7 per cent). In order of importance, they were scheduled caste Hindus (10), caste Hindus (seven) and Christians (one). The main factor explaining the change from 1985 to 2005 was that there was no discrimination on the entry to government jobs based on language or religion. The trends in mother tongue and religion of HHH were consistent with those in the GHS.

Table 4.1 Dependency ratio (DR)

Type of DR 1985 2005 DRI* 1.62 1.99 DRII** 2.87 2.07 Notes: DRI*: Total non-adult population divided by total adult population DRII**: Total population divided by the total number of earners.

The dependency ratio remained more or less at the same level between 1985 and 2005. This is perhaps because with fixed income and high inflation, it became increasingly difficult to afford a high dependency ratio.

Table 4.2 District background of HHH (percentage of HHH)

District 1985 2005 Dhaka 21.9 13.3 Comilla 15.3 17.2 Noakhali 10.8 11.4 Barisal 6.6 11.4 Rajshahi Division 15.3 10.2 Khulna Division 11.7* 6.3 Mymensingh – 9.1 Faridpur 10.2 5.9 Note: *Included Barisal. The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 103

Table 4.3 District background of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage)

District Father Father-in-law Dhaka 17.8 (21.9) 19.3 (20.32) Comilla 17.5 (15.3) 17.6 (14.63) Noakhali 11.2 (10.8) 10.02 (12.19) Faridpur 6.3 (10.2) 6.0 (8.13) Barisal 12.04 (6.6) 11.87 (8.94) Rajshahi Division 10.02 (15.3) 10.05 (10.57) Khulna Division 8.5 (11.7) 8.1 (16.26) Mymensingh 9.6 (NA) 10.6 (NA) Chittagong 1.6 (NA) 1.6 (NA) Sylhet 1.3 (NA) 1.6 (NA) Note: Percentages in the parentheses refer to 1985.

Family size and structure

The average family size in 1985 was 5.58. In 2005, it declined to 4.77. In 1985, 87 per cent of the HH were nuclear, consisting of spouses and children. In 2005, 91 per cent of the HH were nuclear. This was not only consistent with the trend in the GHS, but also with the dependency ratio remaining almost static over the two decades. Table 4.2 shows that Comilla was now on top of the government officials’ districts of origin, and had improved from the second to the first position between 1985 and 2005. This was despite the fact that the district quota system for government jobs militates against Comilla and a few other districts. Barisal, Noakhali and Mymensingh were three other districts that showed distinct progress in this regard. Other districts were on the decline, despite the district job quota system. There were no significant changes in the district background of HHHs’ fathers and fathers-in- law over the two decades. However, for both fathers and fathers-in-law, a clear decline was noted in the cases of Dhaka and Faridpur districts and Rajshahi and Khulna Divisions. On the other hand, a clear rise was noted in case of fathers and fathers-in-law from Comilla and Barisal districts. For Noakhali, it was a mixed trend, declining for fathers-in-law but rising for fathers between 1985 and 2005. For fathers, in 1985, the three most important occupations were agriculture, office jobs and investing in property, in that order. In 2005, it was agriculture, office jobs and business. Between 1985 and 2005, in the case of fathers, there was an increase in the percentage of those in business and agriculture, while a decrease was noted in office jobs and property investment. For fathers-in- law, the three main occupations in both 1985 and 2005 were agriculture, office jobs and business in that order, but with office jobs declining and business and agriculture on the increase All in all, it may be said that from the occupational perspective, the HHH were marrying into similar social groups, as was the trend noted in the GHS. The percentage of fathers with formal education increased from 46 per cent in 1985 to 52 per cent in 2005. On the other hand, the percentage of the formally educated fathers-in-law declined from 64 in 1985 to 56 in 2005. However, the education levels between the two groups were more or less the same, and this again suggested that HHH were generally marrying into their own socio- economic groups. 104 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.4 Occupation of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Fathers Occupation 1985 2005 Business 9 17 (1% big business) Office workers 28 25.0 Agriculture 38 47.0 Professionals (teachers, 9 1.0 doctors and lawyers) Retired office workers – 9.0 Property owners 12 – Skilled/unskilled 2 0.5 labourers Social workers – 0.5 Housework – 0.5

Fathers-in-law Occupation 1985 2005 Business 20 23.5 Office workers 30 28.0 Agriculture 30 32.7 Professionals 8 1.3 (doctors, teachers and lawyers) Retired office workers – 12.6 Remittance receivers – 0.5 Property owners 9 – Drivers – 0.3 Housework – 0.5

Table 4.5 Education of fathers and fathers-in-law, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Fathers Level of education 1985 2005 Illiterate 18.2 25.1 Semi-literate 39.7 32.5 SSC-HSC 33.6 17.8 Graduates and post-graduates 12.5 24.6

Fathers-in-law Level of education 1985 2005 Illiterate 11.4 18.2 Semi-literate 24.3 26.6 SSC-HSC 48.0 19.5 Graduates and post-graduates 16.3 35.6 The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 105

Links of HHH with the village

In 1985, 86.6 per cent of HHH visited the village at least once a year; in 2005, 91 per cent of HHH visited their village home at least once a year. The reasons for these visits were as shown in Tables 4.6 and 4.7.

Table 4.6 Purpose of visit, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Purpose of visit 1985 2005 To visit relatives 13.5 13.1 To supervise property and visit relatives 83.2 86.9

Table 4.7 Village home and property of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Category 1985 2005 No village home 5.5 11.2 No ownership of 18.0 89.5 Village land & property Own one plot NA 10.0 Own more than one plot NA 0.5 Own about 5 acres of land 50.0 –

It is clear that over the two decades, the government servant HHH had become alienated from the village home to some extent, and from village landed property to a far greater extent. The average amount of land owned in the village was 1.8 acres in 2005. Such data were not available for 1985. However, in 1985, 50 per cent of the HHH who owned land in the village had more than 5 acres of village land. This suggested that while they continued to own land in the village in 2005, the amount of such land per HH had decreased, which was fully in keeping with the ever-increasing pressure of a growing population on scarce land.

Links of HHH with Dhaka city

In 1985, 93.4 per cent of the HHH were first-generation residents, 5 per cent were second-generation residents, and third-generation residents and those whose families had been in Dhaka even longer constituted only 1.5 per cent of the sample. In 2005, only 11.7 per cent of HHH were living in Dhaka city from birth. The remaining 88.3 per cent arrived in Dhaka after their birth from somewhere else. In 2005, 87 per cent were first-generation residents of Dhaka city; only 9 per cent were second-generation residents and the remaining 4 per cent were living in the city for three or more than three generations. In other words, unlike the HHH of the GHS, the percentage of second and third generation city- dwelling government servants was on the increase in Dhaka city over the two decades. For both the years, the main reasons for coming to Dhaka city remained the same, namely, in order of importance, jobs, children’s education, HHH’s education or accompanying husbands and fathers. 106 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.8 Education of HHH (percentage)

Level of education 1985 2005 Illiterate – 3.1 Semi-literate 10.2 5.2 SSC-HSC 17.7 21.1 Graduates and post-graduates 62.1 70.6

There was a definite increase in the percentage of formally educated among government servants over the two decades. However, the percentage of illiterates also increased a little (more than offset by a drop in semi-literacy) during this period.

Table 4.9 Education of non-student members of the HH, other than HHH (percentage)

Level of education 1985 2005 Iliterate 8 7 Semi-literate 37 26 SSC-HSC 33 34 Graduates and post-graduates 22 32 Hafezi – 1

There was an appreciable increase in the percentage of formally educated among the non-student members of the HH between 1985 and 2005, particularly at the graduate and post-graduate level.

Table 4.10 Occupation of HHH (percentage)

Occupation 1985 2005 Office workers 87.0 90.3 Doctors 3.0 0.5 Business – 3.1 Retired office workers – 1.8 Teachers 7.0 – Homemakers – 0.5 Others 3.0 3.7

The difference between the two years was not prominent, given that the HHH under study consisted of government officials.

Previous occupation of HHH

In 1985, only 9 per cent reported a previous occupation. In 2005, this was 18 per cent. The previous occupations were as follows in order of importance: The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 107

• 1985: college and primary school teachers; business and private service; homemakers; and service abroad; • 2005: private and public jobs; business; private drivers; and homemaker.

Second occupation of HHH

In 1985, 20 per cent of the HHH reported a second occupation. In 2005, only 16 per cent of the HHH admitted to having a second occupation. In both the years, it was only the male HHH who had a second occupation.

Table 4.11 Occupation of other members of the HH (i.e. leaving aside HHH, small children and servants), 1985−2005 (percentage)

Occupation 1985 2005 Housework 27.0 20.0 Office work 7.5 12.0 Business 2.0 <1 Student 57.0 61.0 Retired office worker 1.5 – Agriculture – – Carpenter – – Unemployed 4.0 8.0

The second occupations in 1985 were, in order of importance, property management as rent receivers, private clinic management, business, astrology, writing, private medical practice and participating in TV programmes. The second occupations listed in 2005 were, in order of importance, property management, business, professional service and participating in TV programmes. As reported by the respondents, a second occupation was crucial for them because of low government salaries. The choice of the second occupation between lower and upper categories of government servants remained the same over the two decades: property management for the upper grades and small or petty business for the lower grades. In both years, under-reporting was possible because they mostly pursued the second occupation without government permission. In addition, there was not much difference between the two years in the choice of second occupations. Table 4.11 shows that The inter-temporal trend in the occupation of other members of the HH does not show any big variation.

Land ownership in Dhaka city, 1985−2005

In 1985, 42 per cent of the HHH owned no land or house in Dhaka city, 22 per cent owned one plot only, 25 per cent owned one plot with a building on it and the remaining 11 per cent owned more than one plot or building. In 2005, 81 per cent (i.e. almost double the percentage in 1985) did not own any land or building in Dhaka city, 17.5 per cent owned one plot or building and 1.5 per cent owned more than one plot or building. The main reason was that since they were from the fixed income group, land had become scarcer and the price of land was rising steeply, it had become increasingly difficult for them to own land in Dhaka. However, it is possible that some respondents 108 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.12 Ownership of durable consumer goods, 1985−2005 (percentage of HH owning)

Item 1985 2005 Musical instruments 15.0 7.0 TV 66.0 93.0 (81 coloured) Refrigerator 35.0 80.0 Sewing machine 44.0 27.0 Fans 86.0 95.0 VCR/DVD 1.5 7.0 Air conditioner – 3.0 Electrical/gas oven 4.0 12.0 Washing machine – 1.5 Tape recorder 1.5 31.0

Access to telephone 27.0 37.0 under-reported their land ownership in Dhaka city, since this would appear inconsistent with their legal income. The trend noted above is in keeping with what we noted in the GHS. An increase in religiosity and rurality as well as a decline in the Hindu population may explain the decrease in the ownership of musical instruments among this group over the two decades. Ownership of things like TV, refrigerator and electrical fan and access to land telephone is considered essential for urban middle class living, so an increase in their ownership over the two decades is no surprise, particularly since government officials also experienced an increase in real income during the two decades. A decline in sewing machine ownership took place because, with the huge growth in garment industries and tailoring shops in the city, the machine was not in demand any longer.

Table 4.13 Ownership of books in percentage of HH, 1985−2005

Number of books 1985 2005 100 books and less 67 49 More than 100 books 33 51

The trend in book ownership is more pronounced than that found by the GHS, since the sample under study comprised relatively better educated government officials. The ownership of books had increased but it was found that in both the years most books were textbooks, followed by books received as presents during birthdays and weddings.

Table 4.14 Ownership of means of transport by the HHH (percentage of HH owning)

Vehicle 1985 2005 Private car 3.0 9.0 Motor cycle 1.5 4.0 Cycle 1.5 4.0 Other vehicles (rickshaw and rickshaw van) 1.3 27.0 The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 109

It is clear that HHHs’ ownership of means of transport has increased over the two decades, although fewer than half the HHs did not own any means of transport. In particular, the increase in ownership of rickshaws and rickshaw vans is quite noticeable. We did not encounter such a trend in the GHS. This is obviously more likely to be for renting to earn an extra income in order to supplement their modest salaries.

Income of HHH, 1985−2005

In 2005, 6.5 per cent of HHH had a monthly income of up to Taka 5,000; 35 per cent had an income between Taka 0–10,000; 35.6 per cent had income between Taka 10,001–20,000; the remaining 22.9 per cent earned more than Taka 20,000. The average monthly income was Taka 13,456. In 1985, 46 per cent had income up to Taka 2,000; 51 per cent between Taka 2,001–5,000; and the remaining 13 per cent above Taka 5,000. The average monthly income of HHH was Taka 2,451. In 1985, the average monthly income of the government servant could buy 0.57 bhari of gold or 272 kg of medium quality rice. In 2005, the figures were 0.99 bhari of gold or 708 kg of medium quality rice. In other words, the real income of government servants had increased over the two decades, although it might not match the increase of real income for other comparator professional groups in Dhaka city (please see Chapter 3 on the GHS).

Expenditure of HHH, 1985

In 1985, 20 per cent of the government and semi-government HHH had a monthly expenditure of up to Taka 2,000, 68 per cent spending between Taka 2,001 and 5,000 a month and the remaining 12 per cent above Taka 5,000 a month. The average monthly expenditure was Taka 3,303 and it was spent as shown in Tables 4.15 and 4.16.

Table 4.15 Average monthly expenditure, 1985

Item Amount in Taka Percentage of total expenditure Food 1,602 48 House rent 665 20 Education 453 14 Clothing 231 7 Transportation 220 6 Medicine 125 4 Other expenditure 107 3 Average monthly expenditure 3,303 100

There is a clear correlation between income and expenditure, with expenditure being reported slightly higher. The percentage of expenditure on food declined, but the percentage of expenditure on house rent and transport went up. The percentage of expenditure on education registered a slight increase. 110 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.16 Average monthly expenditure, 2005

Item Amount in Taka Percentage of total expenditure House rent 3,594 26.0 Food 5,071 36.0 Clothes, shoes 374 3.0 Medicine 307 2.0 Gifts 305 2.0 Transport 1,285 9.0 Education 2,120 15.0 Other expenditure 1,037 7.0 Total average expenditure 14,093 100.0

Table 4.17 Condition of residence of HHH, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Condition 1985 2005 Pucca 84.0 93.0 Semi-pucca 16.0 7.0 Independent house NA 37.0 Flat NA 63.0 Average area (Sq feet) NA 697.0 One-bedroom house/flat* 27.0 12.0 Two-bedroom house /flat 64.0 60.0 Three-bedroom house/flat 7.0 26.0 Four- bed room house/flat 4.0 2.0 Access to electricity 95.6 99.0 Access to piped water 95.6 99.0 Access to gas 96.6 95.8 Access to house 27.0 37.0 telephone Access to sanitary 71.5 73.0 flush toilet Access to sanitary 29.5 27.0 but no flush system Drainage connected 36.3 45.8 to the underground lines Pucca drain 61.5 50.3 Katcha drain 2.2 3.9 Did not share water, 91.2 90.5 bathroom, latrine and kitchen Rented 100.0 100.0 Note: * Although no data are available, it is quite certain that over the two decades, living in flats compared to independent house increased very substantially. The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 111

Loans

In 2005, 113 out of 383 (i.e. 30 per cent) of households had taken out loans. The average amount of loan taken out by these 113 HH was Taka 208,493. The size of the loan varied with the income and level of the HHH in the administrative hierarchy, and its main purpose was to construct a house in Dhaka or any other place. According to selected respondents, there was an increase over the two decades in the percentage of higher government servants taking out loans from banks and government. This trend needs to be compared with that of the GHS, where most HHH did not have loans and the percentage of HHH with loans was on the decline. The main explanation in this regard is that the GQS sample consisted of government officials with strong influence over loan-providing institutions, such as the banks, House Building Finance Corporation (HBFC) and Provident Fund, whereas in the GHS sample, such advantage did not exist. However, it is likely that some businesspersons in the GHS sample would not admit to loans for fear of being identified as loan defaulters. The figures reported in Table 4.17 show a general improvement in the living conditions of government employees over the two decades.

Table 4.18 Condition of the front road of the residence (percentage)

Condition 1985 2005 Footpath only 8.5 4.0 Allowed passage of one rickshaw only 44.7 4.0 Allowing better passage than just one 47.0 92.0 rickshaw

Table 4.19 General environment of the area where the HHH resides, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Condition 1985 2005 Good 16.8 18.8 Average 65.0 75.0 Bad 18.0 6.2

The data show that both the condition of the road in front of the residence and the general environment of the area were considered to have improved over the two decades.

Problems in the area where HHH is residing, 1985−2005

In 1985, a high percentage refrained from responding to the question of whether there was any important problem in the area. In 2005, 64 per cent of HHH faced no serious problems in the area where they resided. According to the remaining 36 per cent, there was a serious problem. 112 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Opinions of HHH on different matters

As shown in Table 4.20, the response was similar to that obtained in the GHS.

Table 4.20 Economic system of preference, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Economic system 1985 2005 Islamic economy 48 10 Mixed economy 22 31 Socialist economy 23 5 Market economy 4 40 Others 3 14

The data in Table 4.21 clearly show that while the HHH felt that they had substantially improved over their respective fathers economically and socially, they had slightly declined educationally vis-à-vis their fathers (i.e. from 97 per cent in 1985 to 91 per cent in 2005). The latter could be associated with a decline in the quality of education at all levels of education.

Table 4.21 Comparison of HHH with father, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Category 1985 2005 Improved economically 49 87 compared to father Same as father 28 10 economically Deteriorated 21 3 economically compared to father Improved educationally 97 91 compared to father Same as father 3 7 educationally Educationally – 2 deteriorated Socially improved NA 90 Socially same as father NA 9 Socially deteriorated NA 1

Family planning (FP), 1985−2005

Support for family planning declined from 98.5 per cent in 1985 to 97 per cent in 2005. There was no direct opposition to FP in 2005, compared to 1.5 per cent of HHH in 1985 directly opposing FP. This time, it consisted of “nothing for me”, “partially support” and “no answer”. In 1985, the average number of children per ever-married HHH was 3.6, which was way above the official policy of two children only. In 2005, about 50 per cent of the ever-married HHH had three or more children. In other words, with regard to family planning, there had not been any significant change The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 113 in the ground realities for government officials over the years, despite the decreasing growth rate in population for the country as a whole. This poorly reflected on the commitment of the government to family planning in that it was unable to implement in-house what it preached to the people at large. According to selected respondents, the main reasons for their poor family planning record were the strong son-preference in the society and dependence on children during old age, the phenomena we also encountered in the GHS.

Insecurity of women in Dhaka city, 2005

The trend noted in this regard was similar to that noted in the GHS. About 84 per cent of the HHH felt that women were generally insecure in Dhaka city. Other important manifestations of women’s insecurity in Dhaka city were mugging, terrorism, domestic violence (i.e.physical and mental abuse at the hands of close relatives) and sexual harassment in the workplace. The female HHH were more vocal about the insecurity of women than male HHH. Although we did not collect information on this subject in 1985, according to selected respondents the security of women in Dhaka city had unmistakably deteriorated over the two decades. The HHH blamed it on lack of safety in the streets at night, teasing by mastans on the road and lack of hostel facilities for working women. However, according to selected respondents, while these explanations were well justified, one of the important underlying causes was the attempts in certain quarters to reassert conservative values in the light of women’s attempts to occupy public spaces (for example, in garment industries by, generally, illiterate women and in offices by educated women) that previously always belonged to males.

Table 4.22 Important economic, political, environmental, social and cultural problems in Dhaka city, 2005

Problem Percentage of HHH considering it a problem Poor waste disposal 38 Air pollution 34 Sewerage 31 Public toilets 3 Law and order 31 Arms 9 Drugs and substances 31 Drug-terrorism 15 Lack of playfields 16 Lack of youth clubs 16 Lack of community centres 39 Lack of good environment in clubs and community centres 20 Noise pollution 17 Waterlogging 38 Flooding 21 Mastani 37

Other problems identified were theft, robbery and hijacking, dirtiness of the surroundings, iron in the water and mosquitoes. 114 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.23 Servants in the house, 1985−2005

Category 1985 2005 Number of full-time/part-time 101 (74 full-time +27 part-time) 175 (107 full-time + 68 part-time) servants Per HH part-time servants 0.20 0.17 Per HH full-time servants 0.54 0.28 Percentage of female servants 84 93

Table 4.24 Employment of servants by income groups in 2005 (per HH number of servants employed)

Income group among the HHH Number of servants per HH employing servants (in Taka) < 5,000/- 0.04 5,001–10,000 0.20 10,001–20,000 0.45 >20,000 0.60

The trend noted in Table 4.24 was similar to what we observed in the GHS in Chapter 3. In 1985, 35 per cent of HH did not employ any part- or full-time servant and on average a HH employed 0.74 servants. In 2005, 32.6 per cent of HH could not afford to employ servants, but on average a HH employed only 0.45 servants. Thus, a downward trend in employing house-servants is noted between 1985 and 2005. The rise of the garment sector, a decline in the ability of households to afford servants (as Table 4.24 suggests, there was a clear correlation between HHH income and the number of servants in the household) and availability of modern home gadgets appear to be the most important factors in this regard. In both years, the vast majority of these servants were female. In addition, their districts of origin in 2005 were concentrated, in order of importance, in Mymemsingh, Barisal, Rangpur, Faridpur and Tangail (Mymensing here means Jamalpur, mostly). These districts are either flood- prone or subject to river erosion and general food deficit. In 2005, about 35 per cent of the servants were below the age of 18, that is, they were children. Even if we accept a lenient definition of children, i.e. age 15 and below, the percentage of child servants stands at around 27. On an average, in 2005, all told (that is, cash and kind), these children received somewhere between Taka 1,500 and 1,600 a month.

Closest friends and relatives in Dhaka city, 1985−2005

In 1985, 87 per cent of the closest friends of these government employees were office workers, followed by businesspersons (13 per cent) at the same socio-economic level. This trend continued in 2005 with 85 per cent of closest friends being office workers, followed by businesspersons (15 per cent). In 1985, 75 per cent of the closest friends were graduates and above. In 2005, this figure rose to about 78 per cent. However, in the case of female HHH, the friends were generally less educated than HHH. In 1985, about 63 per cent of the closest relatives living in Dhaka city were office workers and about 51 per cent were graduates or above at the same socio-economic level. The corresponding The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 115 figures were 72 per cent and 80 per cent for 2005. However, in both 1985 and 2005,asmall percentage of the HHH tended to move in the company of close relatives and friends who were above them economically and educationally. Similar trends were also found in the GHS.

Table 4.25 Newspaper/magazine reading habits, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Category 1985 2005 Not reading newspapers 7.3 5.8 Not reading magazines 14.0 28.0

The trends in newspaper reading habits (Table 4.25) were also seen in the GHS. The percentage of HHH not reading newspapers declined by only 1.5 over the two decades whereas the percentage of not reading a magazine doubled during the same period, a trend comparable to what we find in the GHS. The decline in the reading of magazines, as pointed out earlier, is apparently related to the non-availability of quality magazines in the country but according to selected respondents, it was mainly because the readers, given their poor quality of education and lack of refinement, were unable to create an effective demand for quality magazines. However, when we compare the GQS with the GHS, we find that in 2005, the percentages not reading newspapers and magazines in the GHS were respectively 29 and 90 per cent, confirming the impact of education, urbanity and the nature of occupation on reading habits.

Table 4.26 Spending more than half of leisure time, 1985−2005 (percentage)

Category 1985 2005 With family members 64 68 With friends 8 6

It is clear that in spending leisure, the trend has remained the same over the two decades, with a slight increase in spending time with family members and a slight decrease in spending time with friends. This trend was in keeping with what we noted in the GHS.

Table 4.27 Recreation trends among HHH, 2005 (percentage)

Type of recreation Percentage of HHH Watch TV 97 Watch movies in the cinema hall 11 Watch sports/games in the playgrounds 8 Attend marriages/social functions 91 See stage dramas 4

Trends in recreational activities were similar to those in the GHS. Although we did not collect this sort of information in the 1985 survey, it was apparent from selected respondents that over the two decades, there was a substantial increase in watching TV, a decrease in watching movies in the cinemas, an increase in attending weddings and social functions, and if at all, only a slight 116 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 increase in watching sports and games in playgrounds and watching stage dramas. By 2005, almost a revolution had taken place in the TV media, with a sudden flood of private channels from home and abroad, offering many choices to the viewer. The only advantage of the cinemas was the big screen, but the movie themes, their technical quality and overall atmosphere were still far from satisfactory for the middle class educated cinemagoers. In any case, some of these could be seen even in the small screen of the TV. Attending weddings and social functions was among the few means by which the residents of Dhaka city could maintain social links with friends and relatives, and the growth of many community halls, mostly private or belonging to organisations, facilitated this process. Watching sports and games in stadiums and playgrounds could have increased manifold if there were adequate facilities. The fact was that over the two decades, these increased at a very slow pace, compared with the population growth. Watching stage dramas required an audience with a particular taste, and there were also problems in this regard from both demand and supply sides.

Means of transport

In 1985, 37 per cent of HHH walked to the office. Other means used by them for commuting to the office were, in order of importance, rickshaw, bus or mini-bus, car and office transport. For members of the family, these were, in order of importance, rickshaw, bus and walking. The means of transport used by HHH for commuting to the workplace in 2005, were, in order of importance bus, minibus, rickshaw, van, on foot, car, taxi, tempo, auto-rickshaw and motor cycle. The means of transport used by other members of the family in 2005 followed a similar pattern. A comparison between 1985 and 2005 shows that the use of rickshaw or tempo has declined while that of auto-rickshaw, car and taxi has increased over time, and has almost doubled, although the average distance of workplace from residence remained almost the same between 1985 and 2005 (3.7 miles). While 37.5 per cent walked to the office in 1985, in 2005, the percentage was 25.1. The level of the officials, the distance between the office and the residence, the greater availability of motorised vehicles and the increasing number of roads made off-limits for rickshaws were responsible for these changes.

Relationships between different variables

Family size and income, 1985−2005

The picture for 1985 is not clear, since the relevant data are not available. Data for 2005 showed that 72 per cent of the lowest income group (i.e. up to Taka 5,000), 50 per cent of the lower-income group (Taka 5,000 to Taka 10,000), 38 per cent of the middle-income group (Taka 10,001 to Taka 20,000) and 31 per cent of the upper middle income group (Taka 20,001 and more) maintained the small-size family norm (one to four members). On the other hand, 64 per cent of the lowest income group, 45 per cent of the lower income group, 44 per cent of the middle-income group and 51 per cent of the upper-income group maintained the norm of one to two children. Thus, it appeared that in 2005, it was the lowest income group of government officials who best maintained both the small family norm and the small number of children norm. In addition, it The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 117 seemed that the upper income group maintained the one-to-two children norm better than the lower and middle-income group though not as well as the lowest income group.

Table 4.28 Education level and average family size, 1985−2005

Level of education 1985 2005 Illiterate 6.30 5.25 Semi-literate 6.07 4.65 SSC-HSC 6.07 5.04 Graduates and post-graduates 5.72 4.92

There was no clear-cut correlation between education level and family size, although family size has declined for all categories of education level. It may be noted that family size goes beyond the nuclear family, i.e. consisting of HHH, wife and children.

Table 4.29 Education and income of HHH, 1985−2005

Monthly income in Taka Level of education 1985 2005 Illiterate NA 8,892 Semi-literate 1,192 12,965 SSC-HSC 2,558 10,090 Graduates and post-graduates 4,170 17,504

The relation between income and education is clearly established in both the years.

Table 4.30 Occupation and income of HHH, 1985−2005

Monthly income in Taka Occupation 1985 2005 Office workers 3,000 15,181 Teachers 4,555 NA Doctors 14,750 24,000 Technicians 2,000 NA Housework NA 9,250 Retired office workers NA 18,400 Carpenters NA 9,100 Businesspersons NA 27,083

The top occupations in 2005, income-wise, appeared to be business, doctors, retired persons and those in office jobs. The reason for retired people to be included in this table was the income from property renting. 118 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Occupation and family size of HHH, 1985−2005

There was no particular correlation between occupation and family size in either 1985 or 2005.

Table 4.31 Education and occupation of HHH, 2005 (percentage of the total in each category)

Occupation Illiterate Semi-literate HSC-HSC Graduates and post-graduates Homemaker – 50.0 – 50.0 Business 17.0 17.0 8.0 58.0 Office work 2.9 4.6 21.4 71.1 Retired – – – 100.0 Carpenters 20.0 40.0 30.0 10.0 Doctors – – – 100.0 Drivers – 7.7 46.2 46.2

People engaged in occupations involving manual labour tended to be less educated. This was also noted in the GHS.

Table 4.32 Monthly income and ownership of land in Dhaka city, 2005

Monthly income (in No plot One plot More than Taka) one plot Up to 2,000 3 – – 2001–5,000 21 1 – >5,000 289 66 3 Total 313 67 3

We see from Table 4.32 that although most government officials did not own land in Dhaka city, those owning were from the highest income groups among them.

Characteristics of female HHH in 1985−2005

In 1985, there were only four female HHH out of a total of 137 HHH. None had education below HSC. Two were widows, one was married and one unmarried. Only one was a house worker. The remaining three were respectively a junior executive, an upper class staff and a teacher. The average income was Taka 1,725 per month. Only one female HHH did not own any land in Dhaka city. Similarly, one female HHH did not own any land in the rural areas. Compared to their fathers, all of them claimed to have improved their lot educationally, and three of them also economically. Every one supported family planning. Two of them supported an Islamic system, and one each supported socialism and a mixed economy. In 2005, there were 18 female HHH among a total of 383 HHH. The percentage of households with female heads had thus increased from 2.9 to 4.7 during the two decades. Due to the smallness of the sample in 1985, it is difficult to compare the educational change among the female household heads over time. However, in 2005, half the female HHH were graduates, The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 119

Table 4.33 A comparison between HHH of GHS and HHH of GQS, 2005

GQS GHS (Percentage) HHH below 40 years 36 41 Male HHH 95.3 96.6 Bangla as mother tongue of HHH 98.9 99.8 Muslim HHH 96.1 95.3 Dhaka origin 13.3 15.5 Comilla origin 17.2 13.7 Noakhali origin 11.4 6.3 Faridpur origin 5.9 9.2 Barisal origin 11.4 9.8 Married 97.9 90.1 Separated 0.03 2.3 Divorced – 0.4 Widow/er 3.4 7.0 Average number of children per 2.9 2.75 ever-married HHH Average family size 4.75 5.15 Dependency ratio 2.07 1.82 Illiterates 3.1 9.3 Semiliterates 5.2 32.3 SSC-HSC 21.1 23.7 Graduates and post-graduates 70.5 34.1 Average monthly income 13,456 23,816 HHH owning no land in Dhaka city 81 49.3 HHH owning no land/house in the 89.5 23 village Musical instruments 7 9 TV 98 73 Refrigerator 80 63 Ceiling fan 95 95 Sewing machine 27 25 HHH with access to water, 96 94 electricity and gas HHH with access to private cars 9 25 HHH with fewer than 100 books in 49 29 the house HHH not reading newspapers 5.4 29 Friends and relatives of HHH Mostly at same level but some Mostly at the same level but at a higher level some at a higher level HHH spending most spare time Over 60 Over 60 with family members First three occupations of HHH Agriculture, service and Agriculture, service and business businesss First three occupations of fathers- Agriculture, service and Business, agriculture and in-law business service Formally educated fathers (SSC- 42 40 Graduation and above) Formally educated fathers-in-law 55 42 120 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 4.33 (continued)

GQS GHS HHH improving economically over 87 68 fathers HHH improving educationally over 91 79 their fathers HHH supporting family planning 97 97 HHH supporting market economy 40 37 HHH supporting Islamic economy 10 15 HHH supporting mixed economy 31 24 HHH supporting socialism 5 6 which was better than the 1985 situation. In 2005, only one was unmarried, 10 were married and seven were widows. There were no house workers among the female HHH in 2005, one was a doctor and the remaining 17 were at various levels of government service. In 2005, 83 per cent owned no land in Dhaka city and 88 per cent owned no land in the rural areas. Ninety-five per cent supported family planning. Sixty-seven per cent supported a market economy and the remaining 33 per cent were divided between an Islamic economy and a mixed economy. This comparison (Table 4.33) suggests that the trends were similar to those found in the GHS. The samples of both 1985 and 2005 are biased in favour of upper middle, middle and lower middle class, although the GHS sample is much larger and covers the rich and many more occupations other than employment in government and semi-government organisations dealt with in the GQS. Also, compared with the GQS sample, the GHS sample contains a higher percentage of the poor as well as the rich people. However, in 2005 compared to 1985, the GHS sample contains fewer poor people, since the poor people could no longer afford to live in houses with municipal holding numbers.

Summary of the main findings

From Table 4.33, the following trends emerge.

General characteristics

The two samples are quite similar as regards demographic and general characteristics. Some of the minor differences in certain aspects seem to be due to the smallness of the GQS sample (for example, religious composition, mother tongue, marital status, and number of children per HHH). On the other hand, the GQS sample appears to be biased in favour of a nuclear family norm. The GQS sample has a smaller percentage of HHH below the age of 40. The dependency ratio is a little higher in the GQS sample. In addition, there was a greater preponderance of HHH belonging to Comilla, Noakhali and Barisal districts in the GQS sample, whereas HHH from Dhaka district dominated the GHS sample. In fact, there was not much difference between the GQS and GHS samples between 1985 and 2005, except that the percentage of HHH from Faridpur had declined in the GQS sample during this period. The Residents of Dhaka City’s Government Quarters 121

Educational, income, occupational and property owning characteristics

The average income level was substantially higher in the GHS sample since GQS HHHs were basically from the fixed income group. The economic disparity between the two groups in 2005 was particularly reflected in the ownership of property in Dhaka city. This was not so in 1985. The access of government servants to subsidised land had declined sharply over the years in Dhaka city (except for military personnel) and that perhaps explains some of the differences. However, there might have been a significant understatement of property and income by government servants for fear of enquiry by the anti-corruption and income tax authorities. In addition, the GQS contains only that segment of the government officials who either did not own house in Dhaka or who owned but did not as yet cross the twelve year limit of ownership since after that they are not entitled to reside in government property. As regards ownership of durable consumer goods and access to cars, the GQS sample in both 1985 and 2005 is again considerably ahead of the GHS sample. GQS respondents living in government quarters also had only a slight edge in access to gas, electricity and water compared to their GHS counterparts in 2005. The gap was narrowing down over the two decades. Educationally, the GQS respondents were superior to their GHS counterparts in both the years because of the strict educational requirements for entry into government and semi-government service. Between 1985 and 2005, there was some improvement in both the groups in their reading habits and an increase in the number of books owned but obviously the GQS respondents had better reading habits and owned more books and musical instruments than their GHS counterparts in both the years due to their higher education, greater urbanity and the very nature of their occupation.

Level of association and use of spare time

In both the years, both GQS and GHS respondents spent most of their spare time with their respective families. Also, in both years both groups associated with friends and relatives more or less at their own level in education, occupation and area of residence, proving the old adage that birds of a feather flock together. However, in both the samples in both the years, there was also a tendency to associate with friends and relatives at their own levels and if possible with a little higher education than themselves.

Family background and mobility

In both the years and in both the samples, fathers-in-law were more educated than the fathers. Similarly, in both the samples and both the years, HHH had improved over their fathers both educationally and economically. In addition, the rate of improvement between 1985 and 2005 seemed to have increased significantly economically, while educationally it had improved for the GHS sample but not for the GQS sample. The first three occupations of fathers and fathers-in-law were the same for both the years and both samples, although the ordering had changed.

Opinions on major issues

In the 1985 sample, support for family planning was a little more marked in the GQS sample, but in practice there was no difference between the GHS and GQS. The same applied to the economic system of preference. In 2005 also, there was no marked difference between the two samples in their opinion on family planning and the preferred economic system. In the case of family 122 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 planning, the GQS and GHS respondents behaved similarly in violating the norm – “boy or girl, two are enough” – set by the government. However, interestingly, in the GQS sample, the violation of the family planning norm in practice seemed to have increased with the increase in government officials’ verbal commitment to the family planning norm over time, which showed that government servants were behaving more hypocritically than those in the GHS sample were. In addition, between 1985 and 2005, there was a swing away from socialism and Islamic economy in both the samples in favour of capitalist market economy and a mixed economy.

Concluding remarks

Government officials had become alienated from rural land and village homes over thetwo decades, considerably more than other comparable groups discussed in Chapters 3 and 5. This trend is corroborated by an increase in the percentage of second and third generation city dwellers among them between 1985 and 2005. They were also now more educated than they were two decades ago. However, when we take into account the fact that a serious deterioration had taken place in the quality of education during these two decades, it is doubtful how far this improvement in education is meaningful. Their land ownership in Dhaka city had declined during this period perhaps because land purchase for them was no longer subsidised and their fixed income could not match the steep land prices in Dhaka city. However, they had now better access to durable consumer goods than before, and these included cars, TVs, air conditioners, refrigerators, telephones and rickshaws. They experienced an increase in real income over the years, and in 2005 they spent more not on food but on house rents and transport compared to 1985. Their living conditions also showed a general improvement over the two decades. They confirmed that the vast majority of them had improved over their fathers economically as well as educationally. Their ownership of books and reading habits also improved over the years and also in comparison with the GHS, but such improvements were yet to gather a “critical mass”. A comparison with the GHS shows that there were no fundamental differences in the characteristics of the two groups in either 1985 or 2005. This comparison included not only material possessions, family structure, socio-economic background and social interactions but also their opinions on various key issues. In keeping with their rise in real income, they moved with friends and relatives of their own socio-economic level and sometimes even higher. They were thus no more than a sub-set of the middle class we encountered in Chapters 3 and 5. There was nothing to suggest that government officials could be agents of change in Dhaka city. Chapter 5 The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City

Introduction

We have, to a considerable extent, covered the middle classes in Chapters 3 (General Household Survey – GHS) and 4 (Government Quarters Survey – GQS). In this chapter, we would like to capture the social, economic and political characteristics, linkages, worldviews and core beliefs of the educated sections of the middle classes of Dhaka city, including intellectuals, opinion-makers and professionals, in 2005 and find out how they differ from or resemble those identified in the earlier chapters, and estimate what potential they have for bringing about change in Dhaka city. According to Boris Putrin (1984), professionals, intellectuals and opinion-makers are engaged in complex mental labour, but they suffer from a duality. As well-paid and well-placed people in the society, they sometimes identify themselves with the status quo. On the other hand, they are also subject to many deprivations and humiliation in the political, economic and social spheres, which propel them towards trying to change things rather than maintaining the status quo. Their contribution to social change depends on not only this duality but also the kind of values they hold and nurture and whether they are in a downward or upward movement economically and socially. Their role in a Third World megacity like Dhaka is all the more important because the potential beneficiaries of change, namely the poor, women and other disadvantaged sections of the society, lack political consciousness and are mostly uneducated and unorganised. This definition of intellectuals and professionals is not very different from that of non-Marxist scholars like Lipset (1959), except that he divides them into a “hard core” group, creating and describing ideas and culture (for example, scholars, poets, writers, journalists and scientists) and the peripheral group, i.e. those who apply culture and ideas, such as lawyers, doctors, engineers, bureaucrats, singers, actors and political workers. As in 1985, in 2005 also, we extended the term intellectuals to college and university students, although they are not strictly covered by either of the two above definitions. This is primarily because of the overwhelmingly important role that such students historically played in the political and social change process in Dhaka city and Bangladesh. Also, in a country where the levels of literacy and education continue to be low, inclusion of college and university students in the category of intellectuals is well justified, although both Lipset and Putrin would imply that students are, at the most, “apprentice” rather than “operational” intellectuals.

Historical deficit in intellectual development

Bangladesh and Dhaka city as its capital began its journey in the colonial era with a low level of intellectual attainment. Thus, the took to modern English education at least one hundred years after their Hindu counterparts. Some of the Bengali Muslim religious leaders had declared colonial India as “Darul Harb” (land of the infidels) and dissuaded fellow countrymen from taking to modern English education started by the British since the early 19th century. It was 124 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 only in the closing years of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century that Bengali Muslims started to realise the implications of this blunder (Ahmed, R.U., 1981). The first university was set up in Dhaka city as late as 1921, that is, about three-quarters of a century after Kolkata University came into being. Indeed, the city never had a high proportion of bright intellectuals when compared, for example, to Kolkata. After the 1947 Partition, the large exodus of the Bengali Hindu intellectuals (particularly, dedicated teachers, doctors and political and cultural workers) from East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) created a serious intellectual vacuum. At the same time, some of the best Bengali Muslim intellectuals refused to identify themselves with the religious theocracy of Pakistan and stayed back in India rather than migrate to Dhaka city, then capital of East Pakistan. In the 1960s, owing to a combination of international and domestic factors, Dhaka city experienced a spurt of intellectual development. However, in 1971, the Pakistani army brutally murdered the best of the Bengali intellectuals. One could also argue that intellectual development among the Bengali Muslims was historically constrained by the deep inferiority complex they developed due to their oppression throughout the ages as converts from low-caste non-Aryans, engaged in agricultural work. Finally, successive autocratic regimes in East Pakistan and Bangladesh since the 1960s stunted the growth of intellectuals in Bangladesh through destroying the quality of education (for example, overlooking mass cheating in examinations, marginalising the role of English as medium of instruction in the universities and promoting student violence in the campus) and denying intellectual freedom (for further details, please see Umar, 2004 and 2006).

Main findings of the 1985 study

In 1985, based on primary and secondary materials (the main secondary materials were Rahman, Ashabur, 1987; Ahmed, K.U., 1982; Ahmed, Kamruddin, 1976; Maleka Begum, 1989; Karim, S.F., 1975; Mohammed, Anu, 1987; Mukul, M.R.A., 1987; Nuruzzaman, K., 1989; Shamim Azad, 1988; Umar, B.U., 1967; Sattar, E., 1975; Hannan, M., 1987; Zaman, H., 1984) collected and from the perspectives of change, we identified four sections among the educated middle class pursuing intellectual and professional vocations in Dhaka city. The first section consisted of the “external escapists”, who had either migrated from the country, or would like to do so at the earliest opportunity. Some of the most talented of the intellectuals, such as doctors, engineers, economists, chartered accountants, university teachers and civil servants belonged to this category. Outward migration of professionals, in fact, intensified after 1972, and since then it has changed directions several times depending on the demand for their services abroad. The second section consisted of the “internal escapists”, comprising mute educated people who would rather hide in their little nests rather than face a sea of trouble. Their strategy seemed to be to lie low and make the best of the given situation by exhausting all possible honest means of livelihood. By far the vast majority among the intellectual middle class of Dhaka city in 1985 belonged to the category of below mediocre and opportunists. They were self-servers and had no inclination to change the social reality. The fourth category, which was a microscopic minority, was revolutionaries or radical reformists, who wanted to change the society in a meaningful manner. However, they also had their shortcomings. For example, many of them were rather bookish, impractical and not down to earth. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 125

Data on the 22 segments of the educated middle class, 2005

In 2005, we collected data on 22 segments of the educated middle class of Dhaka city, namely Muslim religious leaders, madrasa students, non-madrasa students, trade union leaders, political workers, journalists, singers and dancers, private sector executives, civil servants, engineers, teachers, lawyers, educated homemakers, uneducated homemakers, scientists, doctors, artists and painters, NGO executives, writers, actors, middle class entrepreneurs and bankers and accountants. Homemakers have been divided into educated and non-educated for purposes of comparison. We begin by presenting data on each of the 22 segments separately and then draw the materials together in order to generalise on the common trends and their determinats. The segment-wise data are as follows.

Muslim religious leaders

Religious leaders were not included in the 1985 study. The religious leaders in this study consisted of imams of mosques and teachers of madrasas (alia, kowmi and hafezi). The total number of religious leaders taken up for case study in 2005 was 50.

General characteristics Thirty-eight per cent of the religious leaders belonged to the 51−55 age group and 34 per cent 41−50 years. Only 6 per cent were 55 years and above, while the remaining 22 per cent belonged to the 21−40 age group. Seventy per cent were married and the remaining 30 per cent were unmarried. Ninety-six per cent religious leaders had only one wife, while only 4 per cent among them were practising polygamy. Sixty-six per cent lived in nuclear families, and the remaining 34 per cent in joint families. All the respondents were males.

Education twenty-two per cent of the religious leaders had passed the dowra hadis, 20 per cent kamil and 18 per cent were Master’s degree holders. Other types of education, in order of importance, were fazil, hafezi, mufti and title. They were now better educated than 20 years ago because they were expected to interpret emerging issues and problems in the light of the Quran and the hadith.

Districts of origin the main districts of origin were Dhaka (Narsingdi), Comilla and Noakhali. It seemed that former larger districts of Comilla and Noakhali were traditionally the largest suppliers of religious leaders to Dhaka city. Twenty years ago, 70 per cent of the religious leaders of Dhaka city came from Noakhali, Comilla (Chandpur) and Mymensingh.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Forty-four per cent of these religious leaders visited their village homes once a year, while 56 per cent visited village homes more than once a year. The main purposes of these visits, in order of importance, were meeting parents, wives and other relatives, looking after property and celebrating Eid. Ninety-four per cent of religious leaders owned houses in the villages while only 6 per cent had no houses in their villages; 46 per cent owned one to two acres of land, 28 per cent one acre, 18 per cent three to four acres and only 6 per cent had five to six acres of land in their villages. Forty-six per cent had been living in Dhaka city for less than ten years. Thirty-six per cent were living for 11−20 years and 14 per cent for 21−30 years or more. Only 4 per cent were born in Dhaka city. 126 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The main reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were jobs, education and accompanying parents.

Leisure time activities eighty-two per cent of the religious leaders spent their leisure time with their family and in reading Islamic religious books and novels (written or translated by Nosim Hezazi, Abu Asad, Shafi Uddin Sardar and Enayetullah Altamas) and newspapers. The remaining 18 per cent spent their leisure time, in order of importance, by reciting the holy Quran, reading Islamic verses, poems and stories and listening to Islamic songs, Nazrul giti (songs of Nazrul Islam) and gazal (light classical songs). Their favourite newspapers were, in order of importance, Inquilab, Naya Diganta, Ittefaque and Sangram, all except one of which supported Islamic political parties.

Background of fathers the fathers of 60 per cent of the religious leaders were engaged in agriculture, 20 per cent were in both public and private sector jobs and an equal percentage in business. Fathers of 72 per cent of the religious leaders belonged to the middle class and 28 per cent to the lower middle class. The education status of fathers was as follows:

• illiterate 18 per cent • semi-literate 64 per cent • educated (SSC, HSC, Master’s, alim, kamil and hafezi) 12 per cent

Eighty-six per cent of the religious leaders stated that their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers while 6 per cent indicated that their economic condition had deteriorated and 8 per cent mentioned that it was similar to that of their fathers. Similarly, 98 per cent held the view that their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 2 per cent stated that it had deteriorated.

Political affiliation Seventy-two per cent of the religious leaders did not maintain any links with political parties while the remaining 28 per cent were affiliated to political parties. Fifty per cent of the religious leaders involved in politics were associated with Jamat-e-Islam and 28 per cent were in the Islamic Oikkyo Jote. The other political parties in which they were involved were Islamic Shasontontra Andolon and Krishak-Sramik Janata League. Of those involved in politics, 43 per cent had been associated with politics for 16−20 years, 14 per cent for 11−15 years and 21 per cent for 6−10 years. According to selected informants, their link with political parties was on the increase because many of them would like to assume a leadership role and also acquire social prestige.

Number of children Sixty per cent of the ever-married religious leaders had three to six children, 34 per cent one to two children and 6 per cent had six or more children. The average number of children of the religious leaders was three.

Housing only 6 per cent of religious leaders owned a house and property in Dhaka city. About 90 per cent lived in rented houses. The remaining 4 per cent lived in free accommodation in the mosque or on other religious property (but which meant accommodation only for the respondent). The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 127

Economic condition Sixty-six per cent of the religious leaders earned Taka 6,000−10,000, 18 per cent below Taka 6,000, 12 per cent Taka 11,000−15,000 and only 4 per cent earned Taka 15,000 and above per month. They mainly spent their earnings on food, housing, education and medicine. Combining this information with that provided by selected informants, it may be said that most of them lived a lower middle class life.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to go for business, help their family members, provide higher education to their children, establish Islamic norms and values in the society and be engaged in social work. Their old age plans, in order of importance, were to return to the village and live there; spend more time in religious work; and continue with social work.

Occupational problems occupational problems were:

• low salaries; • late receipt of salaries, in the case of private madrasas and heads of mosques; • income had to be supplemented by giving private tuition, conducting milad mahfils and bringing rice from village homes.

Membership of non-political organisations (other than the organisation or association of the occupation concerned) only 12 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Opinions on important issues and problems on family planning, their opinions were as follows:

• support family planning: 48 per cent • oppose family planning: 36 per cent • no response: 16 per cent

Ninety-six per cent preferred the Islamic economic system, while only 4 per cent opted for a mixed economy. They identified conflict between political parties, lack of Islamic values and failure of political parties to keep their promises as the most important national political problems. They also thought that family connections, black money–business–political nexus, women and mastan-oriented politics were significant political problems of the country. According to them, the following were the major problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance:

• high prices of essential commodities • lack of or inadequate supply of water, electricity and gas • law and order • traffic jams • mosquito menace

They considered Islamic law as crucial for solving these problems. In addition, they emphasised the development of physical infrastructure. Ninety per cent of the religious leaders stated that almost all evil and unethical activities of the society could be minimized through religious sermons, particularly during the Friday khutba in 128 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 the mosques and mahfil in the eidgah or big open spaces, since these were readily accepted by the general people. Therefore, they strongly supported the idea of using the mosque for raising social awareness of the people. According to about 90 per cent of the religious leaders, Islam did not prohibit education and employment for girls and women, but believed that they should be guided by Islamic culture, i.e. the purdah system. They were happy with the recent modernisation of education in the Alia Madrasas, with the inclusion of subjects such as English, Bengali, Mathematics, Science, Social Sciences, Commerce and Computer in the curricula. They favoured further modernisation of madrasa education. Ninety-six per cent of the religious leaders preferred to undergo imam training. They thought that their attitude, skill and knowledge on various modern issues could be developed through imam training.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, some of the religious leaders were spreading the wrong interpretations of Islam – in particular, moulobad (fundamentalism) and pirbad (obscurantism) – among the common people and as such misleading them, taking advantage of their ignorance and religious devotion. Some of them were also on the payroll of powerful politicians and organisations.

Madrasa students

Madrasa students, not included in the 1985 study, comprised those studying for alim, fazil and title. The total number of madrasa students covered by the case study method was 51.

General characteristics Fifty-one per cent of the madrasa students belonged to the 11−15 age group, 41 per cent were 16−20 years. Only 8 per cent were 21−25 years old. Eighty-three per cent were males and 17 per cent were females. All respondents were unmarried. Sixty-nine per cent belonged to nuclear families whereas 31 per cent belonged to joint families.

Education Forty-five per cent of madrasa students were studying for thefazil degree, 20 per cent for the kamil and 18 per cent for the hafezi. The remaining 25 per cent, in order of importance, were studying for mufti and the title.

Districts of origin the main districts of origin were Dhaka (Munshiganj, in particular), Comilla and Natore.

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-six per cent of madrasa students visited their village homes more than once a year while 14 per cent went once a year. The main purposes of visits were, in order of importance, meeting relatives and celebrating Eid. Fathers of 94 per cent of madrasa students owned houses in the villages while only 6 per cent had no houses in their villages. Forty-six per cent of the fathers possessed one to two acres of land, 29 per cent one acre, 19 per cent three to four acres and only 6 per cent had five to six acres. Fifty-one per cent of the madrasa students were born in Dhaka. Thirty-nine per cent of madrasa students had been living in Dhaka for a period of less than 10 years and 10 per cent for 11−20 years. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were education and accompanying parents. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 129

Leisure time activities the most important way of spending leisure time for the madrasa students was reading Islamic books, newspapers and watching television (such as talk shows, discussions/questions and answers, a serial talk show entitled Udjiban, news, etc.). Other ways of spending leisure, in order of importance, were reciting the Holy Quran, reading Islamic verses, poems, stories and listening to Islamic songs and Nazrul giti, gazal. Newspapers read by them, in order of importance, were Naya Digonto, Inquilab, Ittefaque, Sangram and Amar Desh. Most of these newspapers supported Islamic political parties.

Background of fathers The fathers of 41 per cent of madrasa students were employees in government or semi-government or private organisations. Thirty-five per cent were in business. The remaining 24 per cent were medium and poor farmers and day labourers. The economic conditions of the fathers of 78 per cent of madrasa students placed them in the middle class, 20 per cent in the lower middle class and 2 per cent in the poor class. The educational status of their fathers was as follows:

• illiterate 26 per cent • semi-literate 45 per cent • educated 29 per cent

Political affiliation eighty-six per cent of the madrasa students did not have any links with political parties and only 14 per cent had close contacts with political parties. Of those involved in politics, 72 per cent were associated with the Islamic Chatro Shibir, 14 per cent with the Islamic Oikkyo Jote and an equal percentage with the BNP. Of those involved in politics, 43 per cent had been associated with politics for five to six years, 14 per cent for three to four years and 21 per cent for one to two years. According to selected informants, their link with political parties was on the increase because they would like to assume political and social leadership.

Housing Fathers of only 6 per cent of madrasa students owned houses and landed property in Dhaka city. The rest of the madrasa students lived in hostels, messes and rented houses.

Economic condition Forty-seven per cent madrasa students spent Taka 3,000−4,000, 39 per cent Taka 1,000−1,500 and 14 per cent Taka 500−1,000 per month. The money was spent mainly on food, clothes and education. Many madrasa students were engaged in giving private tuition or part-time jobs to supplement their allowance. Some meritorious students (10 per cent) received scholarships, while most (90 per cent) were financed by themselves and their parents. Combining this information with that provided by selected informants, it may be said that most of them led a poor to lower middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were higher education, to try to establish Islamic norms and values in the society and to pursue a political career. Since they were very young, we did not ask them any question on old age plans, occupational problems and membership of non-political organisations.

Opinion on various important issues and problems only 25 per cent supported family planning. Fifty-four per cent opposed it and 21 per cent had no response. Eighty-four per cent favoured an 130 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Islamic economic system and the remaining 16 per cent supported a mixed economy. According to them, the national political problems, in order of importance, were conflict between political parties, lack of Islamic values and failure of the political leaders to fulfil their commitments. According to madrasa students, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were lack of or inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity, the mosquito menace, law and order and traffic jams. They thought that imposition of Islamic law was essential in solving these problems. According to 96 per cent of the respondents, it was unfair to generalise that all madrasa students were involved in adopting unfair means in examinations. In addition, the modern examinations system had already been introduced in the madrasas. They stated that recently modern madrasa education had been introduced in the Alia Madrasas. They favoured further modernisation of madrasa education. Ninety per cent of madrasa students thought that Islam did not prohibit education and employment for girls and women. They felt that the girls and women should be guided by Islamic injunctions in both education and employment; thus they should practise purdah.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, although cheating in examinations had come down for all categories of students, it remained a problem with a considerable section of madrasa students, despite their verbal commitment to religion. In addition, those with political affiliation acted as foot soldiers for their respective political parties.

Non-madrasa students

Fifty students were examined through the case study method. Non-madrasa students at the university level were included in the 1985 study.

General characteristics Sixty per cent of the non-madrasa students belonged to the 14−20 age group, while 40 per cent belonged to the 21−24 age group. Sixty-two per cent were males and 38 per cent were females. Ninety-eight per cent were Muslims and only 2 per cent were Hindus. Ninety-eight per cent were unmarried. Seventy-four per cent belonged to nuclear families while 26 per cent belonged to joint families.

Educational profile the education types covered were: general education 84 per cent, technical education 14 per cent and music 2 per cent. Eighty-six per cent of the respondents received no financial aid or scholarship from government or any other source. Only 14 per cent received financial assistance or scholarship.

Districts of origin their districts of origin were, in order of importance, Dhaka, Comilla, Noakhali, Bogra, Barisal, Kushtia, Mymensingh, Faridpur and Jamalpur.

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-two per cent maintained links with their village homes through visits (64 per cent visited the village more than once a year to meet relatives and spend Eid holidays). Eighteen per cent did not maintain links with the village. Sixty-six per cent had been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years, 26 per cent for 11−20 years and only 8 per cent had been living here since childhood. Their reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were education and accompanying parents. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 131

Leisure time activities most non-madrasa students spent their leisure time watching TV programmes, listening to songs, watching movies, joining gossip sessions and reading newspapers. The newspapers that they read were, in order of importance, Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, Ittefaq, Jugantor, Naya Digonto and Amardesh. Ten per cent did not read any newspapers.

Background of fathers the fathers of 46 per cent of these students were in agriculture, while 24 per cent were doing office jobs and 30 per cent of them were in business. Fathers of 30 per cent of the non-madrasa students were from the upper middle class, while 46 per cent were from the middle class and only 24 per cent were from the lower middle class. The educational status of their fathers was as follows:

• illiterate 10 per cent • semi-literate 44 per cent • educated 46 per cent

Relations with political parties only 10 per cent of the respondents had any connection with politics. The student parties, affiliated to were Bangladesh Chatro League (BCL), the student wing of AL, Jatyotabadi Chatro Dal (JCD), the student wing of BNP and Chatro Shibir, the student wing of the Jamat-i-Islam. According to selected respondents, the vast majority of the students were generally getting depoliticised owing to careerist attitudes and inability of the existing student political groups and their leaders to attract general students to their folds, owing to their lack of ideological commitment and self-sacrifice.

Housing Fifty per cent of the respondents were living in rental houses and only 30 per cent of the respondents lived in their family houses. Only 20 per cent were living in the hostels.

Economic condition These non-madrasa students were mostly financed by parents. About 10 per cent received scholarships. About 10 per cent supplemented their parents’ contribution through giving private tuition and another 6 per cent were engaged in part-time jobs. All the respondents were full-time students. Combining this information with that provided by selected informants, it may be said that most non-madrasa students led a lower-middle to middle class life in Dhaka city.

Table 5.1 Monthly expenditure of non-madrasa students

Range (Taka) Percentage of respondents 2,000–4,000 54 4,100–6,000 20 8,100–10,000 12 10,001–12,000 4 17,000 6 30,000 4 132 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were obtaining a job either in Bangladesh or abroad, after completing education and pursuing higher education at home and abroad. We did not ask them any question on old age plans, occupational problems and membership of non-political organisations.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-three per cent supported family planning and only 5 per cent opposed it. Two per cent came up with no response. Thirty-eight per cent favoured a free market economy, while 44 per cent opted for a mixed economy. Only 6 per cent wanted a socialist economy; and 12 per cent supported an Islamic economy. According to them, national politics is beset with problems, such as conflict between political parties, lack of moral values, criminalisation of politics and failure of leaders to fulfil their commitments. The major problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were traffic congestion, high level of corruption, poor road condition, deteriorating law and order situation, highly irregular supply of electricity, population pressure, unplanned building construction, poor functioning of the City Corporation, poor drainage and too few hostels for male employees.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, a considerable number of the non- madrasa students were given to substance addiction, whore-mongering, alcohol consumption and crime. Their level of knowledge and sympathy for the poor and the disadvantaged had declined over the years, and they had become much more money and career conscious in 2005.

Trade union leaders

Trade union leaders were not included in the 1985 study. We drew the 2005 sample on trade union leaders from employee unions, Motor Sramik Unions and Garment Sramik Unions. The total number of trade union leaders studied was 50.

General characteristics thirty-six per cent of the trade union leaders belonged to the 36–40 age group, 16 per cent were 41−45 years, 18 per cent 31−35 years, 20 per cent 26−30 years and 10 per cent to the 46−50 age group. Increasingly, younger people were becoming trade union leaders because they could better motivate the general workers into trade union activities. Eighty-six per cent of the trade union leaders were married and the remaining 14 per cent were unmarried. Seventy per cent belonged to nuclear families whereas 30 per cent belonged to joint families. Male leaders were more proactive and directly involved in such activities as demonstration, jalao, gherao and hartal to realise the demands of the general workers compared to their female counterparts and that is why they dominated the leadership of the trade union movement.

Education Seventy-eight per cent of the trade union leaders were educated, 18 per cent were semi-literate and only 4 per cent were illiterate. More educated persons were involved in trade unions because they thought that they could present smarter arguments before employers, government officials and overseas counterparts. According to selected respondents, this was mainly because, under the circumstances, this provided them with an occupation. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 133

Districts of origin the main districts of origin for these trade union leaders were , Dhaka, Comilla, Chittagong and Noakhali.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Forty-six per cent of trade union leaders visited home once a year while 54 per cent did so more than once a year. The main purposes of visits to the village were, in order of importance, meeting parents, wives and other relatives, looking after property and celebrating Eid. Ninety-eight per cent of the trade union leaders owned houses in the villages while only 2 per cent had no house in their villages. Forty-eight per cent had one to two acres of land, 29 per cent one acre, 20 per cent three to four acres and only 3 per cent had five to six acres of land in their villages. Fifty-four per cent had been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years; 38 per cent for 11–20 years and only 8 per cent were born in Dhaka city. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were in search of jobs and business and accompanying their parents.

Leisure time activities Seventy-six per cent of the trade union leaders spent their leisure time with members of their family and 21 per cent liked to read books and newspapers. Others spent leisure, in order of importance, by listening to songs in the TV and gossiping with their friends. Their favourite reading materials were biographies of politicians, and particularly those who were trade union leaders earlier, and history of political movements. They liked polligiti, Nazrul giti, modern Bangla songs, Rabindra sangit, Bangla, Urdu and Hindi Gajals, etc. Their favourite newspapers were, in order of importance, Prothom Alo, Jugantor, Shomokal, Jono Kontho, Ittefaque, Amar Desh, Inquilab and Naya Digonto. These had bias in favour of one or the other established political party rather than the labouring class.

Background of fathers the occupation of the fathers of 62 per cent of trade union leaders was agriculture, 20 per cent were in both public and private sector office work and 18 per cent in business. The education status of the fathers was as follows:

• illiterate 12 per cent • semi-literate 80 per cent • educated 8 per cent

Eighty-eight per cent of the trade union leaders stated that their economic conditions had improved compared to their fathers, while 5 per cent indicated that their economic conditions had deteriorated and 7 per cent mentioned that their economic condition was similar to that of their fathers. According to 97 per cent of the respondents, their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 3 per cent stated that their social status had deteriorated.

Political affiliation almost 94 per cent of the trade union leaders had links with political parties and only 6 per cent did not maintain any links with political parties. Fifty-four per cent of the trade union leaders were affiliated to the (AL) and 28 per cent to Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). The remaining 18 per cent were involved in Islamic Shasontontra Andolon, Krishok Sramik Janata League and Jamat-e-Islam. Forty-eight per cent of the trade union leaders had been involved in politics for 16–20 years, 26 per cent for 11–15 years and 26 per cent for 6–10 years. 134 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Number of children about 56 per cent of the ever-married trade union leaders had one to two children, 34 per cent two to three children and 10 per cent had four and above children. Thus, the average number of children of the trade union leaders was three.

Housing Sixty per cent of the trade union leaders owned houses or lands in Dhaka city, while the remaining 40 per cent lived with parents, brothers, sisters, nephews, nieces and cousins in rented houses.

Economic condition Fifty-six per cent of the trade union leaders earned Taka 6,000−10,000, 28 per cent below Taka 6,000, 12 per cent Taka 11,000−15,000 and only 4 per cent earned Taka 15,000 or more per month. They spent their earnings mainly on food, housing, education and clothes. According to selected respondents, most trade union leaders afforded a lifestyle higher than they had stated. Therefore, it may be said that most trade union leaders led an upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to go into business, help their family members and provide higher education to their children. In old age, they would like to be engaged in religious activities and social work.

Occupation and related problems Seventy-four per cent of the trade union leaders were in office jobs and 26 per cent were in business. According to selected respondents, most of them maintained links with mastans. Not all, but a significant number of the trade union leaders changed their political affiliations quite often, in order to stay close to power perpetually and make money.

Membership of non-political organisations only 22 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-six per cent of the trade union leaders were fully in favour of family planning and only 4 per cent did not approve of family planning. Ninety-six per cent preferred a welfare system while only 4 per cent liked a mixed economy. In their view, the most important national political problems were conflict between political parties, lack of values and failure of political leaders to fulfil their commitments. Other problems identified were the use of family connections for self-aggrandisement, black money-based business connections and the use of mastans. According to them, Dhaka city had to solve problems such as high prices of essential commodities, lack of gas, water and electricity, poor road connections, large number of mosquitoes and poor law and order.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, trade union leaders took undue advantage of ordinary members of their unions, such as pocketing members’ subscriptions, betraying their interests by making underhand deals with the owners and misappropriating relief goods meant for the workers. They also regularly switched allegiance to the political party in power out of sheer opportunism. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 135

Political workers

Political workers included lower-level political party workers, activists and hoodlums from BNP, AL, JP, Jamaat and Workers’ Party, but not their stalwarts. Political workers were not included in the 1985 study. The total number of political workers studied in 2005 was 50.

General characteristics thirty-six per cent of the political workers belonged to the 26–45 age group and 24 per cent to the 46–55 age group. Only 8 per cent were 55 years and above, while the remaining 32 per cent belonged to the 21–25 age group. Ninety-six per cent were Muslims and 4 per cent were Hindus. Ninety-eight per cent were males and only 2 per cent were females. Seventy-two per cent belonged to nuclear families while 28 per cent lived in joint families. Seventy-four per cent were married and the remaining 26 per cent were unmarried.

Education Forty-four per cent of the political workers were graduates, 28 per cent were Master’s degree holders, 14 per cent had passed fazil, hafezi, SSC and HSC examinations and the remaining 14 per cent were semi-literates. According to selected respondents, two decades ago, political workers were relatively better educated in quality terms.

Districts of origin the main districts of origin were Faridpur, Tangail, Khulna, Comilla and Noakhali.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Sixty-six per cent of political workers visited their village homes more than once a year, 6 per cent once a year and 28 per cent did not respond to this question. The main reasons for the visits were, in order of importance:

• meeting relatives, including parents • looking after property • celebrating Eid • organising political activities

Ninety-six per cent of political workers owned houses in the villages while only 4 per cent had no houses in their villages. Forty-four per cent had one to two acres of land, 20 per cent two acres, 16 per cent three to four acres, 12 per cent four to five acres and only 8 per cent had six to eight acres of land in their villages. Forty-six per cent have been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years; 36 per cent for 11– 20 years; 12 per cent for 21–30 years and more; and only 6 per cent were born in Dhaka city. The reasons for coming to Dhaka, in order of importance, were in search of jobs, education and accompanying their parents.

Leisure time activities m dsddfdfNinety per cent of the political workers spent their leisure with their family and by watching television and 20 per cent liked to read books and newspapers. Others spent their leisure, in order of importance, by watching movies, engaging in social work, and listening to songs such as Nazrul giti and gazal. The political workers liked books on political leaders, talk shows on socio-political and socio-economic issues, movies on political and language movements, drama, cricket, other games, etc. Their favourite newspapers were, in order of importance, Amar Desh, Inquilab, Naya Diganto, Prothom Alo, Jonokantho and Jugantar, but depending on the political parties they supported. 136 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Background of fathers the fathers of 40 per cent of political workers were involved in agriculture, 36 per cent had jobs in both public and private sectors and 24 per cent were in business. Fathers of 40 per cent of political workers belonged to the lower middle class and 36 per cent to the middle class and 24 per cent to the upper middle class. The education status of their fathers was as follows:

• illiterate 4 per cent • semi-literate 54 per cent • educated 42 per cent

Sixty-two per cent of the political workers stated that their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers while 36 per cent indicated that their economic condition was similar to that of their fathers. Two per cent mentioned that their economic condition had deteriorated. Ninety-four per cent of the respondents mentioned that their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 6 per cent stated that their social status was similar to that of their fathers.

Political affiliation Fifty-six per cent of the political workers in the sample were involved with the BNP and 26 per cent with the AL. The others were affiliated to JP, Jamat-e-Islam, Krishak Sramik Janata League, Workers’ Party, and Islamic Oikkyo Jote. Forty-four per cent of the political workers had been involved in politics for 16–20 years, 26 per cent for 11–15 years and 16 per cent for 6–10 years and the remaining 14 per cent for just one to five years.

Number of children the maximum number (66 per cent) of married political workers had one to two children, 32 per cent three to four children and 4 per cent had five and more children. Thus the average number of children of the political workers was two.

Housing only 8 per cent owned houses and land in Dhaka city. They lived with close relatives such as parents, brothers, sisters, nephews, nieces and cousins mostly in rented houses.

Economic condition Fifty-six per cent of the political workers earned Taka 11,000–15,000, 20 per cent Taka 6,000–10,000 and 18 per cent earned Taka 16,000–20,000, 26 per cent earned Taka 21,000 or more per month. Only 6 per cent earned Taka 1,000–5,000 per month. They spent their earnings mainly on food, housing, education and clothes. Selected respondents thought that their real income was much higher than what they had stated. It may, therefore, be concluded that most political workers led an upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to go into business, do social work and provide higher education to their children. In old age, they would like to be engaged in religious activities and social work.

Occupation and related problems Fifty-six per cent of the political workers were businesspersons, 24 per cent were doing office jobs and the remaining 20 per cent were lawyers, students and unemployed people. Students were the dominant force in the political parties in the past. In the two decades under survey, businesspersons were gaining ground in the political parties because they had enough money to control power and politics. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 137

The younger people were emerging in greater number as political workers. Making money and gaining undue privilege quickly were the main attractions for them. Male political workers were better oriented to direct and lead demonstrations, jalao, gherao and hartal than their female counterparts and hence they continued to dominate the scene. Most political workers were involved in labour and or peasant politics, since they were not well educated.

Membership of non-political organisations only 24 per cent were members of a non-political organisation.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-two per cent supported family planning and 9 per cent had no response. Fifty-four per cent were in favour of a mixed economy; while 40 per cent supported a free market economy and only 6 per cent thought that an Islamic economic system could solve Bangladesh’s problems. According to them, the major national political problems, in order of importance, were conflict between political parties, lack of any ideology and failure on the part of the political leaders to fulfill their commitments. Other problems identified were misuse of family connections, political influence of black money-based businesspersons, use of mastans and misuse of power. Although most of the major political parties had no internal democracy, they were very much loyal to their respective political chiefs and were not bothered about internal democracy within the party. For them, the problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were: high prices of essential commodities, inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity, poor road connections, deteriorating law and order and too many mosquitoes.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, most political workers of major political parties forcibly collected money from businesspersons, contractors, owners of shops, restaurants, markets and clinics and hawkers in the name of their political parties. They also extracted business deals and big positions in the party from the supreme leaders by rendering political services, such as organising public receptions of leaders, construction of welcome gates, hiring slumdwellers to attend public meetings and join processions and engaging in destructive activities during hartals. Most political workers themselves belonged to mastan groups while others maintained close links with mastans as a means of becoming rich and prominent in the society.

Journalists

Journalists were not included in the 1985 study. Fifty respondents were selected from different newspapers and TV channels of Dhaka city for the present study.

General characteristics about 18 per cent of the total respondents were of below 30 years old. Twenty per cent were within the age group 30–40 years, and 30 per cent of respondents were 41–50 years and another 30 per cent of the journalists were over 50 years of age. Seventy-two per cent were living in nuclear families and 28 per cent in joint families. Ninety-four per cent were Muslims, 100 per cent were males and 90 per cent were married. 138 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Education about 60 per cent of respondents had Master’s degrees and 40 per cent of them had Bachelor’s degrees. Sixty-eight per cent of the respondents had undergone special training in journalism. Selected respondents expressed the opinion that they were not very bright academically (for example, many of them joined this profession because they could not get into the civil service), and it was the sudden media boom in recent years that helped them to find a career in journalism.

Districts of origin the districts of origin, in order of importance, were Mymensingh, Dhaka, Comilla, Pabna, Faridpur, Rangpur and Noakhali. Eighteen per cent were born in Dhaka city.

Links with Dhaka city and the village ninety-two per cent of the journalists kept in touch with their village homes through visits and mobile telephone. Sixty-eight per cent visited their village homes more than once a year, the purpose being to meet relatives and look after property. Thirty per cent had been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years; 36 per cent for 11–20 years; 34 per cent for 21–30 years or more; and only 18 per cent were born in Dhaka city. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were to get an education and to seek jobs.

Leisure time activities the most important ways of passing leisure were through spending time with the family, reading different books, magazines, newspapers and watching TV. They watched the following TV channels, in order of importance, namely a variety of channels, BTV, Channel i, Channel 1 and ATN. They read the following daily newspapers, in order of importance, namely Jono Kantha, Prothom Alo, Jugantor, Ittefaq, Jai Jai Din, The Daily Star, Naya Diganto, Bhorer Kagoj, Inquilab, Dainik Sangram and Shomokal. As journalists, they were required to read all kinds of newspapers, although they had their favourites, depending on their political affiliation. The magazines they read were, in order of importance, Purnima, Tarakalok, Chitrali and Shananda. Twenty per cent reported that they travelled when they got free time and one of them conducted research during leisure time.

Fathers’ background Fathers of 82 per cent of the journalists were from the rural areas or small towns. Forty-two per cent were employed in government and private organisations, 26 per cent in agriculture and the remaining 32 per cent were in business. The educational status of fathers was as follows:

• educated 72 per cent • semi-literate 24 per cent • illiterate 4 per cent

Fifty per cent were from the middle class, 34 per cent from the lower middle class, 12 per cent were from the upper middle class and 4 per cent were from the poor class. Compared to their fathers, the economic condition of 86 per cent had improved, and had deteriorated for only 4 per cent. For the remaining 10 per cent, it was a static situation. On the social scale, it was improvement over fathers for 94 per cent of the journalists. Only 2 per cent reported deterioration and 4 per cent said that it was neither improvement nor deterioration. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 139

Political affiliation Although journalists did not volunteer to reveal their political affiliation, according to selected respondents, journalists were deeply divided among themselves in political loyalty, in particular, between the major political parties, namely AL, BNP and Jamat. A few years ago, the united journalists’ union split on political lines.

Number of children For the ever-married journalists, the average number of children was 2.2 per respondent.

Housing Seventy-six per cent of the respondents lived in rented houses while 20 per cent in their own houses and only 4 per cent in government quarters. Sixty-six per cent reported that the environment around their places of residence was good, 18 per cent that it was middling and 16 per cent that it was nasty.

Economic condition Fourteen per cent of the journalists were earning Taka 5,000–9,900 monthly, 54 per cent of the journalists were earning Taka 10,000–20,000, 20 per cent were earning Taka 20,100–30,000 and 12 per cent were earning above 30,100 Takas. The main items of expenditure were food, housing, clothing and education of children. This information, combined with that of selected informants, indicates that most journalists led a middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to be successful in their occupation, go into business and change their occupation. In old age, they would like to be engaged in social work or live on their pension and savings or live with their families in their villages.

Occupation and related problems Journalism was the main occupation of 92 per cent of these respondents, though 8 per cent were also engaged in different jobs, such as researchers, artists, teachers and business people. They had good relations with different institutions, such as daily newspaper offices (80 per cent of the respondents), electronic media (8 per cent) and institutions (12 per cent). The respondents’ complaints, in order of importance, were that they had to risk their lives in carrying out their assignments and that they had expected to receive a higher salary.

Membership of non-political organisations only 36 per cent were members of a non-political organisation.

Gender environment according to 80 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their families and workplaces.

Opinion on various issues ninety-four per cent supported family planning. Two per cent opposed it and 4 per cent had no response. Twenty-four per cent wanted a free market economy, 66 per cent were for a mixed economy and only 10 per cent favoured an Islamic economy. According to the journalists, the most important national political problems, in order of importance, were political unrest, the increasing divide between the rich and the poor and the criminalisation of politics. 140 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

For the journalists, the problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• poor public transport system; • underdeveloped drainage system; • insufficient tree cover; • horrendous traffic jams; • concentration of too many public and private sector offices in the capital city (which forced large numbers of people to come to Dhaka to sort out their problems); • deteriorating law and order; • insufficient supply of gas, electricity and water.

Negative characteristics according to selected informants, the majority of the younger and mid-level journalists were highly unprofessional and without the minimum necessary intellectual capacity and training and driven not by professional ethics but by the dictates of their owner- editors and senior journalists who recruited them. In addition, whether on their own, or as pliant employees of their bosses, many of them were involved in blackmailing, extracting undue benefits from powers that be, character assassination and yellow journalism.

Singers and dancers

Singers and dancers were not included in the 1985 study. Fifty respondents were selected from among singers and dancers living in Dhaka city. Respondents participated in the discussions cordially and provided different information.

General characteristics about 60 per cent of the respondents were male. Twenty-four per cent were within the age range 20–30 years, 20 per cent were within the age range 31–40 years and 40 per cent were within 41–50 years. Only 16 per cent were above 60 years. Seventy per cent of the respondents reported that they were married, 26 per cent were unmarried and 4 per cent were separated. Eighty-four per cent of them were Muslims and 16 per cent were Hindus. About 78 per cent of the respondents had nuclear families, whereas 22 per cent had joint families.

Education Fifty-eight per cent of the respondents reported that they had Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees and 40 per cent were educated between HSC and SSC levels. About 76 per cent of the respondents had a special degree or training in dancing and singing.

Districts of origin Seventy-eight per cent had been born in different districts of the country other than Dhaka. They had migrated to Dhaka in pursuit of their occupations. A few of them were born and brought up in Dhaka city. Dhaka was the home district of about 22 per cent of the respondents. The second most important district was Comilla (18 per cent). Noakhali, Chittagong, Rajshahi, Mymensingh, Sylhet, Tangail, and Barisal were next in importance (6 per cent from each district). Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-four per cent of these people maintained close contact with their villages. They visited their village homes to meet their parents and relatives, and for 64 per cent, the frequency of such visits was twice or more in a year. Thirty-six per cent had lived in Dhaka city for less than 10 years; 38 per cent for 11–20 years, 20 per cent for 21–30 years and 6 per cent were born in Dhaka city. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were to search for jobs and to accompany parents. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 141

Leisure time activities every respondent spent time with family and read newspapers during their leisure. Their favourite newspapers, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Jugantar, Jonokantho and Samokal. However, they did not read any magazines. Only 8 per cent read story books. Ninety per cent watched TV news and some of them watched entertainment-oriented TV programmes, especially on the Bengali channels.

Background of fathers eighty-eight per cent of the fathers were from rural areas and small towns. Their occupations were as follows: 34 per cent were in agriculture, 30 per cent were in government, private and professional jobs and 36 per cent were in business. Eighty-six per cent were educated and the remaining 14 per cent were semi-literate. Sixty-two per cent were from the middle class, while 38 per cent were from the lower middle class. Eighty-four per cent of the respondents thought that that they had improved over their fathers economically while 12 per cent thought that they were in the same position. Only 4 per cent reported deterioration. Ninety-four per cent considered themselves to have improved over their fathers educationally and only 2 per cent reported neither improvement nor deterioration, while 4 per cent felt deterioration.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, most singers and dancers preferred AL and left-oriented political parties rather than BNP-Jamat and religious parties because the latter either derided dancing and singing as “un-Islamic” or emphasised only their “Islamic version”.

Number of children For the ever-married respondents, the average number of children was two per respondent.

Housing Only 10 per cent owned houses or flats in Dhaka city. The remaining 90 per cent lived in rented accommodation.

Economic condition the respondents were reluctant to part with information on income and expenditure. However, they spoke about their economic condition. Only 38 per cent of respondents reported being in a good economic condition, 42 per cent reported a moderate economic condition and 20 per cent complained about their poor economic condition. Therefore, combining this information with that of the selected respondents, it may be concluded that most singers and dancers enjoyed middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to become famous and established, help the poor people, children and old people, and work for the country, and set up business and be successful in that line. In old age, they would like to remain self-dependent, establish schools for dancing or singing and help the poor, work for the country, be engaged in different social work and return to the village.

Occupations and related problems Dancing and singing were not the main occupations for all the respondents, although about 46 per cent of the dancers and 18 per cent of the singers had dancing and singing as the main occupations. The main occupations of other respondents were business (10 per cent), office jobs (16 per cent) and teaching (8 per cent). The other occupations of the respondents were singing (26 per cent), dancing (4 per cent), business (16 per cent), producer (18 per cent), homemaker (16 per cent) and no other occupation (32 per cent). 142 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

According to 78 per cent of the respondents, the working environment was good. Sixteen per cent complained about dishonesty in these activities. Only 6 per cent reported a moderately good environment.

Membership of non-political organisations only 44 per cent claimed to be involved with clubs, professional bodies and home district and thana associations. Fifty-six per cent of the respondents claimed to have no involvement with any association, organisation and club.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-eight per cent supported family planning, and only 2 per cent opposed it.

Economic system Seventy-two per cent maintained that Bangladesh would function best as a mixed economy, while 24 per cent supported a free market economy and only 4 per cent wanted an Islamic economy. According to 72 per cent of the respondents, the political condition was alarming in the country. Twenty-eight per cent of the respondents believed that the general people were victims of different destructive programmes of the political parties all the year round. About 20 per cent of the respondents believed that different violent crimes, such as hijacking, robbery, snatching and terrorism were taking place in the city all the year round. This situation was making the city’s social condition unhealthy and restive. According to them, the main problems of Dhaka City, in order of importance, were traffic jams and poor transport, lack of gas, electricity and water, poor law and order, and rising prices of essential commodities.

Gender situation about 74 per cent of the respondents believed that women had equal rights in the society. Sixteen per cent believed that women had more influence than men, whereas 10 per cent believed that men were more powerful than women.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents thought that many of the singers and dancers were generally (a) lax in their morals, not in keeping with the prevailing norms of the society and (b) too much driven by money and fame.

Private sector executives

Fifty-one respondents were selected from private industries (like Nabisco, Kohinoor and Cosco), private companies and offices. These respondents participated in the discussions cordially and provided different kinds of information.

General characteristics about 96 per cent of the respondents were male. Fifty-seven per cent were within the age range 29–40 years. Twenty-nine per cent were between 41 and 60 years. Only 14 per cent were aged above 60 years. Eighty-four per cent of the respondents reported that they were married. All of them were Muslims. About 78 per cent of the respondents lived in nuclear families and only 22 per cent in joint families.

Education Seventy-three per cent of the respondents reported that they had bachelors and Master’s degrees and 27 per cent had education below the HSC level. About 60 per cent of the respondents did not have any special degree or training. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 143

Districts of origin almost 80 per cent were born in different districts of the country other than Dhaka, though Dhaka was home to about 20 per cent of the respondents. The districts next in importance were Mymensingh and Barisal (17 per cent respondents from each district), followed by Khulna, Pabna and Dinajpur (7 per cent from each district). Only a few were born in Dhaka city.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Seventy-five per cent maintained close contact with their villages and visited their villages twice or more times in a year in order to meet their parents and relatives. Some of them also supplemented their incomes by selling crops grown in the village. Forty per cent had been living in Dhaka city for 10 years or less. Thirty-five per cent lived for 11–20 years and 25 per cent for 21–30 years. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were to seek education and jobs and accompany parents.

Leisure time activities All respondents spent time with the family and read newspapers during their leisure. In order of importance, they read the following newspapers: Ittefaque, Prothom Alo, Jugantor, Amar Desh and Daily Star. However, they did not read any magazine. Only 7 per cent read story books. Ninety per cent watched TV news and some of them watched other entertainment-oriented TV programmes, especially on the Bengali channels.

Background of fathers Fathers of 86 per cent of the sample of private sector executives were from the rural areas and small towns, the remaining 14 per cent being from Dhaka city and large towns. Seventy-seven per cent of the fathers were educated (i.e. SSC to Master’s), 19 per cent were semi-literate and only 4 per cent were illiterate. Thirty-seven per cent were in business, 39 per cent in office work and the remaining 24 per cent were in agriculture. Fifty-five per cent were from the middle class, 5 per cent from the upper middle class and the remaining 40 per cent were from the lower middle class. About 68 per cent felt that they had done better than their fathers economically while 21 per cent thought that they had neither improved nor deteriorated. The remaining 11 per cent felt that their economic condition had deteriorated. About 84 per cent thought that they had improved their educational position compared to their fathers. The remaining 16 per cent were equally divided, one half believing that their position was the same, and the other half that it had deteriorated.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, they were basically non-political and in voting terms, they constituted the swing voters between AL and BNP.

Number of children For the ever-married respondents, the average number of children per respondent was 1.9.

Housing Only 25 per cent owned houses and flats in Dhaka city. The rest lived in rented accommodation. Sixty-five per cent received housing allowance from their offices.

Economic condition Two categories of economic conditions had been found among the respondents. One category (65 per cent) was solvent with the salary they got from the private sector. They also received different kinds of facilities (such as car, housing facilities and medical benefits) from the office. They were satisfied with their jobs. 144 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The other category (35 per cent) was unable to cope with the demands of life within the salary they got. They needed to earn extra money from different sources. But mostly they did not have enough time to do so. They could not save money for the future and buy property for their family. Most of them lived in rented accommodation. Therefore, it may be concluded that most of the private sector executives enjoyed a life that was between upper middle and lower middle class.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were: to be successful in their career, to get into business, return to the village and live a simple life with their friends and relatives, help the poor people and work for the country. In their old age, they would like to be self-dependent, living on their savings, so that they did not have to rely on anyone. Other responses were to return to the village to build a house and live there for the rest of their lives, spend time in religious activities as dependents of their children, be engaged in different kinds of social work, set up farms and create job opportunities for many poor villagers.

Occupational problems their main occupational problems were long office hours, the requirement to do personal work for the owner, and low salary.

Membership of non-political organisations Seventy-seven per cent of the respondents claimed to have no involvement with any other associations, organisations and clubs. Only 23 per cent were involved with their official clubs, associations and home district andthana associations.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-four per cent supported family planning, only 4 per cent were opposed to it and 2 per cent came up with a “no response”. Fifty-six per cent supported a free market economy, while 40 per cent favoured a mixed economy. Only 4 per cent thought that socialism was the answer to Bangladesh’s economic problems. According to 95 per cent of the respondents, the political condition in the country was disturbing. In their opinion, the situation was worst in Dhaka city. As citizens of the capital city, people of Dhaka should be more active in solving political and social problems. However, in reality they were unable to organise themselves and make a difference. Fifty-three per cent of the respondents believed that the general public were victims of different programmes of the political parties all the year round. About 7 per cent of the respondents believed that the existing political condition was one of the main reasons for crime. Different crimes, such as hijacking, robbery, snatching and terrorism were taking place in the city all the year round. This situation was making the city’s social condition unhealthy and restive. According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• traffic jams and inadequate road area; • lack of or inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity; • high prices of essential commodities; • poor law and order.

They emphasised investment in infrastructure in solving some of these problems.

Gender situation about 44 per cent of the respondents believed that women had equal rights to The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 145 men in the society. Forty per cent believed that men had more influence than women did, whereas 14 per cent believed that women were more powerful than men.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, there was hardly any corporate culture in Dhaka city and most private sector executives were no more than glorified personal servants of the company owners. Some of them acted as the conduits for illegal transactions between the politicians and civil servants, on the one hand, and owners of companies, on the other.

Civil servants

Fifty respondents were selected from different places in Dhaka city. They were directors of different projects, members of the judiciary, administrative officers and senior assistant secretaries. Most of them were mid and junior level officers.

General characteristics about 48 per cent of the total number of respondents was 30–40 years old. Twenty-eight per cent of respondents were in the age range of 41–50 years and the remaining officers were over 50 years of age. Ninety-six per cent were Muslims, 72 per cent were male and all were married. Among the respondents, 76 per cent lived in nuclear families and the rest in joint families.

Districts of origin Most respondents except five civil servants had migrated from districts other than Dhaka.

Table 5.2 Districts of origin of civil servants

Home district Percentage of respondents Dhaka 20 Pabna 20 Comilla 4 Noakhali 4 Sylhet 8 Barisal/Patuakhali 4 Khulna 8 Mymensingh 12 Faridpur 12 Tangail 8

Sixteen per cent came to Dhaka city before the 1971 War of Liberation.

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-six per cent had close contact with their villages. Their parents and relatives were living there. They visited the villages during the Eid vacations and different holidays, i.e. more than once a year. They also looked after their village property. 146 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Some of them received an income from the crops grown in their village lands. Thirty-six per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less; thirty-eight per cent for 11–20 years and 26 per cent for 21 years or longer. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education, followed by working in Dhaka city and accompanying their parents or husbands.

Leisure time activities about 80 per cent spent time with their families, read different books, magazines, newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. They watched the following TV channels, in order of importance, namely a mixture of channels, BTV, Discovery and Animal Planet. They read the following daily newspapers, in order of importance, namely Prothom Alo, The Daily Star, Bangladesh Observer, Jugantor, Jano Kantha, Naya Diganta, Bhorer Kagoj, Ittefaq and Jai Jai Din.

Background of fathers Seventy-four per cent of the fathers were from rural areas and small towns. Forty-eight per cent were employed in government, private and professional jobs, 28 per cent in agriculture and the remaining 24 per cent were in business. About 62 per cent were educated, 28 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 10 per cent were illiterate. Forty- four per cent were from the middle class, 46 per cent were from the lower middle class, 6 per cent were from the upper middle class and only 4 per cent were from the poor class. Seventy- two per cent reported improvement over their fathers economically. Educationally, 80 per cent reported improvement over their fathers.

Political affiliation according to selected informants, civil servants were deeply divided on political party lines and service cadres. They also indulged in district elitism/separatism in personnel matters.

Number of children For the ever-married respondents, the average number of children per respondent was 2.4.

Housing eighty per cent of the respondents were living in government quarters, 8 per cent in rented houses and only 12 per cent of the respondents were living in their own houses or flats.

Economic condition Twenty per cent of the officers were earning Taka 25,000–30,000 a month, 44 per cent were earning Taka 15,000–24,000 and the remaining 36 per cent were earning below Taka 14,000. Only 8 per cent reported having part-time jobs. Different economic conditions were found among this group. Civil servants generally complained bitterly over their salaries. They could hardly maintain a decent living standard with this money. As selected informants revealed, this led to widespread adoption of corrupt practices. It may, therefore, be said that this group led a lower middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city, depending on their extra earnings through “other means”.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to be successful in their career, provide higher education to their children and construct a house in Dhaka city. In their old age, they would like to depend on their pension and savings, live in the village on income from property owned there, pass their time with their family members and perform religious duties. Some would like to be engaged in social work. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 147

Occupational problems about 48 per cent complained about a bad job environment and 52 per cent thought that the environment was moderately good. No one said that the job environment was good. About 84 per cent of the government officials complained about different office-related problems, such as lack of electricity, gas and water supply, lack of support staff, i.e. office attendants and typists, no promotion and increase of salary, difficulties in getting timely leave and lack of clean office rooms.

Membership of non-political organisations only 24 per cent were members of any non-political organisations

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-two per cent supported family planning. Only 2 per cent said “No” and another 6 per cent came up with a “no response”. Their preferences for the economic system to be applied to Bangladesh were, in order of importance:

• free market economy: 42 per cent • mixed economy: 38 per cent • Islamic economy: 12 per cent • socialist economy: 6 per cent • others: 2 per cent

The main national problems, according to them, were political unrest and violence, rise in crimes and criminalisation of politics. They thought that Dhaka city had the following problems, in order of importance:

• sewerage system needed overhauling; • inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity; • horrendous traffic jams; • concentration of public and private sector offices; • extremely poor condition of slum dwellers; • high prices of essential commodities; • inadequate tree cover for the city.

Gender environment According to 96 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their family and offices. Only 4 per cent said that women had to face harassment and different inequities in facilities.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents had a poor opinion of civil servants, in general: they were not only poorly educated, but also inefficient and corrupt.They generally applied several standards, namely a negative mind-set when dealing with the problems of the poor and the disadvantaged, a pliant attitude towards bosses and foreigners and given to illegalities when it served their own interests.

Engineers

Engineers were not included in the 1985 study. We selected 51 respondents from the different areas of Dhaka city. 148 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

General characteristics about 14 per cent of the total respondents were below the age of 30 years, 47 per cent were within the 30–40 years range, 20–per cent respondents were 41–50 years and the remaining 19 per cent were over 50 years of age. Eighty per cent lived in nuclear families and 20 per cent in joint families. Ninety-four per cent were Muslims, 100 per cent were males and 90 per cent were married.

Education about 23 per cent of respondents had an engineering diploma and 77 per cent were engineering graduates.

Districts of origin most respondents, except six, had migrated from districts other than Dhaka.

Table 5.3 Districts of origins of engineers

Home district Percentage of respondents Kushtia 7 Pabna 30 Dinajpur 4 Jessore 4 Comilla 14 Bogra 4 Noakhali 6 Barisal 4 Dhaka 6 Mymensingh 4 Faridpur 4 Tangail 7

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-seven per cent of the respondents had contacts with their villages but 13 per cent did not visit their village home even once. Sixty-seven per cent kept in touch with them over the telephone, 33 per cent visited their villages more than once a year to meet parents and other relatives. Twenty-nine per cent had been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years; 47 per cent for 11–20 years; and 24 per cent for 21–30 years or more. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were to get an education and jobs.

Leisure time activities the main ways of enjoying leisure were to spend time with the family, watch TV and read different books, magazines and newspapers. They watched the following TV channels, in order of importance:

• an assortment of channels • ATN • NTV • ZTV The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 149

The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Jonokantho, The Bangladesh Observer, Prothom Alo, Bhorer Kagoj, The Daily Star, Naya Diganta, Ittefaq and Jugantor. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were Annanya, Oporadh Jagat, Robbar, Kriralok, Purnima, Tarokalok and Jai Jai Din. Seven per cent reported that they travelled when they got free time.

Fathers’ background eighty-eight per cent of the fathers of this group were from the rural areas or small towns. They were divided between three occupations: agriculture 59 per cent; office jobs 22 per cent and business 19 per cent. Sixty-five per cent were from the middle class, 22 per cent were from the lower middle class, 9 per cent from the upper middle class and 4 per cent were from the poor class. Eighty-seven per cent claimed to have enhanced their economic position vis-à-vis their fathers, while 13 per cent felt they were at the same level. Educationally also, 91 per cent felt they were superior and only 9 per cent were of the opinion that they were at the same level as their fathers.

Political affiliation according to selected informants, they were not known for any overt support to any of the known political parties, and their votes were generally divided between BNP, AL and Jamat in that order, as swing voters.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.2.

Occupation the main occupations were government or private jobs (67 per cent), teaching (17 per cent) and business (16 per cent). About 77 per cent of the respondents did not have any part-time jobs. Twenty-three per cent reported having part-time jobs as consultants, teachers, businesspersons and other jobs.

Housing Sixty per cent of the respondents lived in rented accommodation and only 34 per cent of the respondents lived in their own houses or flats. Only 7 per cent were living in government quarters.

Economic condition twenty-seven per cent of the respondents were earning below Taka 15,000, 25 per cent of the engineers were earning Taka 15,000–20,000 a month, 24 per cent earned Taka 20,000–40,000, and another 24 per cent were earning above Taka 40,000. About 83 per cent of the respondent engineers did not complain about their economic condition. In addition, according to selected respondents, most engineers employed in government and semi- government organisations were given to corrupt practices. Therefore, it may be concluded that most engineers led an upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to be successful in career, construct a house in Dhaka city, and provide higher education to their children. In old age, they would like to depend on their pension and savings. They would also like to pass their time in religious work.

Occupational problems about 37 per cent complained about a bad job environment and 63 per cent thought that the environment was moderate. No one said that the job environment was good. 150 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In order of importance, they complained about the following:

• heavy workload • no promotion and increase in salary • many engineering firms but of low quality • untimely payment of salary

Membership of non-political organisations only 20 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment according to 80 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in either their family or workplace.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-six per cent supported family planning, 2 per cent gave a negative response and another 2 per cent did not respond. On the economic system, their preferences were as follows:

• free market economy: 45 per cent • mixed economy: 42 per cent • Islamic economy: 10 per cent • socialism: 3 per cent

They identified political unrest and criminalisation of politics, in order of importance, as the two most important national problems. According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were traffic jams, inadequate supply of gas, water, and electricity, and a poor sewerage system.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents thought that engineers generally enjoyed a poor reputation for financial integrity. They also loved desk work, dealing with contractors in preference to applying their engineering knowledge and skills at the field level.

Teachers

We did not study this group specifically in 1985. Fifty-one teachers from different educational institutions, such as government and private schools, colleges and universities were subjected to the case study method.

General characteristics about 60 per cent of respondents were male, 88 per cent were Muslims and the remaining 12 per cent were Hindus. Eight per cent belonged to the 21–30 age group; 40 per cent to the 31–40 age group, 41 per cent to the 41–50 age group and 11 per cent to the 51–60 age group. Seventy-four per cent lived in nuclear families and the remaining 26 per cent in joint families.

Education normally teachers were highly educated. Seventy-two per cent of this group had Master’s degrees and 20 per cent PhDs. Four per cent had Bachelor’s degrees with a BEd, and only one of them had passed the higher secondary level. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 151

Districts of origin the districts of origin of 91 per cent were outside Dhaka district. They lived in Dhaka city in messes, hostels or with family members.

Table 5.4 Districts of origin of teachers

District of origin Percentage of respondents Dhaka 9 Pabna 4 Comilla 12 Noakhali 7 Sylhet 4 Barisal 10 Chittagong 10 Khulna 4 Mymensingh 11 Faridpur 10 Tangail 5 (India) 6

Links with Dhaka city and the village these teachers maintained that they had close contacts with their village homes. Some teachers kept their family (wife and children) at the village and visited their village once in a week during the holidays. They also arranged the cultivation of their land in the village. Seventy-three per cent had close connection with their home villages and visited them more than once a year. Only 27 per cent had little connection or none with their home villages. Most of them depended on the village property. Some brought rice and other cereals from their villages. Those who did not have their wives and children in the village had their parents living there. Thirty-eight per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less; 40 per cent for 11–20 years; and 22 per cent for 21 years and above. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education or on transfer or accompanying their parents.

Leisure time activities one hundred per cent of teachers spent time with their families, read newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. Among newspapers, mainly Bangla newspapers were mentioned. Besides newspapers, some of them read storybooks and a few (especially female teachers) read magazines. Some also read religious books. Among the TV channels, Bangladeshi channels were the favourites. They watched daily news, sports programmes, movies and drama serials in these channels. The TV channels that they watched were, in order of importance, BTV, different channels, channel i, Sony, Discovery, NTV, MTV, ATN and Star TV. The newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Ittefaq, Daily Star, Inquilab, Jonokontho, Bhorer Kagoj, Amar Desh, Naya Digonto and Jugantor. The magazines that they read, in order of importance, were Jai Jai Din, Sanonda, Anondo Mela, Charidik and Kali o Kolom. 152 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Fathers’ backgrounds ninety-two per cent of the fathers were from villages or small towns. About 44 per cent were educated, while 38 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 22 per cent were illiterate. They were divided into three occupations: agriculture 58 per cent, office work and professions 28 per cent and business 14 per cent. Sixty-nine per cent were from the lower middle class, 16 per cent were from the middle class, 4 per cent were from the upper middle class and 11 per cent were from the poor class. Seventy-eight per cent of the respondents reported an improvement over their fathers economically while 94 per cent reported improvement over their fathers educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, the teachers, whether at the university, college or school level, were deeply divided in terms of party affiliation. The present divide was AL and left of the centre parties, on the one side and BNP and Jamat, on the other.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.6.

Housing Only 8 per cent of the teachers owned houses or flats in Dhaka city. The remaining 92 per cent lived in rented accommodation.

Economic condition Forty-four per cent of the teachers were working at the school level, 16 per cent were associate professors of government colleges and the same percentage were university teachers. Twenty-four per cent of teachers were serving in non-government colleges. Sixty per cent did not have any special training in teaching.

Table 5.5 Income of teachers

Monthly income in Taka Percentage of respondents 2,000–5,000 12 5,100–10,000 12 10,100–20,000 28 20,100–30,000 12 30,100–50,000 12 50,100–80,000 16 100,000–300,000 8

Various types of economic conditions were found among the teachers. Many teachers of schools and colleges were engaged in providing private tuition on the side. However, teachers from all subjects did not enjoy this opportunity. Teachers in schools or colleges engaged in giving private tuition were far more solvent than other teachers, thanks to their extra income. However, teachers not engaged in giving private tuition were facing economic hardship. Their salary was not enough to meet the basic needs of most teachers. Female teachers mostly did not give private tuition. They depended on their salary and their husband’s income. Some teachers kept their family in the villages and they lived alone in Dhaka city in order to save money. Even teachers who gave private tuition were doing the same. Solvency was found mainly among the university teachers. Their salary and other part-time work (for example, moonlighting in the private universities and consultancy) helped them to earn enough money to lead a fairly comfortable life. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 153

From the above discussion, it may be concluded that teachers led a lower middle class to upper middle class life depending on the level of occupation (school, college and university) and the scope for private tuition or other part-time work.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to study for higher degrees from the country or abroad and become famous and ideal teachers according to their merit and devotion to teaching, to get promotion in their jobs, to become more active and participate in the national planning and teach poor children and help them. In their old age, they did not want to depend on anyone; they wanted to live on their savings and pension, stay in Dhaka city, buying a house there to spend their retired lives. In addition, they were hoping that their house would be spacious enough to let them live peacefully. Some wanted to return to their villages and start a new life there. They wanted to buy land, build houses and farms and cultivate their lands and establish new educational institutions in the village for poor children; and finally concentrate on religious activities, such as studying religious books and offering prayers.

Occupational problems they had three main occupation-related problems. First, the salary was extremely low which forced teachers to engage in private tuition. Second, discipline among students had deteriorated over the years and third, trade unionism among the teachers had increased over time.

Membership of non-political organisations only 14 per cent were members of any non-political organisations.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety per cent supported family planning, 6 per cent were opposed to it and four per cent had no response. On the economic system, their preferences were as follows:

• free market: 43 per cent • mixed economy: 42 per cent • socialist economy: 5 per cent • Islamic economy: 10 per cent

They identified the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• political unrest; • political violence; • little concern for the well being of the nation among political leaders; • criminalisation of politics (most politicians were only after their own betterment. They were also inspiring the younger generation to become involved in crime. They had forgotten their duties to the nation. During the present government’s tenure, political criminals were given maximum protection); • dishonesty of politicians and government officials.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• traffic jams; • lack of supply of gas, water, and electricity; 154 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

• concentration of government and non government sector organisations in Dhaka city; • poor transport facilities.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, commitment of teachers to teaching was low because this was generally not their first option. Those who had the opportunity were engaged in private tuition at the expense of teaching in the formal classroom. Finally, they were engaged in politics and trade unionism, neglecting their main task.

Lawyers

Fifty respondents were selected from the different parts of Dhaka city. The respondents worked at Judges’ Courts, Supreme Court, Bar Council and Dhaka Metropolitan Magistrate’s Court.

General characteristics about 44 per cent of the respondents were within 30–40 years, 40 per cent of respondents were 41–50 years and the remaining 16 per cent were over the age of 50. Seventy-six per cent were living in nuclear families and 24 per cent belonged to joint families. Ninety-six per cent were Muslims and 4 per cent were Hindus, 80 per cent were males and 92 per cent were married.

Education about 40 per cent of respondents had passed LLB and 52 per cent had degrees higher than LLB and 8 per cent held M.Com degrees. About 56 per cent of the respondents did not have any special training in their occupation.

Districts of origin most of the respondents except 28 per cent of them migrated from the other districts.

Table 5.6 Districts of origin of lawyers

District of origin Percentage of respondents Kushtia 8 Jessore 4 Comilla 24 Barisal 4 Noakhali 16 Mymensingh 4 Faridpur 12

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty per cent kept in close touch with their villages and visited their village more than once a year and 16 per cent did not visit their village home. Forty-eight per cent depended economically on their village property. Looking after relatives and property were the main reasons for the visits. Thirty-four per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less; 42 per cent for 11–20 years; and 24 per cent for 21 years or more. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education and jobs and accompanying parents.

Leisure time activities ninety per cent lawyers spent their leisure time watching TV. Other leisure activities were reading books, watching movies, engaging in social work, listening to songs and The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 155 spending time with family and friends. Their favourite newspapers were, in order of importance, Prothom Alo, Jonokantho, Jugantar, Amar Desh, Inquilab and Naya Digonto.

Background of fathers Fathers of 88 per cent of the lawyers were from villages or small towns. Forty-two per cent were educated, 48 per cent were semi-literate and 10 per cent were illiterate. Sixty- four per cent were in agriculture, 24 per cent were in office jobs and professions and the remaining 12 per cent were in business. Fifty-two per cent were from the middle class, 36 per cent were from the lower middle class, 8 per cent were from the upper middle class and the remaining 4 per cent were from the poor class. Compared to their fathers, 78 per cent had improved economically while 92 per cent had improved educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected informants, the lawyers were deeply divided on political lines (AL and leftist parties versus BNP and Jamat), to the extent that they no longer had a single professional organisation for themselves.

Number of children the number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.4.

Housing Only 18 per cent owned a house or flat in Dhaka city. The vast majority lived in rented accommodation.

Economic condition We could not obtain information from them on income and expenditure. Sixty- four per cent of the respondents did not have any part-time jobs besides their main job as lawyers. Sixty per cent complained about their poor economic condition due to their occupation. Selected informants also revealed that incomes of lawyers varied widely according to the name and fame of the lawyers, contacts with the party in power, the court where practice is concentrated, the period of practice, etc. Therefore, it may be concluded that lawyers enjoyed lower middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to be successful in their occupation, engage in social work and participate in the national elections. They would like to depend on their pension and savings during their old age and pass their time in religious work. Some of them had not thought about their old age.

Occupational problems in order of importance, the following were the main job-related problems:

• job environment not good • dishonesty among the lawyers • limited office rooms • no special facilities for women

Gender environment according to 24 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their families and workplace, 68 per cent complained about the lower position of women and the remaining 8 per cent thought that women had higher positions than men.

Membership of non-political organisations only 16 per cent were members of any non-political organisation. 156 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Opinion on various issues ninety-two per cent supported family planning. Four per cent had a negative attitude and 4 per cent did not respond. On the economic system, their preferences were as follows:

• free market economy: 48 per cent • mixed economy: 34 per cent • Islamic economy: 10 per cent • socialist economy: 4 per cent • no response: 4 per cent

On national political problems, their opinions, in order of importance, were as follows:

• political unrest was too common; • politics was under the control of criminals; • new political groups should emerge on the political scene; • no patriotism could be found among the politicians; • politics in the country did not have a good future.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• traffic jams; • inadequate supply of gas, water, and electricity; • lack of coordination and cooperation between the government and non-government institutions; • poor sewerage system; • non-rehabilitation of the poor inhabitants; • unplanned settlements in the city.

Negative characteristics according to selected informants, many lawyers, in collusion with a section of the judiciary and the police, were involved in different malpractices and corruption. They were also noted for tax evasion.

Educated homemakers

Fifty-one educated homemakers were subjected to the case study method. This category was not specifically studied in 1985.

General characteristics ninety-six per cent of the respondents were Muslims and 4 per cent were Hindus. Fourteen per cent belonged to the 20–29 age group, 39 per cent to the 30–40 age group, 31 per cent to the 41–50 age group, 7 per cent to the 51–60 age group and 8 per cent to the 61–70 age group. Only 27 per cent of the respondents were living in joint families, whereas 73 per cent lived in nuclear families.

Education their educational status was as follows: SSC-HSC: 49 per cent, graduates and above: 51 per cent. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 157

Districts of origin most educated homemakers came from districts other than Dhaka.

Table 5.7 Districts of origin of educated homemakers

Greater district Percentage of respondents Dhaka 16 Pabna 41 Comilla 6 Bogra 6 Khulna 6 Mymensingh 8 Rajshahi 17

Links with Dhaka city and the village Eighty-five per cent of homemakers maintained connections with the village through more than one visit a year in order to look after relatives, 4 per cent maintained their connections through mobile phone and 11 per cent did not maintain any connection. Forty-two per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less; 37 per cent lived for 11–20 years; and 21 per cent for 21 years or more. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were migration along with their parents or husbands and for education.

Leisure time activities one hundred per cent of these women spent time with family, watched different TV programmes and read different books, magazines and newspapers during their leisure. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Inqilab, Jonokontho, Ittefaq, Jugantor, Samakal, The Daily Star and the Daily Sangbad. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were Purnima, Jai Jai Din, Annanna, Chitra Bangla, Chitrali and Madina. Besides these, they also read Aporadh Jogat, Bichitra, Sananda, Ananda and Rob Bar. Other ways of spending leisure, in order of importance, were adda (gossiping) with friends and relatives, travelling, listening to songs, taking rest, weaving cloths and painting.

Background of fathers ninety per cent of the fathers were from villages or small towns. Forty-eight per cent were employed in office jobs or professions, 24 per cent in agriculture and the remaining 28 per cent in business. Fifty-two per cent were educated, 40 per cent were semi-literate and 8 per cent were illiterate. Seventy per cent belonged to the middle class, 24 per cent lower middle class and the remaining 6 per cent belonged to the upper middle class. Compared to their fathers, respectively 84 per cent had improved economically and 88 per cent educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, they were not politically predisposed towards any particular political party but voted as swing voters within the bounds of the major political parties, such as the AL, BNP, JP and JI.

Number of children The average number of children per ever-married respondent was 1.8. 158 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Housing only 8 per cent said that they were living in very bad conditions in a dirty place.

Table 5.8 Housing conditions in Dhaka city

Status Percentage of respondents Government housing 8 Own flat 35 Rented flat 30 Own tin shed house 23 Relatives’ house 4

Economic condition most of the educated homemakers (65.3 per cent) depended on their husbands’ income. Nineteen per cent of them had their own sources of income from business and giving tuition. Fifteen per cent said that they did not have any right to take part in the financial decisions of the family. Despite the dependency on husbands, most educated homemakers enjoyed middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were: to construct their own houses, help children in getting proper jobs and marrying; and serve the nation by doing good work. Some did not have any plans. In their old age, most of them would like to be self-dependent, living on their savings. Others would depend on their husbands and children.

Occupation-related problems in order of importance, the following were the reasons why educated homemakers were not employed outside home:

• they had to give time to their families; • they were not sufficiently qualified educationally; • jobs were not available; • their husbands earned a handsome salary so they were not interested in jobs; • their families did not give them permission to do jobs; • they were not interested in taking up jobs.

All wives were cooking, maintaining their households and taking care of their family members. Most of them usually went out to pick up their children from school.

Membership of non-political organisations only 6 per cent were members of any non-political organisations.

Gender environment most of the educated homemakers were unhappy with their husbands. There was a gender inequity in almost every household. In most cases, husbands were reigning supreme in the household (67 per cent). Only in 33 per cent of households did women and men take decisions together. In matters of major decisions on economic matters, women were generally ignored.

Owning property in their name nearly 58 per cent did not own any property in their own names. The remaining 42 per cent owned property in their own names. Eleven per cent owned property jointly with their husbands. Twenty-three per cent of husbands did not own any property. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 159

Gender equity Forty-two per cent of the educated homemakers thought that men and women were equal in the family. However, according to 58 per cent, men were getting preference everywhere.

Opinions on various issues and problems ninety-four per cent wanted family planning, while only 4 per cent opposed it. Two per cent did not respond. On the economic system suitable for Bangladesh, their preferences were as follows:

• free market: 44 per cent • mixed economy: 40 per cent • Islamic economy: 12 per cent • socialist economy: 4 per cent

On national problems, they identified the following in order of importance:

• political unrest police harassment; • over-population and unemployment; • hartal; • substance peddling and addiction; • dishonesty of government officials; • poor law and order.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• roads narrow, high cost of transport and traffic congestion; • illegal settlements; • concentration of government offices and factories in Dhaka city; • flyovers and overbridges insufficient; • police harassment; • waterlogging; • inadequate supply of water, electricity and gas.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents thought that most educated homemakers had no commitment to other women facing disadvantages and discrimination. They saw very little beyond their immediate and extended family.

Uneducated homemakers

Fifty homemakers were subjected to the case study method. Such women were not specifically studied in 1985.

General characteristics all of them were Muslims and only one of the respondents was a Bihari. Only 36 per cent of the respondents were living in joint families, whereas 64per cent lived in nuclear families. Seventy-two per cent of the respondents were in the 30–50 age group, 20 per cent were between 20–29 years and 8 per cent were above the age of 50 years.

Education twenty per cent had studied up to the primary level, 68 per cent up to the secondary level and 12 per cent were illiterate. 160 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Districts of origin Forty per cent of the homemakers were from Dhaka district. The districts, in descending importance, were Faridpur, Noakhali, Barisal, Bogra, Rangpur, Kushtia and Rajshahi.

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty per cent maintained close connection with the village, 24 per cent maintained their connection through the mobile phone and 56 per cent usually went to the village two or three times a year to look after their relatives. Forty per cent of them had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less, 42 per cent for 11–20 years and 18 per cent for 21 years and longer. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city, in order of importance, were accompanying parents, education and marriage.

Leisure time activities the activities during their leisure time, in order of importance, were: spending time with family members, visiting relatives, going for an outing, watching TV, taking naps, knitting and weaving, and reading newspapers, magazines and books. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Inqilab, Jonokontho, Jai Jai Din and Naya Digonto. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were Madina, Purnima and Robbar. They also read Islamic books.

Background of fathers ninety-four per cent of the fathers were from rural areas and small towns. Twenty-four per cent were educated, 44 per cent were semi-literate and 32 per cent were illiterate. Sixty per cent belonged to the middle class, 32 per cent were in the lower middle class, 6 per cent were from the upper middle class and the remaining 2 per cent were from the poor class. Compared to their fathers, 74 per cent had improved economically. Although 82 per cent claimed to have improved educationally over their fathers, the statistics do not tally. However, it is possible that being urban dwellers, these homemakers think that they have better informal education than their fathers.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, they were non-political and constituted the swing voters, but within the bounds of the major political parties.

Number of children For ever-married respondents, the average number of children was 2.4.

Housing Seventy-two per cent did not have their own housing; they lived in rented accommodation.

Table 5.9 Housing status of uneducated homemakers

Status Percentage of respondents Rented government housing 4 Own flat 12 Rented flat 28 Own tin-shed house 16 Rented tin-shed house 44 The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 161

Economic condition the case studies revealed that most homemakers (65.3 per cent) depended on their husband’s income; only 19 per cent had their own sources of income from business and giving tuition. Fifteen per cent felt that they did not have any right to take part in the financial decisions of the family. Despite the dependency on husbands, most of them led a middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to construct a house for themselves and help children becoming well educated and get good jobs. For old age, their priorities were as follows:

• did not want to depend on any one. They wanted to live on their savings; • continue to depend on their husbands; • depend on their children.

Occupation and related problems in order of importance, the reasons they were not employed in jobs outside the home were educational qualifications were not sufficient for obtaining jobs; they had to give time to their families; families did not give them permission to do jobs; and jobs were not available. All homemakers were cooking, serving food, maintaining their houses and taking care of their family members. In addition, 44 per cent of them usually went out to pick up their children from school. Forty per cent did the shopping for groceries, while 24 per cent drew up the list for marketing. Every homemaker was working on this job from dawn to dusk.

Membership of non-political organisations no one was a member of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment most of the uneducated homemakers were leading an unhappy life with their husbands. There was gender inequity in almost every respondent’s house. In 67 per cent of the households, husbands reigned supreme. Only in 33 per cent of households did women and men take decisions together. However, in decisions on economic matters, women were generally ignored.

Owning property in their name eighty-four per cent of the respondents said that the husbands owned all the property, only 8 per cent of the wives owned property, and 8 per cent of neither husbands nor wives owned any land.

Gender equity Seventy-two per cent said that they were playing an important role in their families. However, they came out, in order of importance, with the following opinions on gender equity:

• husband dominated • gender equity prevailed in their family • husband and wife consulted with one another • wife was harassed or hit by the husband • husband helped in all respects • family members did not like girls • father/mother-in-law behaved badly • wife played the main role 162 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Opinion on various important issues and problems opinions were as follows: On family planning:

• yes: 88 per cent • no: 10 per cent • no response: 2 per cent

On the economic system:

• free market: 37 per cent • mixed economy: 48 per cent • Islamic system: 15 per cent

On national political problems, in order of importance, the opinions of respondents revealed different problems. These could be ranked as follows:

• political unrest, different crimes and political retaliation; • dishonesty of politicians and government officials; • poor law and order because of politics; • frequent hartals.

In order of importance, the main problems of Dhaka city were as follows:

• waterlogging/inadequate supply of water, gas and electricity; • roads narrow; • police harassment; • illegal settlements; • too many vehicles and high cost of transport/traffic congestion.

Negative characteristics From the selection of respondents, there was not much difference between the educated and uneducated homemakers.

Scientists

Fifty scientists from government and non-government organisations were studied. They were not specifically studied in 1985.

General characteristics all were married and Bengali-speakers; 92 per cent were Muslims and the rest of them were Hindus. Eight per cent belonged to the age group 30–40 years, while 28 per cent were in the 41–50 age group and the remaining 64 per cent belonged to the 51–60 age group. Sixty-four per cent were male and 36 per cent were female. Only 24 per cent of the respondents were living in joint families, whereas 76 per cent lived in nuclear families.

Education all were post-graduate degree holders. Forty-four per cent had obtained PhD degrees and 8 per cent had completed their Master’s degrees. Eighty-eight per cent had other training and 12 per cent did not have other training. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 163

Districts of origin eighty-four per cent came from districts other than Dhaka district. The home districts of the respondents were, in order of importance, Mymensingh, Dhaka, Pabna, Rajshahi, Bogra, Comilla, Jessore, Dinajpur, Tangail, Chittagong, Kushtia and Khulna.

Links with Dhaka city and the village eighty-four per cent had connections with the village in order to look after relatives and property. Only 50 per cent visited the village more than once a year. Thirty-two per cent had lived in Dhaka city for10 years or less; 44 per cent for 11–20 years; and 24 per cent for 21 years and more. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education, which led to jobs; and accompanying parents.

Leisure activities the main leisure activities were spending time with the family, reading different books, magazines and newspapers and watching TV. The TV channels they watched, in order of importance, were Channel i, ATN, NTV, Channel 1, Baishaki, HBO and Star. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Jonokontho, The Daily Star, Ittefaq, Jugantor, Inqilab, Naya Digonto, Samakal and The Observer. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were Jai Jai Din and Sananda. Seven per cent reported that they travelled when they got free time and 7 per cent went for picnics.

Background of fathers ninety-four per cent of the scientists’ fathers were from villages or small towns. Sixty per cent were educated while 32 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 8 per cent were illiterate. Sixty-four per cent were from the middle class, while 24 per cent were from the lower middle class and only 10 per cent were from the upper middle class. The remaining 2 per cent were from among the poor. In relation to the fathers, 80 per cent felt they had improved economically while 92 per cent felt they had improved educationally vis-à-vis their fathers.

Political affiliation according to selected informants, they were generally non-political and constituted the swing voters but within the bounds of the major political parties.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.2.

Housing Twenty-six per cent owned houses or flats in Dhaka city. The vast majority lived in rented accommodation.

Economic condition Forty-four per cent of the respondents thought that they were economically solvent and 40 per cent of the scientists were not happy with their salary and they thought that their expenditure was greater than their incomes. Combining this information with that of selected informants, it may be concluded that most scientists enjoyed a middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, consisted of serving the nation by engaging in quality research and being successful in their careers. During old age, their priorities were as follows:

• wanted to do religious and social work; • wanted to continue with research; • wanted to live in Dhaka; 164 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

• to go back to their villages and start a new life there; • wanted to live with their children.

Occupation and related problems most scientists (96 per cent) were engaged in one job in different government or non-government organisations. They did not have any other source of income. They relied entirely on their salary. Only one of the respondents was engaged in business as a sideline. Twenty per cent felt honoured with their position, when comparing themselves with similar categories of people in other countries; 12 per cent complained about salary discrimination. Most of the respondents (84 per cent) were satisfied with their job environment. Sixteen per cent complained that the environment was not good.

Membership of non-political organisations only 10 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment most of the scientists (52 per cent) thought that there was gender equity in their families. In some cases (24 per cent) husbands were supreme. In 20 per cent of the group’s households, women were the main decision-makers.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-six per cent supported family planning, while 4 per cent were equally divided between opposition and no response. Forty-six per cent wanted a free market system of economy, while 40 per cent were for a mixed economy. Eight per cent favoured an Islamic system and only 6 per cent preferred a socialist economy. Their opinions revealed different national political problems, which could be ranked as follows:

• dishonesty of politicians and civil servants • political unrest, different crimes • criminals controlling politics

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• concentration of government offices and factories in Dhaka city; • uncontrolled population migration; • narrow roads; • uncovered dustbins; • few public toilets; • too many rickshaws in the main roads; • too few flyovers; • inadequate employment opportunities; • outdated traffic law; • lack of long-term planning; • traffic congestion; • inadequate tree cover.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents thought that most scientists suffered from deep The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 165 frustration because of the work environment and after a point in time, it got reflected in their research output.

Doctors

Fifty-one doctors from government and non-government organisations were studied. They were not specifically studied in 1985.

General characteristics Seventy-seven per cent of the sample doctors were married and all were Bengali speaking. Ninety-three per cent were Muslims and the remaining 7 per cent were Hindus. Sixty-six per cent belonged to the 24–35 age group, 27 per cent to the 36–45 age group and 7 per cent to the 46–56 age group. Thirty-seven per cent were females and 63 per cent were males; 53.3 per cent of the respondents were living in joint families whereas 46.7 per cent lived in nuclear families. Eighty per cent had additional training while 20 per cent had not had any.

Table 5.10 Education level of doctors

Degree Percentage of respondents MBBS 57 MBBS plus DHS 3 MBBS plus MSc/MS 7 BDS 33

Districts of origin eighty-four per cent of the doctors came from outside Dhaka district. The home districts of the respondents were, in order of importance, Comilla, Mymensingh, Dhaka, Bogra, Jessore, Khulna, Noakhali, Tangail, Chittagong and Pabna.

Links with Dhaka city and the village among the respondents, 26 per cent had no connection with the village. Sixty-six per cent visited their villages more than once a year, and the rest once a year. The purposes of visits were meeting relatives and looking after property. The duration of residence of the doctors in Dhaka city was 10 years or less: 32 per cent; 11–20 years: 34 per cent; and 21 years or longer: 34 per cent. The reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education leading to jobs; accompanying parents; and on transfer.

Leisure time activities Besides spending time with the family, they read different books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. The TV channels they watched, in order of importance, were NTV, a mixture of channels, ATN, Channel i, HBO, Ten sports and Baishaki. Besides these, they also watched Sony, BBC, National Geographic, MTV and Bangla Vision. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Ittefaq, Jonokontho, Amardesh, Samakal, Jugantor, The Daily Star and Inqilab.

Background of fathers eighty-six per cent of the fathers of this group were from villages or small towns. Fifty-one per cent were educated, 44 per cent were semi-literate and only 4 per cent were 166 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 illiterate. Fifty-five per cent were from the middle class, 35 per cent from the lower middle class and the remaining 10 per cent from the upper middle class. There were none from the poor class in the sample. Eighty per cent of the respondents improved over their fathers economically while 94 per cent of the respondents improved over their fathers educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, the doctors were deeply divided on political party lines and did not any longer have a unified professional union. The Bangladesh Medical Association (BMA) had become inactive and there were now two political organisations among the doctors, namely the BNP-supported Doctors Association of Bangladesh (DAB) and the AL-supported Sawadhinata Chikitshok Parishad.

Number of children the number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.1.

Housing condition in Dhaka About 30 per cent owned flats and houses in Dhaka city. Ninety- three per cent lived in flats, while 7 per cent lived in hostels.

Economic condition Most doctors (96 per cent) were engaged in one job in different government or non-government organisations. They did not have any extra income source. They relied on their salary. Only one of the respondents was doing business. However, according to selected respondents, most doctors were doing private practice. Therefore, we may conclude that while 25 per cent lived an upper middle class life, the remaining 75 per cent lived a middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives obtaining higher degrees, serving the nation and poor people, doing

Table 5.11 Income of doctors

Taka per month Percentage of respondents 6,500–10,000 30.0 10,500–20,000 26.6 20,500–30,000 20.0 30,500–40,000 6.6 40,500–65,000 16.6 development work for the society and establishing hospitals were their plans for the future. Most did not have any plans for their old age. Others wanted to live in Dhaka with their children or return to their villages and set up and run hospitals there, engage in religious and social work, be self- dependent or dependent on village property and children.

Occupation and related problems For 87 per cent, the working hours were 6 to 10 hours a day. For 13 per cent, the working hours were 11 to 14 hours. Workplace environment was good for 50 per cent, tolerable for 17 per cent and bad for 33 per cent.

Membership of non-political organisations only 29 per cent were members of any non-political organisations. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 167

Gender environment thirty-seven per cent of the doctors thought gender equity prevailed in their families. In 43 per cent of households, husbands were exercising supremacy in the household. In 20 per cent of the households, women were taking decisions.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-eight per cent thought that family planning was necessary for reducing the population growth rate in the country. Only 2 per cent opposed family planning. On the economic system, the preferences were divided as follows:

• free market economy: 47 per cent • mixed economy: 37 per cent • Islamic economy: 8 per cent • socialist economy: 8 per cent

They identified the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• corrupt political leaders, with some of them operating as godfathers of the underworld; • political unrest, different crimes; • increased social unrest; • no minimum understanding between government party and the opposition; • corruption at all levels, black money.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• traffic congestion; • sewerage lines old and inadequate; • narrow roads; • outdated traffic law; • lack of long-term planning; • concentration of government offices and factories in Dhaka city; • too many rickshaws in the main roads; • too many old vehicles on the road; • cyber cafes destroying young people.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, many doctors were involved not only in overtly party political but also unprofessional activities, such as coercing patients to visit them in their private chambers rather than in the hospital, so that they could charge them fat fees. The established doctors were also noted for tax evasion.

Artists and painters

Fifty respondents were selected from various localities. This group was not specifically studied in 1985.

General characteristics about 36 per cent of the total number of respondents was below 30 years and 27 per cent were in the 30–40 age group and 20 per cent respondents were between 41 and 50 years and the remaining artists/painters were over 50 years. Eighty-four per cent were Muslims and 168 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

16 per cent were Hindus, 74 per cent were male and 58 per cent were married. Sixty per cent lived in nuclear families and 40 per cent in joint families.

Education about 74 per cent of the respondents had completed their Master’s degrees and the remaining 26 per cent were either students or had completed the BFA degree. About 68 per cent of respondents had special training.

Districts of origin Seventy-eight per cent had migrated from districts other than Dhaka.

Table 5.12 Districts of origin of artists/painters

Home district Percentage of respondents Chapai Nababgang 4 Khulna 12 Thakurgaon 8 Sylhet 4 Comilla 12 Rangpur 4 Rajshahi 10 Barisal 12 Mymensingh 10 Faridpur 4 Dhaka 20

Links with Dhaka city and the village Seventy-eight per cent of the respondents had contact with their village homes. Sixty-eight per cent visited the village more than once a year, 10 per cent had a very low-level contact and 22 per cent did not visit their village homes at all. Thirty-four per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less, 38 per cent for 11–20 years and 28 per cent for 21 years or more. Their reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education, jobs and accompanying parents.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family, they read different books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. The TV channels they watched, in order of importance, were, a mixture of channels, NTV, ATN, Channel i, BTV, HBO, Star Plus and Baishakhi. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were, Prothom Alo, Jugantor, Naya Diganta, Ittefaq, Amar Desh and Jano Kantha. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were, Shananda, Alpin and Jai Jai Din. Seven per cent passed their leisure time drawing pictures and 3 per cent liked to visit clubs.

Background of fathers ninety per cent of the artists’ fathers were from villages and small towns. Forty-two per cent were educated, 44 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 14 per cent were illiterate. Fifty-two per cent belonged to the lower middle class, 34 per cent were from the The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 169 middle class, 8 per cent from the upper middle class and the remaining 6 per cent from the poor class. Their occupations were as follows: agriculture 48 per cent; office jobs and professions 38 per cent and business 12 per cent. In comparison to their fathers, 74 per cent of the sample had improved economically and 88 per cent educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, most artists and painters were liberal and secular people and hence inclined towards secular political parties, such as AL and left of the centre political parties.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.2.

Housing Only 8 per cent owned flats and houses in Dhaka city. The vast majority lived in rented accommodation.

Economic condition they lived lower middle to upper middle class life in Dhaka city, depending on the demand for their work, reputation and experience.

Future perspectives in the future, their main ambition was to become famous artists, teachers and producers. Some of them also thought of becoming industrialists. For old age, they had the following priority:

• depend on their pension and savings during their old age; • return to their villages; • continue their artwork and serve the people; • establish Art College and teach students; • pass their time with children; • travel abroad; • live in Dhaka city.

Occupation and related problems the main occupations of the respondents were students (36 per cent), teachers (38 per cent) and other jobs (26 per cent). The respondents were engaged in part-time jobs, such as teaching drawing (26 per cent), work related to films (20 per cent), editing (20 per cent), teaching (10 per cent), consultancy (4 per cent) and business (4 per cent). About 58 per cent of respondents maintained links with different institutions related to drawing or painting, in order to obtain work. Most respondents (74 per cent) were satisfied with their work environment, whereas 26 per cent complained about an inhospitable job environment. Fifty per cent believed that work environment in the country as a whole for artists and painters was good enough. The main problems in the workplace were lack of facilities, lack of teachers, student politics and hijacking.

Membership of non-political organisations only 28 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment according to 80 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their families and workplaces, 14 per cent believed that men were more privileged, whereas 6 per cent thought that women were superior. 170 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-eight per cent supported family planning and 2 per cent did not respond. On the economic system, the preferences were as follows:

• free market economy: 36 per cent • mixed economy: 50 per cent • Islamic economy: 4 per cent • socialist economy: 10 per cent

They singled out the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• politics in our country was only for some greedy people; • politicians had polluted the society; • politics was under the control of criminals; • political unrest was endemic.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• narrow roads; • traffic jams; • concentration of industries in Dhaka city; • poor waste management; • inadequate good supply of gas, water and electricity; • non-rehabilitation of the poor residents; • few flyovers.

Negative characteristics according to selected informants, they were now more into money- making and fame rather than using their media for addressing social issues.

NGO executives

NGO executives were not included in the 1985 study but in 2005, 51 respondents were selected from different parts of Dhaka city.

General characteristics about 14 per cent of the total respondents were within 30–40 years and 46 per cent of respondents belonged to the 41–50 age group, 24 per cent were between 51 and 60 years and the rest were over 60 years of age. Eighty-seven per cent were married, and the remaining 13 per cent were unmarried. Eighty-five per cent were living in nuclear families and 15 per cent in joint families. Eighty-six per cent were Muslims, 9 per cent were Hindus and 5 per cent were Christians.

Education almost all respondents except one had a Master’s degree or a higher degree.

Districts of origin the districts, in order of importance, were Pabna, Comilla, Barisal, Chittagong, Dhaka, Chittagong, Tangail, Mymensingh, Faridpur, Sylhet and Bogra. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 171

Links with Dhaka city and the village Thirty-five per cent of the sample had lived in Dhaka city for ten years or less. Another 35 per cent had been living there for 11–20 years, and only 30 per cent for 21 years or more. The main reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education, in search of an occupation and accompanying relatives. Seventy-six per cent maintained close contact with their villages through more than one visit to the village in order to look after relatives and property.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family, they read different books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. The TV channels they watched, in order of importance, were a mixture of channels, Channel i, NTV, ATN and RTV. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Jano Kantha, Jugantor, Ittefaq, The Bangladesh Observer and Bhorer Kagoj.

Background of fathers ninety-two per cent of the fathers were from villages and small towns. Thirty-eight per cent were educated, 44 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 18 per cent were illiterate. Fifty-four per cent were from the lower middle class, 34 per cent from the middle class and 12 per cent from the poor class. Their occupations were distributed as follows: agriculture 60 per cent; office jobs and other occupations 32 per cent and business 8 per cent. Compared to their fathers, 78 per cent of the sample members felt they had improved economically and 94 per cent educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, the NGO executives were generally divided between BNP and AL. NGOs receiving donations from the Middle East were generally tilted towards the Islamic political parties. Some NGO executives supported left-wing political parties. However, it is also said that they generally owed their allegiance to the donors, the source of their finance.

Number of children For ever-married respondents, the average number of children per respondent was 1.8.

Housing eighty-six per cent of the respondents were living in rented accommodation and only 14 per cent in their own house or flat.

Economic condition Forty-six per cent were earning Taka 2,000−10,000, 38 per cent of the respondents were earning Taka 11,000−50,000 per month, and only 15 per cent earned Taka 51,000−100,000. About 50 per cent of the respondents did not have any part-time job. The remaining 50 per cent reported to having part-time work as consultants (8 per cent), homeopathic doctors (4 per cent), journalists (4 per cent), trainers (8 per cent), writers (4 per cent) and beauticians (4 per cent). It may be said that most NGO executives were leading a lower middle class to middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives in the future, in order of importance, they would like to be engaged in social work, build a house in Dhaka city and raise children properly. Their plans for old age, in order of importance, were they wanted to depend on their pension and savings and did not think about old age. 172 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Occupation and related problems about 38 per cent complained about the bad job environment and 35 per cent thought that the environment was good. Forty-two per cent said that there was no security in this job and this was exacerbated by the betraying tendency of other staff, 16 per cent felt that political involvement of some staff disturbed the working environment. Respondents reported, in order of importance, the following specific problems about their jobs:

• life at risk; • musclemen tried to extract money; • government officers usually indulge in corruption in distributing projects among them; • laborious job but poor salary.

Membership of non-political organisations only 18 per cent were members of any non- political organisation.

Gender situation according to 84 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their families and workplace. Nine per cent were much more aware about gender inequity and 7 per cent said that girls were very free now.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-eight per cent supported family planning and only 2 per cent opposed it under exceptional circumstances. Forty per cent were in favour of the free market economy; 48 per cent supported a mixed economy and only 12 per cent wanted a socialist economy. They identified the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• very bad political situation; • no new political forces emerging on the political scene; • political unrest; • no patriotism among the politicians; • little future of politics in Bangladesh; • negative influence of politics on economic development.

According to them, problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• inadequate supply of gas, electricity and water; • traffic jams; • narrow roads; • poor drainage system; • dirty city; • concentration of organisations in Dhaka city.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, most NGO executives were no better than government bureaucrats were, and were of the opinion that their main purpose was to obtain funds from the donors and use it in a non-transparent manner rather than render substantial help to the poor people. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 173

Writers

Writers were not included in the 1985 study. Fifty-one respondents were selected from the different parts of Dhaka city for the 2005 study.

General characteristics about 10 per cent of the sample writers were below 30 years, 43per cent were 30–40 years old, 33 per cent of respondents were 41–50 years and the remaining 14 per cent were over 50 years. Sixty-seven per cent were living in nuclear families and 33per cent in joint families. Ninety per cent were Muslims, 10 per cent were Hindus, 80 per cent were males and 70 per cent were married.

Education about 13 per cent of the respondents had the BSc degree, about 69 per cent of respondents were MSc/MA degree holders, 14 per cent of them had a PhD and only 4 per cent had passed HSC. Fifty-seven per cent did not have any special training.

Districts of origin the districts, in order of importance, were Dhaka, Jessore, Khulna, Barisal, Comilla, Dinajpur, Noakhali, Mymensingh, Nowgaon, Faridpur, Sylhet, Chittagong, Rangpur, Pabna and Tangail.

Links with Dhaka city and the village ninety-four per cent of the respondents had contact with their village homes. Eighty-eight per cent visited their village homes more than once a year to look after relatives and property. Twenty per cent had lived in Dhaka city for 10 years or less, 34 per cent for 11–20 years and 46 per cent for 21 years or more. The main reasons for coming to Dhaka city were education and jobs and accompanying parents.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family, they read different books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. The TV channels they watched, in order of importance, were different cable channels, BTV, ATN, NTV, Channel i, BBC, ETV, Discovery and HBO. The newspapers they read, in order of importance were Prothom Alo, Ittefaque, Inquilab, Amar Desh, Jugantor, Jano Kantha, Naya Diganta and Manab Jamin. The magazines they read, in order of importance, were Jai Jai Din, Ananda, Shananda and Madina. Seven per cent reported that they travelled when they got free time.

Background of fathers ninety-four per cent of the writers’ fathers were from villages and small towns. They were divided between three professions: agriculture: 51 per cent: office jobs: 33 per cent and business: 16 per cent. Seventy-four per cent were from the middle class, 23 per cent were from the lower middle class and only 3 per cent were from the upper middle class. Seventy-five per cent felt that they had performed better than their fathers economically and socially, and only 25 per cent thought that they had neither improved nor deteriorated compared to their fathers.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, most writers had secular, liberal political thoughts and hence were inclined towards AL and left-wing political parties. 174 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.3.

Housing eighty per cent of the respondents were living in rented accommodation and only 20 per cent of the respondents were living in their own houses.

Economic condition Thirty per cent of the respondents were earning Taka 5,000−9,900, 50 per cent of the respondents were earning Taka 10,000−20,000 and 20 per cent earned Taka 20,000−30,000 per month. Seventeen per cent of the writers were in good economic condition, whereas 40 per cent were living a moderately well off life and 43 per cent were undergoing hardship. It may be concluded that most writers lived a lower middle class to middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to engage in social work, become famous, return to the village and become government officers. For their old age, they had, in order of importance, the following options:

• would depend on their pension and savings during their old age; • wanted to continue writing; • did not think about old age: • wanted to do religious work; • wanted to return to their villages; • would go to an old people’s home; • wanted to do social work.

Occupation and related problems the main occupation except for 7 per cent was writing. The main occupation of 55 per cent of the writers was government service, 23 per cent were engaged in private jobs and the remaining 12 per cent were in business.

Membership of non-political organisations only 30 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment according to 67 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their familes and workplaces and 33 per cent believed that there existed gender inequity.

Opinions on various important issues and problems ninety-six per cent supported family planning. Two per cent each opposed and did not respond. On the economic system most suitable for Bangladesh, the opinions were divided as follows:

• free market economy: 37 per cent • mixed economy: 51 per cent • socialist economy: 12 per cent

They identified the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• very bad political situation; • negative influence of politics on the socio-economic development and security ofthe country; • no patriotism among the politicians. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 175

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• traffic jams; • concentration of government and non-government sector organisations in Dhaka city; • transport system in a bad way; • dirty city; • inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, leaving aside honourable exceptions, most writers were generally of very low standard, given to plagiarism, sensationalism and pulp literature, pandering to the poor tastes of their readers, and did not have much higher ideals to follow.

Film actors

Actors were not included in the 1985 study. For the present study, 51 respondents were selected from the different parts of Dhaka city.

General characteristics about 7 per cent of the respondents were below 20 years old and 33 per cent were 20–30 years, 13 per cent were 31–40 years, 23 per cent were 41–50 years and 24 per cent over 50 years. Forty-three per cent were living in nuclear families and 57 per cent in joint families. Eighty-seven per cent were Muslims and 13 per cent were Hindus. Sixty-three per cent were male and 37 per cent were female. Fifteen per cent were unmarried, 67 per cent were married and 8 per cent were widows and the remaining 10 per cent were divorced.

Education only 3 per cent of respondents had Master’s degrees and 30 per cent of them had a BA/ BSc/Diploma. Seventeen per cent of them had passed HSC and SSC. About 50 per cent were semi- literates. No one was illiterate. Five of the respondents had special training in journalism.

Districts of origin Forty-nine per cent of the actors were the inhabitants of Dhaka city since they were born and raised here. The remaining 51 per cent of the respondents had migrated from the other districts, which, in order of importance, were Khulna, Comilla, Pabna, Chittagong and Faridpur.

Links with Dhaka city and the village ninety-one per cent kept in touch with their village homes. However, only 64 per cent visited the village home more than once a year. The main reasons for the visits were looking after relatives and supervising property. Twenty five per cent had been living in Dhaka city for 10 years or less; 27 per cent for 11–20 years and 48 per cent for 21 years or more. The main reasons for coming to Dhaka city were to seek jobs, including that of acting in the cinema, education and accompanying husbands/parents.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family, they read different books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure. The daily newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Manab Jamin, Ittefaque, Amardesh, Prothom Alo, Inquilab, Jai Jai Din, the Daily Star, Jono Kantho and Dainik Janata.

Background of fathers the fathers of 51 per cent of the actors and actresses were from the rural areas. The remaining 49 per cent lived in urban areas. They were divided among the following 176 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 occupations: office jobs 48 per cent; small business 35 per cent; and agriculture 17 per cent. Sixty-nine per cent were from the lower middle class; 20 per cent from the middle class and the remaining 11 per cent were from the poor class. Compared to their fathers, 78 per cent of actors and actresses claimed to have improved economically. Eighteen per cent remained where their fathers were and 4 per cent thought their condition had deteriorated. Socially, only 51 per cent claimed to have improved over their fathers, while 33 per cent claimed neither improvement nor deterioration. Sixteen per cent reported deterioration.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, most stage actors were inclined towards AL and left political parties, whereas film actors were divided between AL and BNP.

Number of children For ever-married respondents, the average number of children per respondent was 2.2.

Housing Fifty-seven per cent of the respondents were living in rental accommodation and only 37 per cent of the respondents lived in their own houses and flats. Only 3 per cent were living in the government quarters and 3 per cent in the messes or halls. Eighty per cent reported that the environment around their place of residence was good and 20 per cent reported an unclean environment.

Economic condition ten per cent of the respondents were earning below Taka 10,000 a month, 41 per cent were earning Taka 10,000–40,000, 25 per cent more than Taka 40,000, and 7 per cent above Taka 200,000. Seventeen per cent of actors and actresses did not have any specific income. It may be said that most actors and actresses lead a middle class to upper middle class life in Dhaka city.

Future perspectives the majority felt that they did not have a bright future and so they had no plans. Some wanted to be involved in social work. In order of importance, their plans for old age were as follows:

• no comments about old age; • wanted help from the government; • depend on their pensions and savings; • to do social work; • live in old people’s homes.

Occupation and related problems of the respondents of this study, 63 per cent were actors and 37 per cent actresses. They played different roles. They acted as main actors and extra actors or both. Some also worked as editors/producers. They generally did not have any specific time for their work. They were paid as they went along with their work. Some complained that they did not earn expected money regularly. Other occupational problems, in order of importance, were as follows:

• very bad condition of the instruments and equipment; • very unhygienic conditions; • no medical facilities; • lack of library facilities; • general mismanagement; • gatemen involved in different kinds of anti-social activities, such as smuggling of substance and liquor; The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 177

• different crimes, especially sexual abuse of women, at the workplace; • no special wash room and make-up room for the actresses.

Membership of non-political organisations only 22 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment according to 77 per cent of respondents, there was no gender inequity in their families, and only 23 per cent believed that women received lower salaries and suffered gender discrimination and abuse in the workplace.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-eight per cent thought that family planning was necessary for Bangladesh. Only 2 per cent held the opposite view. On the economic system most suitable for the country, their responses varied as follows:

• free market: 35 per cent • mixed economy: 58 per cent • socialist economy: 7 per cent

They identified the following national political problems, in order of importance:

• politics controlled by greedy people; • destructive student politics; • hartals and strikes-oriented politics.

According to them, following were the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance:

• traffic jams and poor implementation of traffic laws; • poor transport system; • lack of tourist centres, nightclubs, bars and brothels; • inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity.

Negative characteristics according to selected respondents, the world of acting was plagued by many problems, such as sexual exploitation of actresses, substance and liquor addiction, poor working conditions and mastani by politically well-connected actors, producers and directors.

Middle class entrepreneurs

Fifty respondents were studied in 2005. This category of people was studied also in 1985.

General characteristics ninety-two per cent were married, and all were . One hundred per cent were Muslims. Ninety-two per cent were male and 8 per cent were female. Eight per cent belonged to the 20–30 age group, another 8 per cent to the 31–40 age group, 40 per cent to the 41–50 age group, 36 per cent to the 51–60 age group and 8 per cent to the 61–70 age group. Forty-eight per cent of the respondents were living in joint families whereas 52 per cent lived in nuclear families. 178 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Education Their educational status was as follows:

• graduates and above: 32 per cent • SSC–HSC: 36 per cent • semi-literate: 32 per cent

Districts of origin the districts of origin of the respondents were, in order of importance, Comilla, Dhaka, Noakhali, Barisal, Pabna, Faridpur, Mymensing and Tangail.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Sixty per cent maintained regular connections with their village homes through more than one visit per year, 12 per cent had little connection and 20 per cent had no connection. The main reasons for visits were to look after relatives and property. Twenty-eight per cent had been living in Dhaka city since birth. Thirty-six per cent came to do business, 12 per cent came for becoming homemakers, 12 per cent came for children’s education, 6 per cent came to do jobs, 4 per cent came with their parents and 2 per cent for own education. Twenty per cent had been living in Dhaka city for 10 years or less, 32 per cent for 11–20 years and 48 per cent for 21 years or more.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family and friends, the entrepreneurs spent their leisure time watching TV programmes. Other sources of leisure were reading books and newspapers. The newspapers they read, in order of importance, were Jonokontho, Jugantor, Prothom Alo, Ajker Kagoj, Bhorer Kagoj, Amardesh and the Daily Star.

Background of fathers eighty-eight per cent of the fathers of the entrepreneurs had been from villages. Forty-six per cent were educated, 34 per cent were semi-literate and the remaining 20 per cent were illiterate. Forty-four per cent were from the lower middle class, 30 per cent from the middle class, 20 per cent from the upper middle class and the remaining 6 per cent were from the poor class. Their occupations were: agriculture 32 per cent; office jobs and other professions 28 per cent and business 40 per cent. In comparison to their fathers, 82 per cent felt they had improved economically while 94 per cent thought they had improved educationally.

Political affiliation according to selected respondents, they were basically not political but economic beings but voted mostly for the established political parties as swing voters.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.6.

Housing condition in Dhaka their housing condition was as follows:

• rented flat: 64 per cent • relative’s house or flat: 4 per cent • own house or flat: 32 per cent

Economic condition most middle class entrepreneurs lead an upper middle class life in Dhaka city. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 179

Table 5.13 Income of middle-class entrepreneurs

Taka (thousand) Percentage of respondents 20–30 16 31–40 12 41–50 16 51–60 16 61–70 4 71–80 4 81–90 0 91–100 4 100< 28

Future perspectives their plans for the future, in order of importance, were to be more active in business, leave enterprises to their children to improve and to be a big contractor. Regarding old age, their responses were as follows:

• situation will decide; • serve the people; • live with the family; • will do religious work.

Occupation and related problems the main enterprises with which middle class entrepreneurs were involved were biscuit factories, machine and tools factories, hotel businesses and leather factories. Besides the above, the rest are involved in mobile shops, clothing shops, tailoring, bookshops and advertisement firms. They enjoyed the following economic advantages, in order of importance:

• making profit and at the same time generating employment; • such business did not require high technical education; • these were business requiring low investment.

However, according to them, there were also disadvantages, which, in order of importance, were as follows:

• business makes men greedy • chandabazi by mastans make work very difficult electricity, gas and water problem bribes by police • no vacation

The workplace environment, according to them was as follows:

• bad: 48 per cent • average: 40 per cent • good: 12 per cent 180 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Membership of non-political organisations only 18 per cent were members of any non-political organisation.

Gender environment thirty-two per cent of respondents maintained that there was gender equity in their families. Sixty-eight per cent thought that men ruled the family.

Opinion on various important issues and problems ninety-six per cent supported family planning and only 4 per cent had a negative response. On the economic system most suitable for Bangladesh, their preferences were as follows:

• free market economy: 62 per cent • mixed economy: 28 per cent • Islamic system: 10 per cent

Their opinions revealed different national political problems. They may be ranked as follows:

• no commitment among political leaders; • political unrest; • no political and social change on the horizon; • no transparency in government; • hartal-oriented politics.

According to them, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were

• waterlogging; • roads narrow; • inadequate supply of gas, electricity and water; • markets not well distributed; • government offices and factories concentrated in Dhaka; • poor people not rehabilitated; • illegal structures; • traffic congestion.

Negative characteristics Selected respondents thought that middle class entrepreneurs strayed into anti-productive rent-seeking activities when they got the opportunity, rather than remaining steadfast in the pursuit of production.

Accountants and bankers

Fifty accountants and bankers were selected from government (education board, college, office, and Agricultural Development Bank) and non-government organisations (industry, college and NGOs) for case study in 2005. This category of people was not studied in 1985.

General characteristics eighty per cent were male and the remaining 10 per cent were female. Ninety-eight per cent were married. Fifty per cent were between the age of 30 and 50 and 43 per cent were in the age range of 50–60 years. Ninety four per cent were Muslims, and the remaining 6 per cent were Hindus. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 181

Education ninety-two per cent held the Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. About 28 per cent had specialised diplomas and certificates in their respective areas of specialisation.

Districts of origin most of them were from districts other than Dhaka. The most important districts of origin, in order of importance, were Comilla, Noakhali, Pabna, Faridpur and Dhaka.

Links with Dhaka city and the village Forty-two per cent had lived in Dhaka city for less than 10 years, 24 per cent for 11–20 years and the remaining 34 per cent for 21 years or more. Most of them (92 per cent) came to Dhaka city in the pursuit of education and jobs. The rest accompanied parents to Dhaka city. Eighty-two per cent visited their village homes twice or more in a year in order to meet relatives and look after property. Some of them also derived income from village property.

Leisure time activities besides spending time with the family, they read a variety of books, magazines and newspapers and watched TV during their leisure time. Their favourite newspapers, in order of importance, were Prothom Alo, Ittefaque, Jugantor, Amar Desh, Daily Star and Jonokantho.

Background of fathers Fathers of 86 per cent of the bankers and accountants were from the rural areas and small towns. The remaining 14 per cent lived in the urban areas. They were divided into the following occupations: office work 24 per cent; small business 26 per cent; and agriculture 50 per cent. Seventy-two per cent were from the lower middle class, 20 per cent were from the middle and the upper middle class and only 8 per cent were from the poor class. Compared to their fathers, 84 per cent claimed to have improved economically. The remaining 16 per cent reported a static situation. Socially, 88 per cent claimed to have improved over their fathers, and only 12 per cent reported neither deterioration nor improvement.

Political affiliation they were basically non-political persons. However, when it came to voting, their support was generally restricted to the AL, BNP, JP and JI as swing voters.

Number of children the average number of children per ever-married respondent was 2.1.

Housing eighty-two per cent lived in rented accommodation whereas 18 per cent lived in their own houses and flats.

Economic condition ninety per cent had only one occupation, and hence did not have any extra source of income. Only a few had additional incomes from business, house rent and giving tuition. About 65 per cent lived a middle class life, while 20 per cent lived a lower middle class life and only 15 per cent enjoyed an upper middle class life.

Future perspectives and plans for old age Seventy-eight per cent wanted promotion, according to their merit, honesty and hard work. After retirement, about 46 per cent wanted to return to their village homes and live a simple life there and devote themselves to religious work. A few wanted to join a private bank after retirement. Others wanted to be self-reliant in their old age, wherever they lived.

Occupational problems The main occupational problems were long office hours, risks associated with maintaining accounts and lending money and political pressures. 182 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Membership of non-political organisations only 14 per cent were members of any non-political organisations. They simply had no time to get involved with such organisations.

Opinion on important issues

• Political situation: the political situation was alarming in the city and the country. Politicians were not patriotic. Different political programmes were creating serious obstacles to the city’s development. • Family planning: 96 per cent supported family planning, and only 4 per cent opposed it. • Economic system: 54 per cent supported the market economy, while 38 per cent were in favour of a mixed economy. The remaining 8 per cent were equally divided between the Islamic system and social welfare. • Problems of Dhaka city: according to the respondents, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were traffic jams, inadequate supply of gas, water and electricity, rising prices of essential commodities and increasing crime. • Gender environment: according to the female bankers and accountants, most of them were leading an unhappy life with their spouses, because of the gender disparity. In most cases, husbands were in the dominant position.

Negative characteristics According to selected respondents, in particular, the banking officials in the public sector were known for taking bribes for loans disbursed, and sometimes in collusion with the clients, in falsifying records related to collateral.

Summary of the main findings

In order to generalise on the above 22 segments of the educated middle class, it was necessary to find out the similarities and differences among them in the various characteristics. This is attempted below.

General characteristics

Almost all the respondents from the 22 segments of the educated middle class were Bengali- speaking. The overwhelming majority of the respondents were Muslims in all categories. Only among actors, NGO executives, artists and painters, teachers, singers and dancers was the percentage of Muslims less than 90, which reflects (a) religious disapproval of certain occupations, such as painting, drawing, singing, dancing and acting (b) greater space for followers of other religions in certain non-government and open occupations, such as teachers and NGO executives. Males again constituted the overwhelming majority in the sample. Only among artists, painters, doctors, scientists, teachers, non-madrasa students and singers and dancers were males less than 65 per cent. This again shows that gender bias in occupation was still important, and it was decreasing rather slowly. Among the 22 segments, in only one segment, was the percentage of nuclear families less than 50. The average percentage of nuclear families across the board was 69, reflecting the impact of urban way of life on migrants from rural areas. The trends noted above were thus similar to those found in GHS and GQS. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 183

Education

Education was defined as having passed at least SSC. Most respondents across the 22 segments were not only educated but also highly educated in terms of post-graduate and professional degrees. Only among educated homemakers, actors, trade union leaders and middle class entrepreneurs, did the percentage of educated people vary between 50 and 78. In the remaining categories, the educated were between 86 and 100 per cent. Those covered in this chapter, being the most educated, were educationally different from, particularly, the GHS respondents. However, as pointed out earlier, there has been serious erosion in the standard of education at all levels and a very high proportion of the best and the brightest among the educated left home for abroad during the two decades.

Districts of origin

The two most important districts of origin for the educated middle class are Dhaka and Comilla. Beyond that the representation is widespread, covering all Divisions except Sylhet.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

The vast majority of the educated middle class had intimate connections with the village through ownership of property and the presence of their close relatives there. Thus, the majority of them visited the village at least twice a year. The main reasons for visiting village homes, in order of importance, were as follows:

• to meet and look after parents, wives and relatives; • to look after property.

The majority of the educated middle class has been living in Dhaka city for less than two decades, which shows that they are yet to be fully urban. The three most important reasons for coming to Dhaka city are in pursuit of education and jobs, business and accompanying parents. In their links with the village, they were thus no different from what we found in the GHS.

Leisure time activities

The three most popular leisure time activities for the educated middle class were spending time with the family, reading books, magazines and newspapers and watching TV. Other activities mentioned were seeing movies, listening to songs, social work, travelling and taking rest. When it came to reading books, magazines and newspapers, the following were noted: madrasa students and Muslim religious leaders preferred Islamic reading materials; homemakers were also interested in Islamic books. There were not many takers for magazines, only six segments, namely journalists, engineers, teachers, educated homemakers, uneducated homemakers and writers. The respondents gave preference for a large number of newspapers. While Prothom Alo and Channel i stood out clearly as the first among the newspapers read and TV channels watched respectively, the preference for newspapers and TV channels seemed to be somewhat influenced by the respondent’s political inclination. Only four groups included adda (gossiping) with friends as an important way of spending leisure time, which seems to suggest that the present generation of the educated middle class has moved away from the favourite pastime of the urban Bengali educated class, namely 184 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

“adda on intellectual topics over endless cups of tea”. This appears quite consistent with what we found in the GHS. Only two groups wanted to spend leisure by seeing movies in the cinemas.

Background of fathers

From the study of the background of fathers, three trends were obvious. First, most middle class segments of Dhaka city had emerged from a rural background and only very recently. Second, the occupations of the fathers were mainly agriculture, office jobs and business. Third, most of the case study respondents had improved upon their fathers economically and educationally over the years. The state and the economy had provided opportunities for this transition to take place and these trends were similar to those noted in the GHS and GQS.

Political affiliation

Several groups may be identified among the educated middle class of Dhaka city. First are those who are basically politically disinterested and act as swing voters during the general or City Corporation elections, such as engineers, educated homemakers, uneducated homemakers, scientists, middle class entrepreneurs, bankers and accountants and private sector executives. They would most likely vote for either AL or BNP but a small percentage may vote for Jamat. The second category is those who were professionally inclined towards liberal and secular politics and hence they generally vote for the AL and the left political parties but are not at all politically organised, for example, writers, actors, dancers and singers, artists and painters. The third category consists of segments of the educated middle class, highly divided politically, so much so that they no longer even have a single professional union or association. The division is on AL, BNP and Jamat lines, with Jamat allied to BNP and some political parties to the left of the centre allied to the AL. In this category belong teachers, lawyers, doctors, civil servants, NGO executives and journalists. Several factors were responsible for this trend. First, some of these professions (in particular, teachers and lawyers) were historically associated with politics. Second, for some professions, this was a carry-over from student politics, particularly in the case of doctors. Third, the media were now owned by the private sector tycoons, closely tied to one or the other political party, and they generally recruited journalists according to political loyalty rather than merit. Fourth, successive governments deliberately politicised civil servants through recruitment, postings and promotions in order to serve their narrow interests. Finally, the low calibre among these professions (for example, some NGO leaders and journalists) deliberately sought closeness with one or the other political party in order to climb the ladder. The fourth category comprises trade union leaders and political workers, who must, by definition, belong to AL, BNP, JI, JP and other political parties. Finally, the Muslim religious leaders, madrasa students and the non-madrasa students constitute a separate category in that they have been so far only partially politicised. Thus, only 28 per cent of the Muslim religious leaders, 15 per cent of the madrasa students (of them, the main attraction is the Jamat-i-Islam or its student front Islamic Chhatra Shibir) and 10 per cent of the general students are now drawn into politics. Others remain outside of attachment to any particular political party.

Reproductive behaviour

Three categories were encountered in this regard. In the first category were Muslim religious leaders, who had the highest number of children per ever-married respondent, namely three, The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 185 and among whom the majority were opposed to family planning. In this category might also be added the madrasa students, who obviously did not have children as yet since all of them were unmarried, but were opposed to family planning nevertheless, having been indoctrinated by a narrow interpretation of Islam. The second category consisted of those among whom the number of children per ever-married respondent was two or below (two being the officially established norm) and who also strongly supported family planning. Educated homemakers, political workers, NGO executives and private sector executives belonged to this category. It was, however, possible that the small number of children was, to some extent, related to the younger age of the respondents in this group and hence might give a wrong signal. The third category was composed of those among whom the number of children per ever- married respondent varied between 2.1 and 3 but the vast majority of them supported family planning. Trade union leaders, non-madrasa students, journalists, singers, dancers, civil servants, engineers, teachers, lawyers, uneducated homemakers, scientists, doctors, bankers, accountants, artists, painters, writers, actors and middle class entrepreneurs belonged to this category. It should be noted here that since many of the respondents for the case studies were newly married, the possibility of the entire group ending up with a higher number of children cannot be ruled out. The main reasons for the reproductive behaviour of the educated middle class were:

a. influence of a strong son-preference in the society; b. contradiction between inner belief and opinion for public consumption; c. for some, membership of the older generation when family planning norms were not fully established and family planning devices were not available; d. hope of dependence on children during old age, and e. lack of quality education.

However, according to selected respondents, the single most important reason was son-preference, which was deeply embedded in the society.

Housing conditions in Dhaka city

Living in one’s own house or flat varied quite widely among the 22 segments of the educated middle class: from 6 per cent to less than 20 per cent in the case of Muslim religious leaders, madrasa students, political workers, teachers, artists, singers and dancers, lawyers, civil servants, NGO executives, bankers and accountants, from 20 to 30 per cent in the case of non-madrasa students, private sector executives, journalists, writers, homemakers, doctors and scientists, and above 30 per cent in the case of actors, middle class entrepreneurs, educated homemakers, trade union leaders and engineers. The vast majority lived in rented houses, flats and hostels, and of these, only a very small percentage was provided by the government. The house ownership in these professions depended mainly on real income, legal or illegal. Other factors were ability to influence financing institutions, inheritance and duration of stay in Dhaka city.

Economic condition

This was a difficult exercise in view of the respondents’ understatement or outright refusal to part with such information. The help of selected respondents had, therefore, to be taken. 186 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

On the lowest rung were the religious leaders and madrasa students belonging to the lower middle class and the poor. The next category comprised non-madrasa students, writers and NGO executives belonging to the lower middle and middle class. There were two categories, which extended from lower middle to upper middle and middle to upper middle classes. In the first category belonged private sector executives, civil servants, artistes, painters, lawyers, bankers, accountants and teachers, depending on their level and ability to indulge in corruption (for example, civil servants, lawyers, bankers and accountants). On the other hand, actors, doctors, scientists, homemakers and singers and dancers belonged to the second. Journalists generally belonged to the middle class. At the topmost positions were trade union leaders, political workers, educated homemakers, middle class entrepreneurs and engineers. Among them, trade union leaders, political workers and engineers were particularly noted for corrupt practices.

Gender situation

While the gender situation had improved over the two decades, it was still a male dominated society, even within the educated middle class. A comparison between the educated and non-educated homemakers showed that the impact of education did not automatically empower women, since gender discrimination was deeply entrenched in the dominant social values. Gender discrimination was particularly marked among the religious leaders.

Future perspectives

Out of the 22 educated middle class segments, only 13 were interested in engaging in activities outside of themselves and their immediate family. However, these activities were neither their top priority nor did they have much to do with social transformation. These consisted of helping the poor, children and old people, social work, setting up hospitals, establishing Islamic norms and values in the society, contributing to national planning, participating in elections and serving the nation. These were obviously no more than offering charity or vague expressions of good intentions. All the educated middle class segments were basically interested in was improving their own lot and that of their immediate family: constructing houses, helping their children and family members to do well in life, becoming more established and famous in their existing careers, obtaining higher education and jobs at home and abroad, changing for better careers and starting business. The main activities that the respondents of the various segments of the educated middle class would like to pursue in their old age were religious work, social work, continuing with the work of their present professional life and helping the poor. There was also a strong tendency to return to their village roots in old age. Irrespective of their location, most wanted to be self-dependent at that time. Some of them even wanted to live in old people’s homes. However, among some segments (educated homemakers, uneducated homemakers, scientists and doctors) the traditional aspiration to spend old age as dependents of children persisted. Some segments did not want either to think about this matter or to respond to this question or they avoided it.

Occupational problems

Several groups could be identified among the 22 segments of the educated middle class of Dhaka city (both madrasa and non-madrasa students were kept out of this investigation). First are those who had relatively good working environments, such as scientists, artists, painters, writers and The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 187 singers and dancers. Educated and uneducated homemakers were a group by themselves because as homemakers they had to work from dawn to dusk without any recognition for their work and suffering from male domination. As we noted in Chapter 3, some of the gender discrimination would disappear only when female education was translated into outside-home remunerative employment, and hence education alone would not suffice. Trade union leaders and political workers were doing very well for themselves through means that could not be called fair by any standard. The middle class entrepreneurs were facing a tough and predatory working environment but they were doing well nevertheless. In professions such as journalism, legal practice, cinema acting and civil service, the working atmosphere was particularly vitiated. In other professions (doctors, engineers, private sector executives, teachers, NGO executives and bankers and accountants), there were only “normal” difficulties.

Membership of non-political organisations

The vast majority of the educated middle class were not members of social, sports, cultural, thana or District Associations or old boys’ clubs. This could perhaps be explained by their recent arrival in the city and the negative circumstances that hindered the development of social capital (for example, poor law and order, transport difficulties due to traffic jams, political conflicts, preponderance of mastans and lack of public space). There was thus little difference between the educated middle class and the respondents of the GHS in this regard, proving the point that not in education alone, but in association with other factors, such as length of stay in Dhaka city, values inherited from parents, and empathy for fellow human beings lies the hope of creating and nurturing social capital.

Opinions on various important issues and problems

Except for Muslim religious leaders and madrasa students, the overwhelming majority among the educated middle class of Dhaka city supported family planning, but as pointed out earlier there was a gap between what they believe and what they practise. The overwhelming majority among Muslim religious leaders and madrasa students were in favour of the Islamic economic system. Ninety-six per cent of the trade union leaders wanted a welfare system. However, among the remaining 19 educated middle class segments, the preferences, in order of importance were as follows:

• mixed economy • free market economy • Islamic economy • socialist economy

Not a single respondent among the 22 educated middle class segments had a good word to spare for the existing national political situation. The typical opinions were as follows:

• The political situation was alarming with violent conflicts among the political parties and with no consensus in sight. Such a political situation led to hartals, deterioration in law and order and a downturn in the economy, making the common man suffer. It also resulted in a greater divide between the rich and poor. • Politics had been thoroughly criminalised and influenced by black money of dishonest 188 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

businesspersons. Family connections were also important in politics. Student politics was regarded as being particularly destructive. • Politicians were greedy and corrupt people and devoid of any patriotism or universally cherished values. Madrasa students and Muslim religious leaders blamed this particularly on lack of Islamic values. • According to the teachers, the political criminals received maximum protection during the last BNP rule.

The only solution they offered to the present depressing political situation was that new forces should emerge in politics but they failed to elaborate as to how this would come about and whether they would play any role in it. As selected respondents commented on these opinions, many of them as camp-followers of the major political parties were themselves a part of the problem. Also, as typical of the opportunism of this class, they would sacrifice nothing to bring about any beneficial change in the society. It had to be “someone else” to do that but they would nevertheless enjoy the fruits of such change. In order of importance, the various segments of the educated middle class of Dhaka city highlighted the following problems, with numbers in the parentheses indicating the number of segments of the educated middle class identifying a problem:

• traffic jams (21) • lack of adequate supply of gas, water and electricity (13) • poor law and order (12) • underdeveloped transport and communications (10) • concentration of public/private offices and industries in Dhaka city (6) • corruption (6) waterlogging and poor drainage high and rising prices of essential commodities • lack of slum development (5) • inadequate sewerage system (4) • mosquitoes • low tree cover • overpopulation • dirty city, in terms of poor waste management, open dustbins and lack of public toilets • illegal settlements (3) unplanned city development too many rickshaws (2) • unemployment

Most respondents did not produce operational solutions to the problems, except the following:

• police, being an important source of the law and order problem, should be brought under control; • greater emphasis should be placed on physical infrastructural development; • The Dhaka City Corporation should be more proactive; • bureaucratic attitudes of officials should be rectified if problems mentioned above were to be solved; • Islamic law should be imposed in order to solve these problems (madrasa students and religious leaders); • working relations between government and non-government organisations in Dhaka city should be improved. The Educated Middle Class of Dhaka City 189

Although almost 50 per cent of the population of Dhaka city was living in slums, massive poverty and lack of slum development were identified as a problem by only five segments of the middle class, which perhaps reflected their inability to look downwards. Similarly, only two segments of the middle class mentioned unemployment as a serious problem for the city. There was thus little difference between the educated middle class and the respondents of the GHS in the opinions expressed on some national and local issues.

Negative characteristics

There was not a single educated middle class profession which had not been tainted by negative characteristics. These became possible because of the opportunities provided by their respective professions to “make hay while the sun shines”, and as selected respondents suggested, these tendencies were on the increase over the two decades. When we cross-examined some of the educated middle class respondents with what selected respondents reported to us, the following were the typical responses:

• “It is exaggerated and out of proportion”. • “We have to survive; others are also doing the same thing in a different form. Why blame us?”

While we generally agree with the observations of the selected respondents since these generally coincide with our own observations, the moot question is how do we explain this downward slide? First, the educated middle class has been in an upward economic journey during the two decades, and in such a mode, “the time-tested morals” (for example, “honesty is the best policy”) do not generally apply. Second, the philosophy of market fundamentalism driving their upward journey was based on super profit, but in the concrete conditions of Bangladesh, where even the basic regulations of the market were not in place, it got translated into “maximise your gains at any cost”. Third, the values brought from outside the boundaries of Bangladesh through various modes of globalisation were more negative than positive. Also, within the country, obscurantist and fundamentalist, and not humanist interpretation of Islam prevails. Fourth, those whom we studied were not the best and the brightest of the intellectuals since the latter had migrated abroad in large numbers during the two decades. Very little could be expected from this generally mediocre group who had stayed behind mostly because they could not make it. Finally, the two decades witnessed a highly frustrating transition from military dictatorship to “combative democracy”, despite a prolonged people’s struggle against autocracy during the 1990s − a choice between the devil and the deep blue sea for the better of the intellectuals. When deep frustration takes over several generations of professionals, rapid erosion of the basic values is not unusual.

Concluding remarks

To sum up, between 1985 and 2005, the educated middle class of Dhaka city had climbed the ladder to a considerable extent, transiting from rural to urban, and improving themselves economically and educationally, and in general, they seemed, therefore, in no mood to look down (i.e. sympathise with the poor) or even sideways (i.e. engaging in collective good for their own communities). As 190 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 professionals, they were generally mediocre, with the best and the brightest gone from the country in continuous flows of international migration. Their strong rural links meant that they had a divided commitment between the city and the village. They lacked social capital, and gender discrimination was still quite visible among them. They were identified with the politics of the privileged, since their support or loyalty veered mainly around AL, BNP, Jamat and JP. Their views, inclinations and prioritisation of problems were mostly status quo oriented and reflected their “petition mentality” and little concern for the poor and the disadvantaged. In other words, they had no active role to play but somehow their expectations and requirements would be delivered to them on the platter by the various “authorities”. Their plans for the future were confined to themselves and their immediate family and had little to do with the wider community, let alone the poor and the disadvantaged. Their present activities also point to that direction. All the important professional groups were identified with negative characteristics and as such, they did not command the respect of the ordinary people. Some of the segments were, in fact, stumbling blocks in any attempt to change the society, as revealed in their occupational characteristics (for example, trade union leaders, political workers, journalists and civil servants). Compared to 1985, there was not even a token presence of “revolutionary” or “radical reformists” among the city intellectuals in 2005. It also seems that the ranks of the opportunist and mediocre section of the educated middle class has swelled in Dhaka city over the two decades, as the number of “external” and “internal” escapists among them increased during the same period. Therefore, it would be, in general, futile to expect leadership and initiative from the educated middle class in any attempt towards a social transformation of Dhaka city and Bangladesh. Chapter 6 The Richest People of Dhaka City

Introduction

It is not possible to understand the various dimensions of either urban poverty or urban society in general, without an adequate study of its richest segment. Numerically, they may constitute a microscopic minority of the city population, yet they exercise control over vast economic resources and wield a great deal of political power. That is why their characteristics and relationships with the rest of the society are crucial for analysing the dominant trends (economic, social, political and cultural) within Dhaka society. When we tried to understand this segment of the society in 1985, very little was known about them. Whatever was known was hearsay and myths created through either outright propaganda or naïve and uncritical scholarship (for an example of the former, please see Samad, Ahmed, 1985; for examples of the latter, please see Farooq, 1984; Debnath, 1986). In the 2005 study, our focus was on delineating the changes in the key characteristics of the richest section of Dhaka and their relationships with the rest of the society over the years and understanding the factors that contributed to these changes.

Evolution of the richest people of Dhaka city

In 1947, that is, at the time of Pakistan’s establishment, there was not even one Bengali Muslim in the list of the richest people of Dhaka city. It was either or Marwaris who constituted this layer. After 1947, this group of people soon migrated to India, but the vacuum left was filled not so much by the Bengali Muslims, as by the non-Bengali Muslims, such as the Adamjees, Bawanis and the Ispahanis. The first stage for the Bengali Muslims in their upward mobility was to graduate from the ranks of the rural lower middle class to the urban middle class through filling the vacuum in professional jobs and acquiring urban property left by the departing Marwaris and Hindus. Some upward mobility was also ensured through education. This phase was completed in the 1950s. The 1960s witnessed an attempt by the Pakistani ruling class to create a rich class in Bangladesh through what Hamza Alavi (1973) called “contacts and contracts” in the face of political unrest among the Bengali middle class due to inter-wing disparity. The state was heavily involved in this process and the new Bengali rich came up as junior partners of the Pakistani ruling class. Obviously, since Dhaka was the capital of East Pakistan (i.e. Bangladesh in the Pakistan time), it had the highest concentration of the emerging rich Bengalis. Of the 16 top business families of Bangladesh during the 1960s (see Akash, 1988), eleven were normally residents of Dhaka city. However, of the 22 richest families of Pakistan, only one was from Bangladesh, who was, however, a resident not of Dhaka but Chittagong. At the time of independence in 1971, the richest people of Bangladesh owned 70–80 jute mills, textile mills and sugar mills, a few insurance companies and a bank. All these were nationalised in 1972. This move was uncalled for, but then this was the time when “socialism” was the war cry in Bangladesh and many developing countries. Indeed, nationalisation of even capital owned 192 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 by the Bengalis dealt a heavy blow to the growth of entrepreneurial capacity among the richest of Bangladesh and Dhaka city. The independence of Bangladesh drastically reduced the preponderance of non-Bengali Muslims in the richest stratum of Dhaka city. Many of them, in fact, left for Pakistan after transferring their liquid capital. On the other hand, the new state machinery, together with increased flow of aid and greater scope for international trade and foreign direct investment, expanded the opportunities for both the old rich as well as many new families close to the state machinery in order for them to graduate to the ranks of the richest of Dhaka city. As pointed out earlier, nationalisation ensured that the rich were divorced from the risk and responsibility of production. In other words, in addition to primitive accumulation through outright plunder and loot of state and abandoned property, commission agency in state purchases and projects financed by foreign aid, over- and under-invoicing in international trade, tax evasion, hoarding essential commodities, smuggling of goods from abroad and such other methods became the main modes of operation for these people. Although a policy of denationalisation was adopted by , and others followed suit, the way it was carried out left much to be desired. Thus, as the ranks of the richest gradually swelled over the years, their involvement in production proper remained minimal.

General characteristics of the Dhaka richest

In 1985, 92 per cent were male and the average age was 50, the age range being 32–66. In order of importance, they lived in Gulshan-Banani, Dhanmondi Residential Area, old Dhaka, Purana Paltan, Segun Bagicha and new Eskaton. In 2005, 100 per cent were male; the average age was 55 years, the age range being 38–77. In the same year, 98 per cent lived in new Dhaka (Baridhara, Gulshan, Banani, DOHS, Dhanmondi and Shyamoli) and only 2 per cent lived in old Dhaka. In 1985, 41 per cent were from the greater Dhaka district. The next places of importance were Comilla (15 per cent), refugees from West Bengal and Assam and non-Bengalis (15 per cent). Greater Noakhali, Chittagong and Faridpur districts were next in importance. The representation of southern and northern parts of the country (i.e. Khulna, Barisal and Rajshahi Divisions) was extremely poor. In 2005, Dhaka still retained the predominant position, with 34 per cent of the richest hailing from this district. The next in importance were Chittagong (16 per cent), Noakhali (11 per cent), Comilla (8 per cent), Faridpur (8 per cent), refugees and non-Bengalis (10 per cent), North Bengal and Southern Bengal (9 per cent) and Sylhet (6 per cent). The new features in 2005 were the rise to second position of Chittagong, considered the commercial capital of the country and an improvement in the representation of northern and southern Bengal and Sylhet. In both 1985 and 2005, the majority of the respondents claimed themselves to be industrialists, while the remaining called themselves businesspersons or traders. However, in both the years, in reality, traders or businesspersons were the majority, although in 2005, the percentage of industrialists increased somewhat. However, in 2005, the industries comprised garment, textiles, leather, shrimp, pharmaceuticals, shopping centres, housing and “sunset” industries (i.e. industries given up by the developed countries since these were no longer profitable to them). In 1985, 80 per cent of the respondents reported that they were married and had one wife. Four respondents each had two wives, while four were separated and two were widowed. The average number of children per respondent was 3.7 (1.9 sons and 1.8 daughters). In 2005, 92 per cent were married with only one wife. The remaining 8 per cent were married with two wives, unmarried and widowers. The average number of children per ever-married respondent in 2005 was 3.9 (1.7 sons and 2.2 daughters). In 1985, 60 per cent of the respondents reported that they were graduates The Richest People of Dhaka City 193 and Master’s degree holders, but enquiry through selected respondents showed that actually only 40 per cent had these degrees. In 1985, the younger lot among the richest appeared to be more educated than the older ones. About 25 per cent of the richest had studied abroad. In 2005, the percentage with graduation and Master’s degrees had increased to 50 per cent, again with the younger being more educated than the older. In addition, those with higher education from abroad had increased to 30 per cent.

Family background and characteristics (past generation)

Occupation in 1985, 41 per cent reported business as the main occupation of the fathers of the respondents. The occupation next in importance was zamindari but it was found out through selected respondents that they were not but jotedars, i.e. the layer below the zamindars. In 2005, about 46 per cent reported that their fathers were businesspersons. The next in importance was government service, followed by independent professions (i.e. law, journalism and medicine). Land ownership featured very low in the occupation of the fathers. In 1985, a similar pattern was obtained for fathers-in-law. In 2005, holding a government job was slightly more important than business for fathers-in-law. The occupation next in importance for fathers-in-law was business followed by banking, independent professions and only for a handful was land ownership the main occupation. In other words, the fathers and fathers-in-law of the richest of 2005 were far more grounded in urban occupations than their 1985 counterparts. In both the years, mothers were mostly homemakers but in terms of education there was an improvement between 1985 and 2005 (from 3 per cent to 17 per cent of the respondents were graduates and Master’s degree holders). Also, in 2005, marriage bonds between families of businesspersons or between families of businesspersons and families of government servants and politicians seemed to be associated with the richest section of Dhaka city.

Education in 1985, only 35 per cent of the fathers, 3 per cent of the mothers and 56 per cent of the fathers-in-law had Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. In 2005, 38 per cent of the fathers, 6 per cent of the mothers and 54 per cent of the fathers-in-law had Bachelor’s and post-graduate degrees. In other words, there was no significant change on this account over the two decades.

Class in 1985, 62 per cent of the fathers and 71 per cent of the fathers-in law belonged to the upper middle or upper class. In 2005, only 38 per cent of the fathers and 23 per cent of the fathers- in-law belonged to the upper class. In both the years, the majority of the remainder belonged to the middle class, there being only a handful of fathers and fathers-in-law from the lower class. In other words, over the years, the upward transition shifted from the rich to the richest to middle class to the richest.

Family background and characteristics (present generation)

Occupation in 1985, 70 per cent of the brothers were engaged in business. The next in importance were high government jobs (12 per cent); and mid-level managerial jobs, housework and studying. In 2005, 56 per cent of the brothers were in business, while office jobs were next in importance. However, in 2005, the major trend was to go for well-paid private sector jobs, independent professions (for example, doctors, lawyers and consultants) and jobs abroad rather than high- level government jobs in the country. In 1985, 86 per cent of the sisters were homemakers, the rest being in minor jobs and business. This percentage had come down to 54 per cent in 2005. 194 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Other occupations taken up by sisters in 2005 were business, teaching, social work, office jobs and journalism. In 1985, 94 per cent of the wives were homemakers. In 2005, this percentage fell to 60 per cent, the remaining 40 per cent being involved in business, social work and other jobs.

Education between 1985 and 2005, the education of brothers had improved, with a rise in the percentage graduates and master’s degree and diploma holders from 60 to 74. In addition, many of them had earned these degrees and diplomas from abroad, rather than in Bangladesh. In 1985, only 22 per cent of the sisters were reported to have Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees. In 2005, this figure rose to 64 per cent, showing a rapid stride in female education in this category of families. In 1985, one-third of the wives had bachelors or Master’s degrees. In 2005, it had increased to 68 per cent. Despite some over-reporting in both the years (as revealed through enquiry from selected respondents), the overall trend was visible educational progress.

Class on class also, there was some over-reporting in both the years. However, the overall trend was that a greater percentage of the brothers and sisters transited over the years to the upper and upper middle class.

Family background and characteristics (future generation)

The student percentage declined between 1985 and 2005 because the age of the richest people was higher in 2005 compared to 1985. There was hardly any gender discrimination in the education of children, particularly in respect of education abroad. In fact, over the years, the percentage of students from these families abroad (India, UK, USA and Australia) had increased from 25 per cent in 1985 to almost 50 per cent in 2005. In both the years, those studying within Bangladesh were in the country’s elite educational institutions, whatever the level of education.

Table 6.1 Occupation of sons and daughters, 1985–2005 (in percentage)

Year Students Business Household work Jobs 1985 45 26 21 8 2005 26 44 4 26

In both the years, sons came before daughters in the pursuit of business, although daughters were fast catching up, particularly where the richest people had only daughters. However, in both the years, business here meant also family business, which could be a proxy for grown-up children of the richest who were idlers or simply pursuing pleasure. Household work remained the preserve of the daughters in both the years but as one can see, it has declined from 21 per cent in 1985 to 4 per cent in 2005. While the percentage of the children of the richest in office jobs had increased from 8 per cent in 1985 to 26 in 2005, the increase was mainly confined to jobs in foreign countries, and to be more specific in USA, UK and other Western countries. It is possible that staying abroad for jobs was perhaps associated also with maintaining business links and a bank balance abroad. There was some change in the career expectations of the richest for their children. In both the years, for the sons while the first preference remained business, the second preference changed from high-level government service, including a military career in 1985 to politics in 2005. The third preference was, in both the years, professional jobs. In 2005, these had to be abroad rather The Richest People of Dhaka City 195 than in Bangladesh. For daughters, it was professional jobs, followed by occupations to be decided by the daughters and finally superior government service. In 2005, the gap between the career expectations of the richest regarding their sons and daughters had largely narrowed down. It was also found out from selected respondents that the percentage of graduates from foreign universities among the children of the richest had considerably increased between 1985 and 2005. Other associated changes were increasingly higher preference for the USA and the UK and the more prestigious (“brand name”) educational institutions in these countries. In 1985, pre-marital sex, whoring, early marriage and divorce, wild partying, pop music, drinking and dancing, blue movies and girly magazines, substance addiction and dangerous driving were quite rampant among the grown-up children of the richest people of Dhaka city. Some of them also went for rape and robbery. Some of those attending English-medium schools at home and then going abroad at the undergraduate level had also become alienated from the rest of the society, having been exposed to a different culture for a long time. While this trend remained intact to a considerable extent, some new developments had taken place meanwhile. For example, in the face of “Islam-bashing” abroad, some turned religious there. Second, the democratic atmosphere and media freedom in the country since 1991 made it increasingly difficult for people with money to lead a wild life. It is thus no wonder that the celebration of the Christian New Year Eve with great pomp and show and wild parties by the children of the rich and the powerful became less visible over the two decades because pressure from the media and intellectuals forced the law and order authorities to act. Third, among the older and second generation richest section, the urge to attain sophistication increased and this perhaps became reflected in better upbringing of their children.

Sons-in-law

Occupation in 1985, 46 per cent of the sons-in-law were in business. The next favourite occupations were covenanted government jobs, including in the military, followed by professional jobs. In 2005, the preference for business further increased (54 per cent) but instead of government jobs, the trend shifted to professional jobs abroad (20 per cent) and within the country (26 per cent, mostly in the private sector, but also to a lesser extent in the government).

Education in both the years, the sons-in-law were highly educated, but in 2005, the percentage of foreign degree holders among them was appreciably greater.

Class in 1985, about 70 per cent of the sons-in-law were from upper and upper middle class families. The remaining 30 per cent belonged to middle class and lower middle class families, there being none from the poor. In 2005, the trend of union between “birds of the same feather” through marriage had increased, with sons-in-law from upper and upper middle classes increasing to about 80 per cent. In both the years, seeking sons-in-law and brothers-in-law from middle and lower middle class families seemed to be motivated by the necessity to link up with the power structure, given that many from the middle and lower middle class got into civil and military jobs or high level in politics through merit and connections. However, in the period under study, the power of 196 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 the politicians was far more important than that of the civil and military officials.

Rural links of the Dhaka richest

In both the years, there were no rural links of those who were refugees from India and non- Bengali Muslims. For the rest, compared to 1985, the frequency of visits to the village in 2005 seemed to have increased for a number of reasons. First, many of the richest had become directly involved in politics or had sponsored some among family members and friends in politics, and the constituencies being mostly rural, they were required to increase their rural contacts. Second, over the years they had substantially increased their rural property, be it bagan bari (garden house) or industry or commercial agricultural establishments, and these also required regular visits to the countryside. Finally, there were the usual reasons as prevailing in 1985, namely visiting relatives, looking after ancestral property, social work and attendance of ceremonies and festivals.

Links with those in power and the power brokers

In 1985, the following were the findings in respect of relationships with powerful bureaucrats:

• The relationship between the bureaucracy and the richest was extremely close. There was none among the richest who did not know one or more among the top civil and military officers of the country. • In recent years, through birth and marriage, this relationship had been further cemented. • Where birth and marriage were not involved, “friendship” had been purchased through presents, kickbacks, invitation to exclusive parties, financing pleasure trips abroad, common membership of exclusive clubs and associations and financing children’s education abroad.

In 2005, the above relationships had been further cemented and strengthened. For example, it was now common for retired civil and military officials to be employed in private sector banks, insurance companies, consultancy firms and industrial and commercial enterprises as a reward for past services rendered. Similarly, providing important civil and military officials with free or subsidised apartments and cars was not uncommon. In 1985, the major findings on the involvement of the richest with those wielding political powers were as follows:

• In general, the richest were not directly involved with political parties, but they were, without exception, financing political parties. Financing was at times imposed on them while for others it was a way of retaining influence with various power brokers in the society, which was a kind of investment for extracting favours from those in power. The overwhelming majority of the richest were followers or supporters of the ruling party and hence contributions to the ruling party (whether AL, BNP or JP) were always the highest. This did not mean that other parties were totally excluded, but the amount generally varied according to their current ranking and possibility of coming to power. Even some of the left-wing political groups were financed by these people, although not to a great extent. This was again seen as an insurance against future problems. Some even thought that this had a corrupting influence on the left. • Of late, some of the richest were themselves occupying high public positions through The Richest People of Dhaka City 197

the ruling party. In occupying these positions, they made adequate use of their superior economic strength. Some of the richest formed lobbies around one or more of the powerful Ministers, in order to influence various business and economic policies and deals of the state. They also paid handsomely to the “party funds” to purchase party nomination for positions such as MP, Mayor and Ward Commissioner.

In 2005, the above characteristics were further strengthened and solidified. Not only many of the richest joined political parties such as AL or BNP and became MPs and Ministers but also, some of the Ministers and MPs who were light weights both economically and politically became a part of the richest section of Dhaka city overnight by systematically plundering the economy through the use of the state machinery. In 2005, it was not limited to contracts and commissions in state projects and purchases, issuance of permits and transferring state property to individuals at extremely low prices, but also through taking bribes even in routine matters involving personnel. For example, “prize” postings and transfers in the Forest and Customs Departments, “renting” lucrative thanas to the highest bidding police officials and recruitment of lower level police officials and primary school teachers, became commonplace during the 15 years’ rule by BNP and AL from 1991 to 2006. Other examples of the new methods of plunder were regular collecting of tolls by the politically powerful in the transport sector and selling nominations of MPs to the highest bidders. As a result, political power and economic power in Dhaka city became symbiotically connected.

Ownership of the media

In 1985, the tendency among the richest to own, manage and finance newspapers was in the formative stage, since at that time a relatively small number were involved. As the importance of such involvement became self-evident (for self-publicity in order to build one’s image, exerting pressures to obtain contracts, blackmailing rivals and earning additional incomes) and public ownership of the media became outdated, the richest in Dhaka city over the two decades became increasingly involved with the print media as owners and financiers. The second term of the BNP (2001−2006) witnessed the granting of licences to the electronic media (i.e. TV and radio) in the private sector. It was again the city’s plutocrats, allied to the ruling party, who got most of these licences.

Involvement with various associations, organisations and clubs

In 1985, 85 per cent of the respondents claimed involvement in organisations and clubs. But the involvement seemed to be more as ordinary members rather than as patrons or as office-bearers, which suggested token and tenuous links. Organisations, in order of importance, were social welfare organisations (including Lions and Rotary Clubs), the Chambers of Commerce and Industry, other trading and industrial associations, sports clubs, social clubs (such as Dhaka Club and Gulshan Club), district and regional associations, educational institutions, religious institutions and health care organisations. The richest were generally involved in organisations of an exclusive nature so that they could socially cultivate powerful bureaucrats and politicians. Social welfare or promotion of sports was a minor or secondary consideration. If they were associated with health care, religious, and educational institutions and district and regional associations, it invariably meant that these were located in their home districts or neighbourhoods. Sometimes, involvement simply meant 198 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 pleasing somebody in power or gaining publicity. Altruistic considerations for associating with these organisations were hardly ever discernible. In 2005, the situation was more or less the same, except that involvement in organisations had improved from being mere members to office-bearers and there was now greater involvement than in 1985 in certain organisations, such as political parties, chambers of commerce and industry and similar institutions, sports and games related clubs and old boys’ associations. Also, owing to greater access to education and a preponderance of the second and third generation in this socio- economic category, in 2005, an enlightened self-interest was at play, even if not altruism.

Involvement in philanthropic activities and patronage of art and culture

In 1985, the main areas of philanthropy reported were education and religion, although it was minimal in both quantity and quality. First, 25 per cent had no philanthropic record whatsoever. Second, one-off philanthropy such as distribution of saris and lungis at Eid, contribution to the President’s Relief Fund, donation to educational and religious institutions (i.e. giving alms) was more prominent than philanthropy on a long-term basis, for example, setting up foundations and trusts. Third, regional and parochial considerations, “guilty conscience”, a desire to ingratiate with those in power, future political ambitions and a wish to improve their public image, rather than larger and altruistic motivations prompted the richest to whatever philanthropic work they undertook. Finally, there were no indications that the richest would get involved with more substantial philanthropic work in future. In 1985, only about 25 per cent of the richest were patrons of science, culture, arts and sports. In 2005, the philanthropy situation among the plutocrats had improved, even if not in a highly significant manner. Thus, philanthropy increased among them in not only magnitude but also in the types of activities. Also, in 2005 about 15 per cent of the richest had their own social welfare funds, trusts and organisations for helping orphanages, mosques, charitable dispensaries and madrasas. Similarly, patronage of arts, culture, sports, research and education, that is, secular rather than pure religious activities, also showed some increase. Better education, an increase in the proportion of the second and third generation in this social group and greater direct involvement in politics had perhaps contributed to this change from purely selfish motives to enlightened self-interest as the guiding force in this regard. However, philanthropy in 2005 was more often constituency-based than aimed at the entire nation.

Entertainment and recreation, reading and writing habits and hobbies of the plutocrats of Dhaka

In 1985, travelling abroad and watching TV seemed to be the most important sources of entertainment for the richest people of Dhaka city. Other entertainments reported in order of importance were listening to music, going on picnics, watching films on VCR, party-going, playing indoor games, club-going, dancing, drinking and adda. Low on priority was going to the cinema, outdoor sports and betting games. Social work, reading and hunting were reported as the main hobbies, in that order. A small percentage favoured angling and art collection. Ninety-five per cent reported having regular reading habits; however, 85 per cent had no writing habit. The reading habit mostly concerned light reading, i.e. newspapers and magazines. For those in the habit of writing, current affairs and literature were the main subjects. However, enquiry through selected respondents revealed the following picture. Travelling abroad as entertainment generally meant pleasure trips to Bangkok and Europe to satisfy carnal desires, purchase luxury goods and generally to go sightseeing. The richest were not regular The Richest People of Dhaka City 199 club-goers and membership of the club was taken as a matter of prestige and for creating and maintaining social links. Partying and club-going and exclusive picnic parties generally meant drinking, dancing and music in addition to the pursuit of carnal pleasures. Extra-marital sex and whoring featured prominently in the entertainment pattern of particularly the younger generation. Drinking sometimes meant getting drunk and creating scenes and getting into brawls and tongue- lashing. High stake gambling was also prominent with some. They generally lacked interest in outdoor sports. Watching TV and movies were not as important as the richest claimed; they were more interested in watching pornographic material on VCR. Few among this group had regular reading and writing habits. Most of the reading was limited to light reading and books in the houses of some of these people were nothing more than show- pieces. Their involvement in social work was rather tenuous. Art collection, picked up by some of the richest, did not reflect growing connoisseurship among them but an inclination to appear more sophisticated or else they considered it a good investment. There was not a single Hindu or a Christian among the richest people of Dhaka city. According to selected respondents, about 85 per cent of the richest of the city did not practise Islam regularly but more than 50 per cent followed one pir or the other (Atroshi, Sarshina, Narinda and Jaipurhat). In addition, many gave donations to mosques, madrasas and khanka shareefs. Following a pir was not only a fashion of the day but also it provided many advantages including obtaining business favours through the intervention of the pir; purging a guilty conscience, building a pious public image and gaining respect in the locality were the main considerations behind donations to religious institutions. In 2005, the situation had changed to some extent, although in the main, old and undesirable habits persisted, particularly among the “first generation richest”. First, while satisfying carnal desires through various means during pleasure trips abroad and within the country did not disappear among the richest, it became less pronounced because of the fear of contracting HIV/AIDS, and increased higher education and the appearance among the richest of growing ranks of “second generation” richest, many of whom had undergone higher education. Second, hobnobbing with pirs declined among the richest because the democratically elected leaders did not hobnob with them much, at least publicly. Thus, with the fall of the Ershad regime, there was a drastic reduction in the visits to Atroshi, the official pir of Ershad. However, other forms of religiosity that were observed in 1985 remained intact. Third, writing habits among the richest in 2005 showed up in “ghost written” books. Some of them could perhaps write books on their own whatever the quality, but they had no time for that. Instead, some of them employed journalists, university teachers, researchers and retired civil servants to undertake that task on their behalf. Similarly, some of them in 2005 also emerged as patrons of institutional arts, social welfare, private universities and academic research, if only to uplift their public image. This may also be partly due to their improved education over the years and partly because these were good investments in the long run. In 2005, in order of importance, the main means of entertainment were spending time with the family, watching TV, reading books and magazines, adda, watching films on VCD, listening to music, watching plays and gardening. Although enquiry through selected respondents brought out a different order, the difference between the two versions was not great in 2005. The sample in 2005 had more elderly and second generation richest, so it was quite plausible that they spent considerable time with the family. The TV now offered the widest variety of entertainment from both within and outside the country and hence provided the entertainment that the respondents enjoyed very much, according to their individual tastes. In 2005, there was no particular pattern in the hobbies pursued by the richest. Their tendency to get involved with politics in a more direct manner perhaps left them with little time to pursue any 200 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 hobby seriously. However, organising exclusive parties, sometimes in their rural and semi-rural garden houses accompanied by music, dancing and drinking were quite common. While some of them would be reluctant to raise the wages of the poor garment workers by a few Takas, the owners would not care much about spending ten thousand US dollars in one night to entertain foreign customers and powerful politicians and bureaucrats if that suited their profit-maximising purpose. In addition, under the influence of Indian TV, organising several dazzling “occasions” during the weddings of their children had emerged as yet another way of entertaining themselves and their friends and relatives. It was obvious that under the impact of globalisation and in order to pursue their economic and business interests, look after children studying in foreign countries and address the family’s medical problems and also for pleasure (i.e. shopping, gambling, womanising and sightseeing), the number of their trips abroad had increased phenomenally over the two decades. In 2005, the pursuit of pleasure was a secondary motive behind foreign trips. It was not because their interest in pleasure had declined or they did not have the requisite money but because business reasons for travelling abroad had become far more significant. The destinations abroad remained more or less the same in both the years, i.e. South Asia, South-East Asia, China, the USA, Western Europe and the Middle East.

Annual gross and net incomes of the plutocrats of Dhaka, and property owned by them

In 1985, according to the interview with this group, the average annual gross and net incomes reported by them were respectively Taka 6.1 million and 1.19 million. On the other hand, according to the tax officials, the range for annual net income was between Taka 50 million to Taka 500 million. In 2005, we did not try to find this out through the interview. However, according to tax officials, the range of the net annual income had perhaps doubled in nominal terms, but since there was no way of finding out incomes earned and hidden abroad, no definitive figures could be offered. In 1985, according to the interviews of the richest, 94 per cent owned land in Dhaka city. Of those owning land, 87 per cent owned more than half an acre of land. Fifty-three per cent of them owned non-agricultural land in places other than Dhaka. Only nine respondents (i.e. refugees from West Bengal and Assam or non-Bengali Muslims) reported not owning agricultural land. Ninety-eight per cent of those owning agricultural land admitted owning more than 7.5 acres of agricultural land, i.e. which represented jotedari or rich peasant land ownership in the conditions of rural Bangladesh. Selected respondents revealed that the above picture was a gross understatement. According to them, the average total non-urban land (including in other cities) owned by the richest people of Dhaka city came to around 25 acres per person. Indeed, such a finding was corroborated by that of Nazrul Islam (1988). In 2005, 100 per cent admitted to owning land in Dhaka city. Similarly, about 82 per cent admitted owning non-agricultural land in other urban areas. About 95 per cent, including even those with no rural roots, had come to own agricultural land in 2005, in order to carry out commercial farming, constructing bagan bari and setting up new enterprises. From selected respondents, it was also clear that the average amount of total non-agricultural land ownership for the richest had increased from 25 acres per person in 1985 to at least 50 acres per person in 2005, since land was required for not only personal use but also for commercial and industrial activities (in particular, commercial housing projects). In addition, land speculation was in itself a highly lucrative proposition and in high demand for expansion of old and commencement of new commercial and industrial projects. The Richest People of Dhaka City 201

Urban houses in 1985, 94 per cent reported owning a house in Dhaka city. According to selected respondents, on an average, the richest in Dhaka city owned at least five houses in Dhaka city, and about 50 per cent owned bagan bari not far from the city. In 2005, 100 per cent reported owning a house in Dhaka city. Selected respondents revealed that on an average, in 2005, the richest in Dhaka city owned about the same number of houses as in 1985, but some of these were luxury flats rather than independent houses. About 75 per cent of the richest owned bagan bari near Dhaka city in 2005.

Cars in 1985, the average number of motor cars for personal use owned by the richest was 4.5 per richest person. In 2005, it had increased to seven.

Ownership of industrial and non-industrial enterprises

In 1985, this section of the population reported owning, on an average, 2.67 industrial or manufacturing enterprises and 2.32 non-industrial and non-manufacturing enterprises per person. The range was 2–40 enterprises. Most of these were located in and around Dhaka city, including Narayanganj, Tongi and Savar. The next important location was Chittagong, followed by Khulna and elsewhere. The supposedly top among the richest of Dhaka city owned about 40 industrial and non-industrial enterprises. Industries generally meant processing and assembling efforts and sweat shops, such as garment factories and tea gardens. Indeed, very few were involved in heavy industries, chemicals production and heavy engineering works (i.e. related to the production of the means of production). Non-industrial enterprises included banks and insurance companies, transport services, construction and contractors’ firms, travel agencies, indenting firms, trading, export and import business, hotels and restaurants and cinemas and film production. The non-industrial enterprises were receiving a higher level of investment compared to the industrial enterprises. In 2005, the average number of both non-industrial and industrial enterprises per person had registered a significant rise (from 2.67 to 3.2 for industrial and from 2.32 to 3.0 for non-industrial) although in 2005, the number of the richest had also increased in Dhaka city. There was not much difference in the location of enterprise between the two years. While the nature of the industrial enterprises remained more or less the same over the years, housing construction, garments, textiles, leather, medicine, telecommunications, food processing, exports, etc. were now far more prominent. Again, while the old trends in non-industrial enterprises continued and in some cases expanded over the years, educational institutions (in particular, private universities), clinics and hospitals, shopping complexes, private banks and insurance companies, radio, TV, newspapers and IT companies were the new additions. In addition, many of the richest were investing in fisheries, poultry, commercial agriculture and food and beverages. In 2005 also, the non-industrial enterprises received a higher level of investment. On close scrutiny, we found that it was the international division of entrepreneurial activities in a globalised world rather than any inherent fear of the richest to go into manufacturing that, to a large extent, determined the investment scenario. In 1985, 68 per cent of the enterprises of the richest were private limited companies, and hence their official valuation, by law could not exceed Taka 20 million. Only 13.5 per cent of the enterprises were public limited companies, the rest being based on sole proprietorship and partnerships. In addition, in most of these enterprises the top executive posts (i.e. Chairman, Managing Director and Director) were occupied by close family members (parents, sons, brothers, uncles and wives) when these were not held by the richest themselves. 202 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

In 2005, there were some positive changes, though not in a very significant manner. Thus, in 2005, about 50 per cent of their enterprises were private limited companies. About 22 per cent had turned into public limited companies and the remaining 28 per cent were based on sole proprietorship and partnership. This happened mainly because of reforms carried out by the Bangladesh Bank in respect of private banks in recent years and reforms carried out by the Security Exchange Commission set up in 1993 in activating the Dhaka and Chittagong Stock Exchanges. In 1985, on an average, an enterprise employed 325 workers, 41 staff members and 13 executives. This increased over the two decades, the respective figures in 2005 being 515 workers, 52 staff members and 20 executives. This was mainly due to the proliferation of garment factories and setting up of EPZs in and around Dhaka city. The average employment in both the years increased from sole proprietorship to private limited company to public limited company. In both the years, employment for all categories was smaller for non-manufacturing enterprises compared to the industrial enterprises. In both 1985 and 2005, non-industrial enterprises generally earned a higher rate of return compared to the industrial enterprises, where risks and investments were lower. Indeed, indenting and commission agencies in big government deals still remained a great attraction. In 1985, about one-fourth of the industrial enterprises owned by the richest were acquired at throwaway prices through the government denationalisation policies initiated by Ziaur Rahman. By 2005, the major industrial and commercial units in the government sector had been denationalised. However, trade union resistance proved to be a bottle neck. Consequently, in 2005, the proportion of newly established enterprises had increased in comparison with denationalised units bought from the government through the Privatisation Board. In 1985, the enterprises owned by the plutocrats of Dhaka employed most of their key executives and staff from their own kith and kin. Personnel practices, such as job descriptions, salaries, benefits, promotions and transfers were far from being codified and standardised. The situation improved only slightly over the two decades. In 1985, the survey did not disclose all the economic activities of this group. It revealed only the tip of the iceberg. Thus, their profiteering operations from illegal activities, such as smuggling, hoarding, drugs, under- and over-invoicing, hundi, bank loan default and tax evasions should not be underestimated. In 2005, more or less the same picture prevailed, that is a combination of light and darkness, progress and retrogression and production and unproductiveness. However, in 2005, bribery and exactions through the use of political power had increased appreciably.

Primitive accumulation methods adopted by the Dhaka richest

Primitive accumulation methods may be divided according to whether the method applied is non-economic (extra-economic) or semi-economic. Examples in the context of Dhaka city are as follows. Extra-economic methods include:

a. theft, embezzlement and forcible occupation of government and private property; b. bribery, corruption and kick backs offered to civil and military bureaucrats and political power holders against favours dished out (for example, changing the terms of the tendering process and violating the public procurement rules); c. smuggling, narcotic trade, hoarding, gun running, black marketing, currency racketeering, trafficking of persons, and under- and over-invoicing in international trade; d. defrauding of and permanently defaulting in big loans taken from NCBs and DFIs; e. non- and under-payment of taxes, customs duties and fees in registering sale and purchase of property. The Richest People of Dhaka City 203

Semi-economic or rent-seeking methods include:

a. commission agency and contracts out of multi-million dollar projects or purchases financed generally by foreign aid in collusion with state power but not necessarily violating the law; b. unearned income through middle man and rent-seeking activities, such as reselling permits, imposition of sanctions, issuance of arbitrary notifications, creation of artificial scarcities, raising prices when selling to the customers but depressing prices when purchasing from the producers and usurious money lending; c. obtaining and maintaining monopoly in lucrative fields, often through the connivance of state power; d. paying extremely low wages to workers and taking advantage of the high unemployment or under-employment situation (for example, in the garment sector).

In all these methods, support of the power wielders was essential, either openly or covertly. It is generally the appropriation of surplus through the non-economic or extra-economic methods that may be considered primitive accumulation of capital of the first category. In addition, these are also generally illegal, but given poor implementation capacity and lack of political will, these illegal activities continue unchecked. Surplus appropriation through the above semi-economic means might be considered as primitive accumulation of the second category, and both processes could be coexisting for a long time. When wealth acquired through primitive accumulation fructifies into production, trade and economic activities “proper”, “normal capitalist laws” on profits, wages, interests and rents start to operate. In 1985, bribing politicians, bankers and senior civil and military bureaucrats took place through costly presents, cash money either up front or deposition in foreign or local bank accounts, drinks, trips abroad, financing education of children abroad, supplying prostitutes, heavy donations to political parties, providing transports for carrying political supporters to and from political meetings and rallies and welcoming ceremonies at the airport. These were quite rampant among these people for winning contracts, obtaining permits and licenses, khas land, and even strategic information, evading taxes, customs duties and fees for the transfer of property. Similarly, they neutralised law and order enforcers and related regulatory agencies (in particular, the police, Bureau of Anti-Corruption, Bangladesh Rifles and Narcotics Department) through bribes. This was necessary in order for them to engage in and get away with illegal and dangerous economic activities such as smuggling, narcotic trade, trafficking in persons, hoarding, black marketing, embezzlement, theft and forcible occupation of government resources (land, houses, industries and shops). In the aftermath of the 1971 War of Liberation, when law and order was at its weakest and the ruling political party was in no mood for self-discipline and restraint, some of these primitive accumulaton methods assumed a dimension crossing all past records of Pakistan days. For example, wholesale nationalisation in the name of “socialism” led to massive plunder of the enterprises taken over. The so-called administrators were either from the ranks of the ruling political party or former owners of the enterprises nationalised. Neither of these two groups had any love lost for socialism through nationalisation. In collaboration with politicians and bureaucrats, they soon made short work of the assets, machinery, raw materials and finished products of the nationalised industries to fill their personal coffers. Starting from about 1976, a wholesale denationalisation process started. Units earlier nationalised began to be given away to former owners or private individuals at throwaway prices, with all 204 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 liabilities underwritten by the government and a provision for liberal financing arrangements from the Development Financing Institutions (DFIs) and Nationalised Commercial Banks (NCBs). Also, after payment of the first instalment, the new owners could physically take possession of the enterprises. In no time, another round of plunder commenced with the private owners in charge, through disinvestment of the permanent assets of the enterprises, transferring abroad loans taken in the name of these units and over-invoicing secondhand machinery bought for these industries (the latter in order to pocket the cheaply available foreign exchange from the government). As time passed, disorganised plunder gave in to organised and systematic plunder. For example, in the years immediately following independence, smuggling mostly meant operations between India and Bangladesh at a scale dictated by the normal laws of demand and supply. On the other hand, after Ershad’s establishment of military rule in 1982, smuggling took on an organised form operated by determined groups with strong connections with the new military rulers. In other words, smuggling was no more restricted to India and Myanmar (Burma) but took on an international dimension using sea and air routes in addition to the land route. In addition, the commodities were no more restricted to jute, saris, rice, fertiliser, biri and fish but contraband goods such as gold, narcotics, electronic goods and liquor. The 1980s and the 1990s witnessed the rise of another method of primitive accumulation, i.e. defrauding and permanently defaulting on big loans taken from DFIs and NCBs. In fact, this aspect of the plunder is well documented (for example, the Martial Law Investigation Report, serialised in Bichitra, January–June, 1988; Sobhan et al., 1985; Rahman and Huq, 1987; Sen, B., 1988). Such bad debts amounted to about Taka 2,000 million in 1992. A large portion of such loans was taken out in the name of non-existent companies or real companies without sufficient collateral. Most of it found its way abroad, either invested there in real property or put in high-interest fixed deposits in foreign banks. Yet another method of primitive accumulation, which gained currency in the 1980s and the 1990s, was commission agency business. This simply meant brokerage in big state purchases (mainly through government corporations) and projects involving aeroplanes, transport and communication equipment, ships, bridges, turn-key industries and power stations, military hardware and oil and gas drilling financed mostly by foreign aid. Considerations of technical standards of quality and price were generally bypassed or ignored, the abiding consideration being the size of the “cut” being offered to the middleman, and which middleman made it was determined by the closeness of his links with the powers that be through the cash nexus, kinship and political usefulness. The main difference between 1985 and 2005 was the prevalence of two contradictory tendencies in 2005, as opposed to only one trend in 1985. On the one hand, some of the richest had moved out of primitive accumulation to pursue proper economic activities, while newcomers continued with primitive accumulation, on the other. For the “old richest”, factors such as education, international business discipline, donor conditionalities, difficulties in transferring capital abroad, urge to earn respectability in the society, greater public involvement and the lure of foreign collaboration and new economic opportunities within the country in the light of new international division of entrepreneurial activities facilitated their shift to proper economic activities, which were, however, not necessarily in manufacturing and production proper. Those pursuing “primitive accumulation” in 2005 not only continued with old practices as discussed above but also “innovated” new ones. Some of these new practices were as follows:

a. “business” in recruitment, posting, transfer, promotion in the government, taking advantage of closeness with the highest authorities; The Richest People of Dhaka City 205

b. defrauding people in the name of manpower export (that is, charging exorbitant fees and then not ensuring the promised jobs abroad); c. manipulation of the stock exchange to fleece the people (the worst example being in 1996); d. brokering party nominations in the general and City Corporation elections; e. regularly collecting tolls from the transport sector, patronage of hijacking and extortions; f. international trafficking in substance and women and children; g. gun-running for terrorist and criminal groups; h. making cuts by making the state to purchase low quality products through high interest rate suppliers’ credit from China, India and East European countries.

In the exaction of chanda, some of the worst sufferers were the old rich. Such forced contribution was obtained not only in the name of Kala Jahangir (the notorious underworld don) but also through threats from the close relatives of the top echelon in political power. Among the old practices of primitive accumulation, commission agency in state purchases and projects expanded further since the Ershad era given that foreign aid in absolute terms had increased. In addition, a new financing source was added, namely suppliers’ or buyers’ credit from some developed Third World countries. Similarly, since there was little oversight in the name of confidentiality (in fact, the creation of the Armed Forces Division, AFD, since the time of Ershad which continued during the democratic governments further ensured that military purchases were kept fully outside civilian/public scrutiny, although those who mattered knew exactly what were being purchased, in what amounts, from whom and at what prices and through which middlemen), commission agency became particularly lucrative in the case of procuring military hardware, although for this category of purchase, government’s own resources were used. On the other hand, some of the methods of plunder started to decline. For example, bank loan default declined somewhat because most NCBs and DFIs were either privatised or simply did not have the cash to lend large amounts any longer, having already dried up, particularly during the Ershad era, and there being not much of replenishment of the credit line from either domestic or foreign sources. In addition, regulation from the Bangladesh Bank and public criticism and legal actions also had their effect. Similarly, looting government property diminished mainly because there was not much government property left to loot any longer. For quite some time in both Ershad’s time and afterwards, the slum lands of Dhaka became an easy target of the land grabbers. First, through fraudulent means, these lands, although government-owned, were declared as private by obtaining the so-called ex-parte decrees from the civil courts. Second, the slum dwellings were sometimes set on fire by hired goons and finally these were occupied through threats and violence. On the other hand, the housing companies started to apply the law of the jungle in occupying private land owned by small peasants, powerless women, living abroad, and such other disadvantaged people. Perhaps due to trade liberalisation, smuggling in non-contraband goods did not pose much of a problem any longer. However, the same could not be said of the contraband items in high demand or essential commodities with insufficient home production. Generally, a considerable part of the money accrued through primitive accumulation found its way out of the country but because some of the plutocrats started to believe in their own propaganda − that they would continue to receive political protection for many more years to come − even some of the new plunderers began to invest within the country, particularly in the housing and media sectors. Added to this circumstance was the fear of the anti-money laundering measures put in place by the Western countries and international organisations, such as the IMF. These measures 206 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 were taken primarily to stop financing of international terrorism but had the unintended effect of restricting the movement of plunder capital outside the country, particularly because the richest in Bangladesh carried Muslim names. Extremely low wages as a method of primitive accumulation became endemic in the first decade of the 21st century mainly because of the abundant availability of labour (mainly women) in the garment and shrimp industries. Similarly, obtaining and maintaining a monopoly position in a lucrative field of activity to make a quick buck (for example, in the mobile telephone sector in the late 1980s and early 1990s) was also noted. It goes without saying that such plunder, both extra-economic and semi-economic, could be carried out only by those in power or those close to them.

Classification among the plutocrats of Dhaka

In 1985, the Dhaka richest could be divided into two factions, according to the period of primitive accumulation:

a. the pre-1971 richest who graduated to this position over a period of time; b. the post-1971 richest who acquired wealth during the last 35 years.

A category that transcended time was the civil bureaucrats who exerted and continued to exert influence of their high position in the state machinery to plunder the economy and to obtain all kinds of undue and illegal favours and advantages in their own or their relatives’ names. Increasingly, the military bureaucrats fell into this category. This was quite consistent with the fact that in the post- 1975 regimes, the civil bureaucracy was no longer equal to the military bureaucracy but a junior partner. It may also be kept in mind that every regime elevated a number of new persons to the ranks of the richest by protecting and facilitating their nefarious activities. In the end, there appeared to be no significant difference among the three factions in terms of the methods of primitive accumulation. The differences were in degree, not in quality. Nevertheless, it would be in order to enumerate the differences between the two major factions, namely the post- and pre-1971 ones. First, in terms of formal education, urbanity and family background, the pre-1971 fared better than the post-1971. Second, the rich from old times were politically Pakistan- minded and some of them were, in fact, collaborators of the during the 1971 War of Liberation. While a number of them made up with the new ruling party Awami League through various link-ups (including monetary ones), others suffered in some ways temporarily, but most of the “sufferers” got a shot in the arm after 1975, through denationalisation of their industries, liberal bank loans and closeness to the new regime.Third, the richest from old times were becoming less rapacious or less visibly so and more organised in their economic activities than the new entrants in the self-enrichment race, but this did not necessarily mean that they had opted for industrialisation and production proper. Fourth, at least apparently, the pre-1971 faction was more sober in their lifestyle and in any case less given to conspicuous consumption. Fifth, they did not reach the top in one jump as was the case with the post-1971 plutocrats of Dhaka city. Finally, there were some differences in degree between the post- and pre-1971 groups in their connections with the state machinery and hence the plunder of government resources. In 1985, we also classified the Dhaka richest into old Dhaka and new Dhaka. Generally, old Dhaka richest pursued traditional trading and business activities, such as wholesaling, import business, managing general stores and manufacturing traditional items, such as umbrella, hosiery and rubber products, all run more or less on proprietory basis. They were, by no stretch of the The Richest People of Dhaka City 207 imagination, anywhere near the jet set plutocrats of new Dhaka who were better educated, more widely travelled, went to exclusive clubs and parties to drink and dance and lined up with multinational companies as local agents in order to bid for international tenders floated by various Bangladesh government corporations against project aid. Indeed the old Dhaka richest maintained a low profile lifestyle, were more predictable and stable in their inter-personal relationships, more religious, relatively more philanthropic (mostly in a religious sense − madrasas and mosques) and community minded. Their business activities did not require them to be closely connected with the bureaucracy. Thus, they were less of bank loan defaulters and owners of denationalised enterprises. Similarly, they had little to do with the Dhaka Stock Exchange. They were generally conservative and did not like to break new ground in their economic activities. However, some of them in recent years came to own shares in banks and insurance companies. In 2005, the classification of the Dhaka city richest on the basis of pre- and post-1971 was no more meaningful. The classification in 2005 should be simply new and old entrants tothe “exclusive club” of Dhaka’s richest. Old entrants appeared to be superior to the new entrants in terms of education (including children’s education), propensity towards proper economic activities (for example, manufacturing, processing, service sector activities and export and import through legal channels), direct political involvement (rather than as only financiers of political parties), philanthropy and social welfare (as a result of better education and direct political involvement and hence mostly constituency-driven), greater articulation of their collective demands through trade and industry bodies (rather than simply lobbying at the personal level) and less exhibitionist lifestyle. It also seems that whatever criteria are used, the absolute number of the richest in Dhaka city had increased over the two decades. Several reasons for this are as follows:

a. new opportunities offered by various measures at privatisation and deregulation; b. globalisation of the economy and international division of entrepreneurial activities, which allowed some advantages to developing countries like Bangladesh in the labour-intensive “sunset industries”; c. migration of the richest from other cities in Bangladesh over the last two decades (in particular, Chittagong and Khulna), in order to take advantage of the many special opportunities offered by the capital city.

Since the number of the less rapacious elements among the richest in Dhaka city was on the steady rise and the scope for plundering was narrowing under international and domestic pressure (donor conditionalities, media reports, criticisms by the left political parties and trade union actions), a contradiction seems to have developed between the two factions of the richest of Dhaka city, particularly in view of the fact that the old rich were the worst victims of forced contributions extorted by people closest to state power. The additional beneficial factors in operation in 2005 were as follows:

• the greater international economic discipline of a highly globalised world particularly in areas where production was closely linked to international trade (garments, shrimp, leather, tea and medicine), • much higher level of foreign investment, a greater degree of stability offered by the operation of democracy since 1991, though of an immature variety, • the higher education acquired by the children of the comparatively older generation of the richest. 208 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

The anti-money laundering measures put in place by Western countries and international institutions also restricted the flight of capital. Each one of these factors gave an impetus for a shift towards production and the service sector, away from pure and simple plunder and primitive accumulation. The tendency towards flight of capital may have also declined due to the relatively greater political stability. It may have even reduced the lead time for plunder capital’s transformation into investment proper. It seems that the way forward from this highly complex intermediate situation was neither turning a blind eye to the ensuing loot and plunder (assuming that the economy would improve on its own in the long run) nor a heavy handed, senseless crackdown on it, because in that case there would be a massive flight of capital, which Bangladesh can ill-afford. Such a balancing act was indeed a highly challenging task for those in charge of the state machinery. In 2005, the distinction between the old and new Dhaka richest also became unimportant for two reasons. First, the number among the richest from old Dhaka had fallen because their adherence to traditional economic activities could not bolster them much and also because some of them had migrated to new parts of Dhaka. Second, under pressure of the emerging realities, some of the richest from old Dhaka had adapted to the new ways. In other words, in 2005, the differentiation among the richest is best understood in terms of association with economic activities proper versus a predilection for primitive accumulation.

Future perspectives of the plutocrats of Dhaka

In 1985, the three most popular plans for the future of the Dhaka richest were (in this order):

a. to set up modern industries with foreign collaboration, b. to take part in social welfare and rural development activities and c. to develop real estate, e.g. supermarkets and housing complexes.

By and large, the richest of Dhaka city in 1985 had no ambition to become self-reliant national industrialists, as they themselves confessed in the direct interview that they were prepared to go into serious industrialisation only with foreign collaboration. Indeed, as the enquiry from selected respondents revealed, there was no inclination in most of them to go for industrialisation. They were more businesspersons than industrialists. In the case of many of them, there was not much of a difference between their present activities and “plunder”. Many of them were local agents of some foreign companies. Their local industries were token ventures with ulterior motives. Many of them were waving the flag of industrialisation to oppose industrialisation. This meant that they obtained permissions to set up industries in areas where they were importers, but in reality, they had no intention of setting up industries. In other words, they were blocking genuine entrepreneurs and at the same time continuing to import those very items for which they had taken out manufacturing licences. They were thus involved in both “internal” and “external” drain of the wealth plundered by them. The internal drain was caused by conspicuous and wasteful consumption which had little impact on production proper. The external drain consisted mainly of transferring wealth plundered to banks in foreign countries, such as the UK, the USA, Switzerland and India. A substantial part of it was also invested in real estate, construction business, departmental stores and restaurants. Consequently, at the level of aspirations, they could hope for setting up industries if foreign aid and loans would assist them in a large measure. With their own effort, they could at best aim at housing complexes and supermarkets. Their lifestyle also betrayed their intention to have a good time without any social commitment or long-term investment plans. The way they behaved showed The Richest People of Dhaka City 209 that they did not really believe in the viability of the country. For them, it was only a milching cow to be exploited as long as possible. Enquiry through selected respondents showed that they did not have much of a philanthropic tendency. If anything, it was the reverse, and most philanthropy was highly motivated by narrow and self-seeking interests. As such, it was difficult to place much reliance on their plans to get involved in social welfare and rural development activities. Indeed, what the enquiry through selected respondents unmistakably indicated was their desire to continue with their systematic plunder of the economy without any responsibility to either the present generation or posterity. In 2005, the main plans of the Dhaka richest, as revealed from their direct interview, were as follows:

a. set up more light and “sunset industries” (with a high demand in the international market) and move towards IT products; b. move to industries based directly on agriculture, such as dairy, contract farming of commercial crops and fisheries; c. expand existing engagements in real estate, garments etc., and d. promote social welfare, philanthropy and improvement of Dhaka city, leaving business activities to their children.

According to selected respondents, such aspirations were mostly true of the older section of the richest who were now a majority in that segment of the population. Indeed, such aspirations seemed to be also realistic in the light of domestic and international economic realities. The nouveaux riches with a notorious record of plunder generally had completely different intentions despite what they proclaimed openly. For example, after every few years, they were found pressurising the government to “whiten” their ill-gotten black money but if this process went on unabated, it would only encourage further plunder of the economy. Therefore, over time and depending on how the state behaved and what the international economy was able to offer, their attitude towards productive investment in the national economy could change. Indeed, as indicated earlier, the flow of the plunder capital to foreign banks had declined somewhat in recent years not because of any innate change of heart among the richest but because of (a) better rates of return from economic activities within the country, (b) the assurance that their money was “safe” within the boundaries of the country and (c) new difficulties in transferring money by people bearing Muslim names, because of the fear of anti-money laundering measures against international terrorism in the Western countries. Any change in these basic conditions could reverse this trend and cause incalculable damage to the economy. In other words, the role of the state would be crucial in the days ahead to ensure such a process: on the one hand, to put an end to further plunder of the economy and at the same time to ensure the channelling of the existing plunder capital in productive employment-generating activities within the national economy, rather than its flight abroad. Judging by the experience of many developing countries, engendering productive capitalism among the richest may not be possible by the state machinery led by the usual run of politicians within a democratic order. As also demonstrated in both Bangladesh and many developing countries, the inefficient and corrupt military–civil bureaucracy could not ensure this either. Finally, despite much unsolicited advice from the international organisations such as the World Bank and the IMF on how to reduce corruption, there has so far been no international effort to ensure the return of money taken out from Bangladesh illegally and deposited in foreign banks. Therein lay the dilemma of the capitalist transition in Bangladesh and Dhaka city in the beginning of the 21st century. 210 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Summary of the main findings

In 1985, it appeared that plunder by the richest of Dhaka city would continue without any respite. On the contrary, in 2005, we seemed to be caught up in a situation where primitive accumulation and the productive and service sector capital were now co-existing in an uneasy tension. At the same time, the plunderous sections of the richest had devised extraction methods that were more vicious than ever before. Various factors contributed to the growth of a productive class among the Dhaka rich, namely greater education among the rich, international trade discipline, new international division of entrepreneurial activities and operation of democracy in Bangladesh continuously for 15 years, however flawed it may have been. In the Dickensian language, “it was the best of times; it was the worst of times”.

Concluding remarks

In which direction this powerful group will move next is difficult to predict. But perhaps this much may be said: first, provided there is the exercise of political will by the general people on the richest people of Dhaka city through the state machinery, they could nudge the latter in a positive direction. For example, the state could allow a one-time “whitening” of black money, but only on the condition that it would simultaneously seal all routes to the creation of new black money once and for all, but this was something almost impossible for those who now run and control the state. In other words, a very different set of people, but duly elected by the people, were required to occupy state power. Second, given the globalisation of the present-day world, the configuration of the international economy in the years to come would also determine the path and speed of the next phase of their journey. On the other hand, if the present climate of investment were to be dismantled through arbitrary and thoughtless actions, the direction taken by the richest, including even its productive segment, is likely to swing towards flight of capital, token presence in production and reversion to rent-seeking and plunder, in other words, disaster for both Dhaka city and Bangladesh. To sum up, and at the risk of repetition, the difficult challenge for the present is to minimise plunder and at the same time, ensure the conversion of plunder capital into productive capital. Chapter 7 The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City

Introduction

The formal sector poor are defined as that section of the manual working class population who receive regular weekly or monthly salaries or wages, are not self-employed, but employed by a formal organisation, whether it is (a) commercial, industrial, educational, technical or administrative or (b) private, government or semi-government. Although we do not have any clear statistics on the formal sector poor so defined for Dhaka city, in 2005, according to selected respondents, they, along with family members, are likely to constitute about 10 per cent of the total city population. This group of people deserves separate treatment for at least three reasons. In a city where the informal sector constitutes the major source of employment and sustenance for the urban poor, the small formal sector working class with assurance of regular employment emerges as a rather privileged section among the urban poor. Second, the importance of the formal sector and the pressures that the formal sector poor can bring about ensures for them considerable attention from the government, employers and the media. Third, there must also be interesting formal−informal sector poor relations, and this can be brought out only through a special focus on both these groups.

Female garment workers

Introduction

In 2005, garment manufacturing was the main industry in Bangladesh. This sector developed rapidly because it was a labour intensive industry, requiring ordinary technology, cheap labour and little capital. Added to these advantages was the quota system of the Multi-Fibre Agreement (MFA), which allowed the duty free access of the Bangladesh garments into the developed countries. Given an inefficient and corrupt customs administration, it was also easy for the garment factory owners to sell the excess cloth in the local market without paying any customs duties and thereby earn additional profit. Before liberation, Bangladesh had only one garment factory. In 1977, the number had risen to eight. In 1984, the number was 587. In 1998, the total number stood at 2,650 and at 3,300 in 2004. In Bangladesh, garment factories are located in the cities and towns of Dhaka, Chittagong, Narayanganj, Savar and Tongi-Gazipur. According to BGMEA officials interviewed in 2005, most of the 1.6 million garment workers were located in and around Dhaka city (i.e. extending up to Narayanganj, Savar and Tongi-Gazipur) and 90 per cent were women (interview with BGMEA officials in 2005). We did not study this group in depth in 1985 since garment workers had not at that time emerged as a force to reckon with. For the present study, we subjected 50 female garment workers, selected from factories located at various places of the city, to the case study method, and at the same time used selected respondents and the FGD. 212 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

General characteristics

Forty per cent of these female workers were 18 and below although there was not supposed to be any child labour in the garment factories. Since birth is not registered in most rural parts of the country, it is difficult to ascertain the actual age. However, such a high percentage of children suggests that after the initial flurry over implementing the restriction on employing children in garment industries, it is now back to square one. The remaining 60 per cent were mostly between 18 and 30. There were only a few women above the age of 30. Twenty-eight per cent were ever-married. For the ever-married garment workers, the average number of children per person was 2.4. Ninety-eight per cent had migrated from poor families of the rural areas. Eighty per cent lived in the slums of new Dhaka. They had low wages, had to do tiring and hard work, and had long working hours. Seventy per cent had changed jobs more than once. As mentioned earlier, 90 per cent of the garment workers were women. Almost 100 per cent of the garment workers were Muslims.

Education

Ninety-two per cent were illiterate and 4 per cent were semi-literate (i.e. had undergone a few years of schooling at the primary level). Only 4 per cent had passed SSC. They tended to have a slightly better education than the informal sector poor women had.

Districts of origin

In 2005, in order of importance, Mymensingh, Faridpur, Rangpur, Barisal, Comilla, Noakhali and Bogra were the main greater districts from where they came. However, compared to 1985, the districts of origin have increased considerably. Thus, given improvements in communications, in 2005, garment workers were drawn also from the poverty pockets of Khulna, Jamalpur and Jessore.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Fifty-two per cent of the sample were recent arrivals in Dhaka city that is, had been living here for less than 10 years. Over 80 per cent came to Dhaka city on their own in search of jobs, despite the purdah code for women in rural Bangladesh. Forty-eight per cent visited their village homes at least twice a year to meet the family, look after property and celebrate religious festivals.

Ownership of house and/or land in the village

Eighty-six per cent had a house in the village. Families of eighty-eight per cent owned 0.1−1.0 acres of land in the village.

Leisure activities

In 2005, the main sources of leisure for the workers were watching TV, shopping and watching movies in the cinemas. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 213

Economic condition

In 2005, their average monthly income was Taka 2,500, which they used frugally. The main reasons for saving were to raise money for a dowry and send money to their parents.

Opinions of garment workers on selected issues

Problems of Dhaka city Garment workers identified the problems of Dhaka city mostly in the context of their own realities. Improvement in their work condition, education and health facilities for them and their children, provision for low-cost housing, access to safe water and sanitation facilities would improve the condition of Dhaka city. Traffic congestion, deteriorating law and order, and lack of transport facilities were also their concerns. In this respect, the workers did not feel that they could play a significant role. They had been demanding an improvement in these areas but positive changes were slow in coming.

Family planning about 92 per cent were in favour of family planning but this did not tally with the average number of children that ever-married garment workers reported.

Desirable economic system

• 54 per cent were for a mixed economy; • 34 per cent for an Islamic economy; • 12 per cent for socialism.

Negative characteristics among garment workers According to selected respondents, a small section of the female garment workers was engaged in part-time prostitution, though mostly out of poverty.

Changes in the work situation of garment workers over the two decades

Over the years, the overall situation of the garment workers improved to some extent in all areas of concern, such as work environment, wages and benefits, workplace facilities, job security, labour relations, general wellbeing including better health, and education for the family members. However, workers, NGOs, researchers and trade union representatives held that the situation improved very slowly and it took much effort (strikes, lockouts, demonstrations, physical conflicts resulting sometimes in death and destruction of property) to induce garment factory owners to provide a better deal for the workers. However, these groups also expressed their concern that a lot of improvement still remains to be achieved. Many of these changes took place because the buyers of garments imposed conditions of fair labour practices on the garment factory owners. The BGMEA representative and owners, on the other hand, claimed that they did not make as much profit as the workers thought. The world market was getting much more competitive. And they did their best as they realised that their profit depended also on the hard work of the workers. The workers were totally distrustful of the management and the owners. 214 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Problems of garment workers in Dhaka City

From the workers’ point of view, low income, overwork, not-so-congenial work environment and hostile management−worker relations still remained the real issues. In order to meet buyers’ conditions, the owners made make-believe arrangements to “convince” the foreign inspectors that all was well. However, the work environment was generally better in the larger factories, factories in the Export Processing Zones (EPZs) and factories that were direct exporters. On the other hand, work conditions in small and sub-contracting factories were much worse. Over the years, the house renting situation for the garment workers has improved. This was an important issue, given the fact that 80–85 per cent of the workers were young females coming to Dhaka city for the first time. Ten or 15 years ago, house owners were unwilling to rent houses to women workers. Things had improved over the years. However, they still faced discrimination. Most unmarried women workers lived in groups, sharing rented accommodation. The collective efforts of the NGOs, Garment Workers’ Association, BGMEA, government and factory owners tried to address their housing problems, without much success so far. The women’s living conditions remained very poor. They had inadequate access to electricity, clean water and safe sanitation facilities. The house rents were continuously on the increase. Some NGOs were actively working towards providing safe and secure housing facilities for the women garment workers. BGMEA was actively involved in providing training to garment workers to upgrade their skill. The garment factory owners were under pressure from the foreign buyers about compliance issues. They were thus in the process of building a hospital for the garment workers. Most garment workers, particularly those at the lower end of the production line, were poorly paid. They are considered as the “working poor”. However, it was also clear that most garment workers were able to save a small part of their income. They often forced themselves to save because they knew they had very little or no job security. In addition, they had to pay for the dowry in order to get married. According to the BGMEA representative, government official and the researchers on garment workers, negotiations were going on to upgrade wages, benefits and work environment of the garment workers. Another important issue for the garment workers was lack of safe, reliable and inexpensive transport facilities for commuters. Often, the factories operated three “eight-hour” shifts, so that many workers had to commute late at night and very early in the morning. This made them very vulnerable to crime and violence. Workers tried to live near the factories. They usually walked or shared transport or asked a family member to accompany them. Women workers felt insecure at the work place, while commuting to work and also at home. At the work place, they were often subject to various forms of exploitation, as they were not educated and did not understand the rules and regulations. Their male co-workers and low and mid-level management were abusive, both verbally and physically, towards the lower-level women workers. They were also subject to sexual harassment and abuse. Women workers generally faced an image problem, particularly at the social level. They were considered in their village and by men, particularly co-workers, and management as “bad women”. Thus, there was a negative image about women garment workers. Often, men did not want to marry them or did so only for their money. It was also true that although women workers complained about their negative image, they were not willing to change their ways of life (for example, working outside home and along with men, which was not in keeping with the conservative definition of the purdah code). After marriage sometime their husbands did not allow them to work in the garment sector because of the negative image associated with it. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 215

Involvement in the labour unions

Labour union activities are not encouraged in the garment sector, particularly not in the EPZs. Again, over time, there had been improvement in this area and labour union activities were tolerated more. Most of the leaders were men although there were also some strong women labour leaders. As women were more preoccupied with domestic responsibilities, they had low participation in trade union work. In this area also, there had been visible improvement over the two decades. More and more women became involved in union and association activities. Owners, unsurprisingly, felt that too much unionism might lead to industrial unrest and create a negative image for this sector of Bangladesh among the buyers.

Impact of garment workers on the social life of Dhaka city

All stakeholders saw the emergence and expansion of the garment sector as a positive phenomenon in the changing social scenario of Dhaka city. Some thought that it made a substantial impact on the fabric of the whole society, particularly for the young generation of poor and uneducated women. In Dhaka city, women’s visibility and mobility have improved. The needs of the women workers were taken into consideration both in the activities of the private sector and the public services. Within the family, working women gained a greater voice. Women workers were keen to educate their children, particularly girl children. Women workers were better savers. Although their earning was relatively low, yet they managed to save. So far, this saving habit has not been encouraged through any institutional efforts.

Role of women garment workers in influencing social transformation

Workers of the garment sector working in Dhaka city were generally aware of their economic importance. Many of them met members of the civil society and researchers. That has helped in improving their understanding about their role in the economy and society. Their self-confidence was robust, their self-image positive, and had improved over the years.

Eagerness of garment workers to improve their situation as a community

From the discussions, it was clear that all stakeholders were interested to see improvement in the lives of the garment workers. However, as for how to get there, the stakeholders had different opinions. Owners thought that it would take time and depended on the future of the Bangladesh garment sector. The workers felt that the owners were not concerned about the long-term interests of the garment sector, rather they were only interested in short-term profit. Thus, building industrial relations was not very important to them. In terms of improving the situation of the garment workers, it seemed that they worked at two levels – one was at the community level, that is, for workers as a whole (although there was factionalism among the garment workers) and also at the individual level. There was one significant complaint from the garment labour leaders – that some traditional labour unions did not recognise garment workers as industrial workers.

Socio-cultural, political and economic changes among garment workers during 1985–2005

Garment workers started out as first-time entrants into the work force. Most of them were from the village, uneducated, poor, disadvantaged by their gender and isolated. They were perceived as 216 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 docile and easy to deal with. Thus, initially it was easy for the employers to exploit them. Women workers faced many hardships, both at work and in personal life. One of the greatest obstacles faced by them was in renting accommodation. As mentioned earlier, in the early years, house owners were unwilling to rent their property to women. Commuting to work was a problem. There was also a lot of resentment among the public for employing women outside the home. In some families, the very fact of young women wanting to join the garment workforce led to conflicts in both the family and the community. In the beginning, child labour was widely practised, but this was later made illegal. Over the years, women came to be accepted more easily in the workforce. Women workers had gained a voice and acceptance in the workplace, in the community and also in the family. One of the important negative impacts for garment workers was that they were being increasingly subject to violence and harassment (including sexual harassment) in both the public space and the workplace. Some families coerced young girls and women into joining the garment work force and took control of their income. Women in many cases had both to labour for earnings and shoulder full responsibility for household work. This created a double burden for them. On top of that, women’s increasing participation in community activities was adding further to their workload. As unionism was increasing in this sector, these unions were also becoming political. Garment workers became politically aware and their association with political parties was also growing. They had a good understanding of the national issues and held strong views on them.

How would beneficial changes come about?

Respondents considered that beneficial changes would come about in this sector with the involvement of all stakeholders, and what happened in the international arena would also have an effect. However, according to the workers and labour union representatives, two agents played the most important role, namely the garment workers themselves and the demand from the buyers that the factories should comply with labour standards. The role of the government was not perceived by the workers as very effective, although they would like the government to play a more proactive role in resolving conflicts between the workers and the owners. The owners complained about meeting high labour standards imposed by the buyers. According to them, this increased the cost of production but buyers were not willing to pay higher prices. Profit margins lowered to a minimum could seriously threaten the sector.

Future plans of garment workers

It became clear in discussions that garment workers’ plans for the future were an important area of concern. All the stakeholders agreed that workers enjoyed no job security, pension plan, institutionalised saving plan or other such facilities. This made their future, particularly during old age, very uncertain. Most garment workers did not want to go back to their village. They did not feel at home in the cities either. They hoped that their children would have better opportunities to come out of poverty. They expected their children to take care of them in old age but they were not sure if that would happen. There was also the concern that the garment sector had not been given the status of a real industry. It was considered more of a trading activity. Some politicians and policy-makers made negative comments about the contribution of the garment sector to society. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 217

All stakeholders expected that the future of the garment sector, at least in the next four or five years, would be good. Given the fact that cost of production was on the rise in China, they thought that buyers might move towards Bangladesh. It was also anticipated that the Bangladesh garment sector would be able to face challenges that emerged with the changing world trade order. The participants also thought that in future there would be many changes in this sector, particularly in work conditions. This was mainly because the buyers were becoming increasingly strict about labour standard compliance.

Hospital workers

Introduction

During the two decades under scrutiny, a large number of hospitals, health centres and clinics emerged in Dhaka city, particularly in the private and NGO sectors, and by 2005, hospital workers had emerged as a distinct segment of the formal sector working class. The 1985 study did not deal with hospital workers. In 2005, the hospital workers included nurses, ward boys and cleaners.

General characteristics

Thirty-two per cent of the sample of hospital workers belonged to the 19–25 age group, 24 per cent to the 31–35 age group and 22 per cent to the 26–30 age group. Only 6 per cent were 45 years and more, while the remaining 2 per cent belonged to the 16–20 age group. Sixty-four per cent of the hospital workers were married or divorced or separated and the remaining 36 per cent were unmarried. Sixty-two per cent were male and 38 per cent were female. The majority i.e. 86 per cent of the hospital workers were Muslims while the remaining 14 per cent were Hindus, Christians and Buddhists.

Districts of origin

In 2005, the districts of origin included Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Tangail, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Netrokona, Sherpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalgonj, Bhola, Pirojpur, Barguna and Chandpur. According to selected respondents, they now came from more areas than in 1985.

Education

Twenty per cent were semi-literate and 80 per cent were SSC to MA or MSc. The trend of relatively educated people becoming hospital workers was on the rise over the two decades. The percentage of female hospital workers was on the increase over the two decades, the reason being again a combination of pull and push factors. Hospital and clinic authorities were particularly inclined towards recruiting females as hospital workers for taking proper care of patients. 218 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Forty-eight per cent of the hospital workers had been living in Dhaka city for a period of 6–10 years, while 16 per cent for 11–15 years, 12 per cent for 21–25 years, 2 per cent for 16–20 years and 2 per cent for 25 years and more. Eighteen per cent were born in Dhaka. The majority (65 per cent) of the hospital workers came to Dhaka to find jobs, 22 per cent for education and others accompanied their parents who had come for work. The push factors for coming to Dhaka from these districts were river erosion, poverty, death and disability of parents, lack of employment, oppression by stepmothers and divorce by husbands. Eighty-seven per cent hospital workers visited home two or more times a year while 13 per cent went only once a year. The main reasons for their visit were, in order of importance, meeting relatives (including parents and spouses), to look after their property and to celebrate Eid. Eighty-four per cent of these hospital workers owned houses in the villages while only 16 per cent did not. Forty-eight per cent had one to two acres of land, 24 per cent one acre, 16 per cent two to four acres and 12 per cent five acres or more.

Economic condition

Sixty-two per cent of the hospital workers earned Taka 6,000–10,000, 18 per cent Taka below 6,000, 16 per cent Taka 11,000–15,000 and only 4 per cent earned Taka 15,000 or more per month. The average income per month was Taka 8,740. They mainly spent their earnings on food, clothes, housing and education.

Leisure activities

Thirty-two per cent of the hospital workers spent their leisure with their family members while 22 per cent read books (mostly biographies of great leaders, doctors, founders of hospitals and clinics and political leaders) and magazines. Others spent leisure, in order of importance, by reciting poems, reading out stories and listening to songs, mostly cinema songs, Nazrul giti and gazals on the TV.

Background of fathers

Forty-six per cent of the fathers of the hospital workers were in office jobs, 32 per cent were engaged in agriculture and 22 per cent were businesspersons; 76 per cent belonged to the middle class and 24 per cent to the lower middle class; 72 per cent were semi-literate, while 16 per cent were educated (SSC, HSC and Bachelor’s and Master’s degrees) and 12 per cent were illiterate

Economic and social status

According to 84 per cent of the hospital workers, their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers, while 10 per cent indicated that it had deteriorated and 6 per cent that it was similar to that of their fathers. Almost all the respondents (96 per cent) mentioned that their social status had improved compared to their fathers’ status, while only 4 per cent stated that it had deteriorated. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 219

Number of children

Fifty-six per cent of the married hospital workers had one to two children, 35 per cent three to four children and 9 per cent had five and more children. The average number of children of the ever-married hospital workers was three.

Opinion on various issues

a. Family planning: Ninety-eight per cent of the hospital workers were fully in favour of family planning and only 2 per cent did not respond. In other words, despite their verbal commitment to family planning, their actions did not conform to the official norm of not having more than two children. b. Economic system: Fifty-six per cent preferred an Islamic economy, 36 per cent favoured a mixed economy and only 8 per cent a market economy. c. Future perspectives: Thirty-eight per cent of the hospital workers stated that they would go into business, 32 per cent would help their family members, 26 per cent would try to provide higher education to their children and 4 per cent wanted to be social workers.

Important problems of Dhaka city in order of importance, high prices of essential commodities, inadequate supply of electricity, natural gas and water, poor law and order, traffic jams, the mosquito menace and corruption were identified as the main problems of Dhaka city.

Attitude of society towards the profession of hospital workers The hospital workers were generally ward boys and nurses. Earlier they had not been highly regarded by the society. The profession was rather looked down upon. However, the situation had improved substantially over the two decades. Greater education and awareness had changed the attitude towards hospital workers.

Discrimination against and harassment of women hospital workers

Discrimination against, and harassment of, the female hospital workers was on the decline over the two decades because of attitudinal change among the people and also due to the formation of their samities. Sometimes in the past, the doctors used to harass them sexually. Previously they received a poor salary and few fringe benefits.

Housing conditions

Most hospital workers lived in quarters built on the hospital premises. Some of them lived in rented accommodation, with parents, brothers, sisters, nephews, nieces and cousins. In many cases, hospital workers lived in the corridors, verandahs and also in small rooms in the hospitals and clinics.

Negative characteristics

According to selected respondents, some of them were involved in almost forcibly extracting baksheesh (tips) from the patients and spiriting away medicine and other medical supplies. A number of them were involved in money lending in the rural areas. Male hospital workers were also known for taking dowry during their marriage. 220 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Hotel workers

Introduction

During the period 1985–2005, a considerable number of hotels, restaurants and “guest houses” had grown up, particularly in the new parts of Dhaka city. These were generally 2- to 3-star establishments. As a result, hotel workers emerged as a significant section of the formal sector working class. The 1985 study did not include hotel workers. The hotel workers included waiters, general cleaners, salespersons, assistants, cooks and dish washers. The total number of hotel workers subjected to the case study method was 50.

General characteristics

Thirty-four per cent of the hotel workers belonged to the 10–15 age group, 20 per cent 16–18 years, while the remaining 20 per cent belonged to the 19–25 age group, 16 per cent were in the 26–30 age group, and 10 per cent were 36 years or more. According to selected respondents, the percentage of children among hotel workers had been on the increase over the two decades. River erosion, poverty, death or disability of parents, lack of employment and oppression by stepmothers were the compelling reasons in this regard. In addition, employers could easily “discipline” the hotel workers, if they were women and children. Eighty per cent of the hotel workers were male and 20 per cent were female. The percentage of females was increasing in this profession over the years because of various push and pull factors. Fifty per cent of the hotel workers were unmarried and the remaining 48 per cent were married; only 2 per cent were widows.

Districts of origin

According to selected respondents, the districts of origin of hotel workers increased over the two decades. In 2005, the districts included Faridpur, Barisal, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Netrokona, Sherpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Bhola, Pirojpur, Barguna and Chandpur.

Education

Eighty-two per cent of the hotel workers had education between Class I and X (semi-literate), 10 per cent had passed SSC and HSC and 8 per cent were illiterate.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Thirty per cent of the sampled hotel workers had been living in Dhaka city for a period of 6–10 years, 28 per cent for 3–5 years, 16 per cent for 11–15 years and 24 per cent for 1–2 years. Only 2 per cent were born in Dhaka. Ninety-four per cent of the hotel workers came to Dhaka for work, while the remaining 6 per cent came with their parents or were born in Dhaka. Eighty-six per cent of the hotel workers visited home two or more times a year while only 14 per cent went once a year. The main reasons for the visits were to look after both their relatives and property. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 221

Ninety-two per cent of the hotel workers owned houses in the villages but the remaining 8 per cent did not have any. Ninety-two per cent owned up to one acre of land and only 8 per cent had one acre or more.

Economic condition

Forty-eight per cent of the hotel workers earned Taka 1,001–2,000, 18 per cent Taka 2,500– 3,000, 16 per cent Taka 300–3,500, 12 per cent Taka 3,501–5,000 and 6 per cent Taka 500–1,000 per month. The average income per month was Taka 2,200. They mainly spent their earnings on basic necessities, such as food, housing, education, clothes and medicine.

Leisure activities

Thirty-six per cent of the hotel workers spent their leisure with their friends, 26 per cent went to the movies and 22 per cent watched television (Bangla films, dramas, music, songs and cricket games). The remaining 12 per cent did not respond. Others spent their leisure listening to songs, mostly cinema songs, bhatiali and Nazrul giti. Seventy per cent liked Bangla “fighting” movies, while 30 per cent preferred Hindi “fighting” and Bangla social movies.

Background of fathers

The fathers of the hotel workers were involved in agriculture (58 per cent), followed by office jobs (22 per cent), business (12 per cent) and rickshaw pulling (8 per cent). The fathers of 94 per cent of the hotel workers belonged to the lower middle and the poor class and only 6 per cent to the middle class; 58 per cent were semi-literate, only 4 per cent had completed SSC and HSC and 38 per cent were illiterate.

Economic and social status

Eighty-six per cent of the hotel workers stated that their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers while 8 per cent held the opposite view, that is, their economic condition had deteriorated and 6 per cent thought that it was similar to that of their fathers. Almost all the respondents (98 per cent) mentioned that their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 2 per cent thought that it had deteriorated.

Number of children

Seventy-two per cent of the ever-married hotel workers had two to four children, 18 per cent one to two children, 6 per cent had three to four children and 4 per cent had five and more. Thus, the average number of children of the hotel workers was three.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning Sixty-eight per cent of the hotel workers were fully in favour of family planning and 32 per cent did not respond. 222 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Economic system Fifty-two per cent preferred a mixed economy, 30 per cent liked a market economy and 18 per cent favoured an Islamic economic system.

Future perspectives Forty-six per cent of hotel workers stated that they would try to go into business in future, 36 per cent would help their family members and 18 per cent would try to impart higher education to their children.

The important problems of Dhaka city They identified lack of electricity as the main problem in Dhaka city. Other problems, in order of importance, were lack of natural gas and water, the large number of mosquitoes, corruption, high house rent and severe traffic jams. Their recommendations, in order of importance, were an urgent solution of the problems of scarcity of water, natural gas and electricity, an improvement in law and order and construction of more flyovers.

Housing conditions

The housing conditions of hotel workers had not improved much over the two decades. Most of them slept either on the floor or benches and tables inside the hotels at night.

Discrimination against female hotel workers

Sometimes female hotel workers were paid lower salaries because female labour was considered cheaper than male labour.

Negative characteristics

According to selected respondents, some of them were given to drinking alcohol, visiting prostitutes and substance abuse. They also took dowry during their marriage.

Salespersons

Introduction

In 1985, there was already a large commercial establishment in Dhaka city. In the subsequent two decades, this further increased with the substantial growth of shopping complexes, particularly in the new parts of Dhaka city. This meant that the number of salespersons also increased considerably. There were no case studies on salespersons in the 1985 study. The salespersons were drawn from cloth, confectionery, grocery, stationery and shoe shops, all belonging to the private sector. The total number of salespersons selected for the case study was 50.

General characteristics

Forty-two per cent of the salespersons belonged to the 19–25 age group, 24 per cent were 26–30 years old, 18 per cent 16–18 years and 14 per cent 31–35 years. Only 2 per cent were 50 years old or more. The percentage of salespersons of age 18 years and below has been increasing over the two decades. River erosion, poverty, death and disability of parents and lack of employment compelled children of poor and lower middle class families to take up sales as a profession. Forty- The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 223 six per cent were married and the remaining 54 per cent were unmarried. Fifty-six per cent of the respondents were male and 44 per cent were female. A substantial number of females came into this occupation over the two decades because of various pull and push factors.

Districts of origin

In 2005, the districts from which these people came included Faridpur, Rangpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Munshigonj, Jamalpur, Manikgonj, Shariatpur, Bhola, Pirojpur and Chandpur. According to selected respondents, the number of districts they came from increased over the 20 years.

Education

Thirty-two per cent of the salespersons were semi-literate, 26 per cent had passed the HSC, 20 per cent passed the SSC, 18 per cent passed the BA and 4 per cent were illiterate. Entrants into this occupation over the two decades included more people that were educated because of declining employment opportunities in public, private and NGO sectors.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Thirty per cent of the salespersons had been living in Dhaka for a period of 6–10 years while 22 per cent for 1–5 years, 18 per cent for 11–15 years, 14 per cent for 16–20 years and 16 per cent were born in Dhaka. Sixty-four per cent of the salespersons came to Dhaka city for work, 16 per cent for education and 20 per cent accompanied their parents. Sixty-six per cent salespersons visited a village home once a year while 34 per cent went twice or more. The main reasons for these visits were to look after both their relatives and property. Others went to celebrate Eid. Eighty-four per cent of the salespersons had houses in the villages while the remaining 16 per cent did not. Fifty-three per cent had 1–2 acres of land, 25 per cent had one acre, 16 per cent 3–4 acres and only 6 per cent had 5–6 acres.

Leisure activities

The majority (58 per cent) of the salespersons spent their leisure watching television while 26 per cent read books. The remaining 16 per cent spent their leisure interacting with members of their families. In order of importance, their favourite reading materials were Bangla novels and biographies of political and religious leaders. They also liked Bangla films, dramas and cricket games on various TV channels.

Background of fathers

The fathers of the majority (62 per cent) of the salespersons were involved in agriculture, 20 per cent were in business and 8 per cent in various jobs. Eighty-four per cent belonged to the middle class and 16 per cent to the lower middle class. Thirty-six per cent were semi-literate, 32 per cent had passed SSC and HSC, 8 per cent had passed the BA and 24 per cent were illiterate. 224 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Economic and social status

An overwhelming majority (82 per cent) of the salespersons stated that their economic condition had improved compared to their fathers’ while 8 per cent indicated that it had deteriorated and 10 per cent felt that it was similar to that of their fathers. Almost all the respondents (96 per cent) mentioned that their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 4 per cent stated that it had deteriorated.

Number of children

Sixty-six per cent of the married salespersons had one to two children, 24 per cent three to four children and 10 per cent had five or more. Thus, the average number of children of the salespersons was two.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning eighty-six per cent of the salespersons were fully in favour of family planning and 14 per cent did not respond.

Economic system eighty-six per cent preferred a mixed economy, 12 per cent liked an Islamic economic system while only 2 per cent favoured a free market economy.

Important problems of Dhaka city They identified rising prices of essential commodities as the main problem in Dhaka city, followed by lack of electricity, inadequate supply of natural gas and water, the large number of mosquitoes, traffic jams, poor sewerage system and corruption. Salespersons recommended, in order of importance, immediate solution of the problems of the scarcity of water, natural gas and electricity and an improvement in law and order.

Economic condition

Thirty-two per cent of the sampled salespersons earned Taka 2,001–3,000, 14 per cent Taka 3,001– 4,000, 18 per cent Taka 4,001–5,000, 24 per cent Taka 5,000 or more and 4 per cent earned Taka 1,000–2,000 per month. The average monthly income was Taka 3,360per month. They spent their earnings mainly on food, accommodation, clothes and education.

Housing condition

The housing condition of salespersons had not substantially improved; rather it remained the same over the two decades. Most of them lived in rented houses in “messes”.

Future perspectives

Sixty-two per cent of salespersons stated that they would try to go into business in future, 22 per cent would concentrate on helping their family members and 16 per cent would try to provide higher education to their children. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 225

Negative characteristics

According to selected respondents, it is advisable to keep a close eye on salespersons, some of whom are inclined to pilfer. Male salespersons generally took dowry during their marriage.

Security guards in the private sector

Introduction

In 1985, security guards, also known as darwans or night guards, were generally appointed by the respective public and private organisations. However, in the subsequent two decades, companies supplying security guards sprang up in Dhaka city in keeping with the increased demand for them from a growing private sector. That is how security guards emerged as a new segment of the formal sector working class of Dhaka city. There were no case studies on security guards in 1985. The total number of security guards selected for case study in 2005 was 50 drawn from private houses, markets and garment factories.

General characteristics

Fifty-six per cent of the security guards belonged to the 25–30 age groups, 20 per cent were 31–35 years old and 16 per cent were 36–40 years. Only 8 per cent were 50 years old or more. Seventy- six per cent of the security guards were married and the remaining 24 per cent were unmarried. All respondents were males. One hundred per cent were Muslims.

Districts of origin

The main districts of origin in 2005 were Munshiganj, Jamalpur, Madaripur, Comilla and Mymensingh. Other districts included Barisal, Jamalpur, Netrokona, Sherpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur and Bhola.

Education

Eighty-two per cent of the security guards were semi-literate and 18 per cent had passed the SSC. The number of educated people in the profession of security guards had been on the increase over the two decades because of lack of other employment opportunities. The reasons for choosing this profession included poverty, disability of parents and lack of employment. Most of them were poorly trained for the job they were now engaged in.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Fifty-six per cent of the security guards had been living in Dhaka for a period of 1–5 years, 22 per cent for 6–10 years, 12 per cent for 11–15 years and 10 per cent for 16–20 years. The majority (80 per cent) of them came to Dhaka in search of jobs, 12 per cent for education and the remaining 8 per cent came with their parents. 226 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Ninety-four per cent of the security guards visited their village homes twice or more times a year, while only 6 per cent visited only once a year. The main reasons they visited village homes were to look after both their relatives and property. Ninety-six per cent of security guards owned houses in the villages but the remaining 4 per cent did not. Forty-eight per cent had 1–2 acres of land, 28 per cent 1 acre, 19 per cent 3–4 acres and only 5 per cent had five or more acres of land.

Leisure activities

Security guards spent their leisure by listening to songs, gossiping with their friends and reading novels. They liked folk songs such as polligitti, bhaoiya and bhatiali, Nazrul gitti and modern Bengali songs. They usually read Bishad Shindhu of Mir Mosharraf Hossain and novels of Humayun Ahmed.

Background of fathers

The occupation of the fathers of 60 per cent of the security guards was agriculture, 30 per cent were in business and 10 per cent in office jobs. Seventy-six per cent of the fathers belonged to the middle class and 24 per cent to the lower middle class. Fifty-four per cent of the fathers were semi-literate, 40 per cent illiterate and the remaining 6 per cent had passed SSC.

Economic and social status

Eighty-two per cent of the security guards stated that their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers, while 12 per cent felt that it had deteriorated and only 6 per cent that it was more or less the same. Ninety-six per cent of the security guards mentioned that their social status was similar to that of their fathers, while only 4 per cent stated that it had deteriorated.

Number of children

Sixty-two per cent of married security guards in the sample had two to three children, 34 per cent one to two children and 4 per cent had four or more children. Thus, the average number of children of the security guards was two.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning 92 per cent were fully in favour of family planning and only 8 per cent did not respond.

Economic system 96 per cent preferred an Islamic economic system while only 4 per cent liked a mixed economy.

Important problems of Dhaka city They identified high prices of essential commodities as the main problem in Dhaka city, followed by lack of electricity, natural gas and water, mosquitoes and corruption. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 227

Economic condition

Fifty-four per cent of the security guards earned Taka 2,500–3,000, 18 per cent Taka 3,000– 4,000, 16 per cent Taka 4,001–5,000 and 12 per cent earned Taka 5,000 or more per month. The average monthly income was Taka 3,435 per month. They spent their earnings mainly on food, accommodation, medicine, education and clothes.

Housing condition

The housing condition of private security guards was extremely poor. They lived in rented katcha houses in slums.

Future perspectives

Thirty-eight per cent of security guards stated that they would try to obtain better jobs, 36 per cent would help their family members and 26 per cent would try to provide higher education to their children.

Negative characteristics

According to selected respondents, some of the security guards were involved in antisocial activities, such as crime in collaboration with those very criminals whom they are supposed to guard against and providing premises for prostitution in exchange for money. In their village homes, they also indulged in usurious money lending. Some of them took dowry during their marriage.

Fourth-class employees

Introduction

The fourth-class employees are the lowest level officials. They were drawn from public and private sectors working as MLSS (members of the lower subordinate staff), guards, sweepers and messengers. The total number of fourth-class employees selected for case study was 50.

General characteristics

Forty per cent of the fourth-class employees belonged to the 25–30 age group, 28 per cent to the 31–35 age group, 16 per cent to the 36–40 age group and 12 per cent belonged to the 41–45 age group. Only 6 per cent were 50 years or more. Eighty-two per cent of the fourth-class employees were married and the remaining 18 per cent were unmarried. Eighty-four per cent were males and 16 per cent were females. The percentage of females among fourth-class employees had increased over the two decades because of various push and pull factors, such as poverty, death of parents, disability of parents, and also because of an increase in the job quota for women and societal acceptance of females in such jobs. Ninety-six per cent were Muslims. 228 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Districts of origin

The source districts in 2005 included Faridpur, Barisal, Jamalpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalgonj, Bhola and Chandpur.

Education

Sixty-two per cent of the fourth-class employees were semi-literate and 38 per cent had passed the SSC. Over the years, relatively more educated people came into fourth-class jobs because of lack of more desirable employment opportunities.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Twenty-eight per cent of the fourth-class employees had been living in Dhaka for a period of 1–5 years, 24 per cent for 11–15 years, 16 per cent for 6–10 years, 12 per cent for 16–20 years and 14 per cent for 21–30 years. Only 6 per cent were born in Dhaka. Seventy-two per cent of the fourth-class employees came to Dhaka in search of jobs, 26 per cent for education and the remaining 2 per cent came with their parents. Sixty-six per cent of the fourth-class employees visited the village home once a year, while 34 per cent twice and more times a year. The reasons for their visits were meeting relatives and family, looking after property and celebrating Eid. Ninety-six per cent of the fourth-class employees had houses in the villages but the remaining 4 per cent did not. Fifty-four per cent had 1–2 acres of land, 22 per cent 1 acre, 18 per cent 3–4 acres and only 6 per cent had 5–6 acres.

Leisure activities

Their main modes of leisure were spending time with the family, reading books, watching television and listening to songs. They were interested in Bangla novels, religious books, folk songs, adhunik bangla gan, Nazrul giti, TV dramas and cricket matches.

Background of fathers

The occupation of the fathers of fourth-class employees (66 per cent) was agriculture, 24 per cent were in office jobs and 10 per cent in business. The fathers of 78 per cent of fourth-class employees belonged to the middle class and 22 per cent to the lower middle class. Sixty-four per cent were semi-literate, while 6 per cent had completed SSC and HSC and 30 per cent were illiterate.

Economic and social status

An overwhelming majority (82 per cent) of the fourth-class employees stated that their economic condition had improved compared to that of their fathers while 12 per cent held that it had deteriorated and 6 per cent mentioned that it was similar to that of their fathers. Almost all the respondents (98 per cent) were of the opinion that their social status had improved compared to that of their fathers, while only 2 per cent held the view that it had deteriorated. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 229

Number of children

Sixty-eight per cent of married fourth-class employees had one to two children, 24 per cent two to three children and 8 per cent had four or more. Thus, the average number of children was two.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning ninety-two per cent of fourth-class employees were fully in favour of family planning and only 8 per cent did not respond.

Economic system Almost all the fourth-class employees (96 per cent) preferred a mixed economy and only 4 per cent wanted an Islamic economic system.

Important problems of Dhaka city They identified high prices of essential commodities as the main problem in Dhaka city, followed by lack of electricity, inadequate supply of natural gas, lack of water, too many mosquitoes and corruption.

Economic condition

Sixty-two per cent of the fourth-class employees earned Taka 1,000–5,000 and 38 per cent earned Taka 5,001–10,000 per month. The average monthly income was Taka 4,700. They mainly spent their earnings on food, accommodation, education and clothes.

Housing conditions

The number of government quarters for them was insufficient. The amount of government loan earmarked for them to construct houses in Dhaka city was also extremely inadequate. Hence, most of them lived in rented housing of extremely poor quality.

Future perspectives

Forty-six per cent of the fourth-class employees stated that they would help their family members, 32 per cent would try to give higher education to their children and 28 per cent would be social workers.

Negative characteristics

It was true that many class IV employees were related to or were classmates of the big bosses and that is how they got recruited. Some of them were engaged in usurious money lending in the village. Fourth-class employees were often involved in the pilferage of office property and other petty offences. Those who had strong links with the personnel administration and trade union leaders lived in the office premises. The female members had to earn their dowry for marriage while the male members took dowry during their marriage. 230 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Police and ansars

Introduction

The police are an old institution dating back to the British days. The police constables in Dhaka city generally operate from the 22 thanas under the leadership of the Officer-in-Charge (OC). On the other hand, the ansar was created in the Pakistan period as an auxiliary force to assist the police in maintaining law and order and executing criminal justice. In both cases, we included in our case studies only police constables and lowest level ansars. The total number selected was 50.

General characteristics

Seventy-eight per cent of this group were married, all were Bengalis, 9 per cent were Muslims and the remaining 6 per cent were Hindus. Sixty per cent of the respondents were in the 20–40 age group. The remaining 40 per cent were in the 41–57 age group. Ninety per cent were male and 10 per cent were female. Forty-four per cent of the respondents were living in joint families, whereas 56 per cent lived in nuclear families. The families of 30 per cent of the respondents lived in the village. The average number of children per ever-married respondent was three.

Education

It may be noted from Table 7.1 that a considerable percentage of the police constables and ansar jawans were formally well educated. Many applicants generally concealed their actual educational qualifications in order to enter the police service because of the “other attractions” it offered.

Table 7.1 Education levels of the police and ansars

Level of education Percentage of respondents Eighth standard 34 SSC 10 HSC 22 BA/BSc 20 MA/MSc/MCom 14

Districts of origin

In 2005, the main districts of the respondents were Comilla, Mymensingh, Barisal, Dhaka and Pabna. Other districts were Rajshahi, Jessore, Noakhali, Faridpur, Tangail and Chittagong. Over the years, the representation of other districts had improved because of the district quota system.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

Thirty-six per cent came to Dhaka city in 1981–1990, 10 per cent in 1991–1995, 12 per cent in 1996–2000 and 42 per cent in 2001–2005. They all came to Dhaka city on their own in search of jobs. Eighty-six per cent visited the village twice or more times a year to meet family, look after property and celebrate Eid. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 231

Economic condition

Sixty-four per cent claimed a medium economic condition while 26 per cent were dissatisfied with their salaries.

Membership in any other organisation

No one belonged to any organisation.

Workplace environment

Their opinions on workplace environment were as follows:

• Good: 50 per cent • Bad: 22 per cent • Tolerable: 24 per cent • Nasty: 4 per cent

According to 18 per cent of the respondents, the workplace environment depended on the behaviour of the OC, thana or head of the ansar unit.

Housing condition

Thirty-eight per cent lived in rented houses, 36 per cent lived in the thanas, 10 per cent lived in their own houses and 16 per cent lived in government quarters.

Leisure activities

Besides spending time with the family, they read a variety of books, magazines and newspapers (Ittefaque, Prothom Alo and Jugantor) during their leisure. They also watched various TV programmes and channels

Opinion on various issues

The problems of Dhaka city their opinions on the problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were as follows:

• rising prices of essential commodities; • traffic congestion; • law and order; corruption, illegal subscription; the illegal connections of electricity, gas and water, which they felt should be discontinued.

Family planning eighty-six per cent supported family planning, while the remaining 14 per cent either supported partially or were not in its favour. As usual, their opinion on family planning did 232 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 not tally with their practice.

Preferred system of economy eighty-six per cent preferred a mixed economy, while 14 per cent supported an Islamic economy.

Future perspectives

Their plans for their own future were, in order of importance, as follows:

• promotion, then increment in the job and finally owning a house in Dhaka; • would engage in business; • ansars wanted to be police.

Negative characteristics

According to selected respondents, the police had to pay heavy bribes to enter the police service, so this had to be recovered in full, with interest. Given to oppressing the poor, women and children, the police constables were subject to a high degree of brutalisation. Ansars were relatively better only because they had fewer opportunities for corruption. Nevertheless, they were generally inefficient and had low morale. Some members of the police are also known to be involved in usurious money lending in their villages. Most members of the police and ansars took dowry from the in-laws.

Summary of the main findings

General characteristics

Even in formal sector employment, the percentage of children in certain occupations was high (for example, among hotel and garment workers), compared to 1985, despite imposition of restrictions on such employment. There were three main reasons for this. First, the employers considered children “easy to handle” in matters of pay and working hours. Second, there was no dearth of children from extremely poor families looking for jobs, sometimes with parents and guardians pushing them to seek employment. Third, the regulatory mechanism on children’s employment was not enforced mostly because there were no positive incentives to back up such regulations, for example, free education and food for children withdrawn from such work. The vast majority of the formal sector poor was Muslims in both 1985 and 2005. Except for the garment sector, most respondents were male in both the years. However, over the two decades, females made some inroad in sales and hospital work, since employers, following worldwide examples, had opted for female employment in these fields, despite some social resistance in the beginning. In most occupations in both 1985 and 2005, the majority were married, despite the high percentage of persons aged 18 and below. Having a job in the formal sector increased the pressure on males to marry from both the family and the society at large. For women, the pressure was even greater because it was considered a “shame” if a female remained unmarried for long. This characteristic had obvious adverse implications for both health and reproductive behaviour of poor women. The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 233

Language

The percentage of Urdu speakers among the formal sector poor was 2.4 in 1985. In 2005, it was close to zero. This trend was consistent with the continuous rural–urban migration, on the one hand, and further marginalisation of the Urdu-speaking poor, on the other, due to ethnic discrimination.

Education

In the formal sector, education was dictated mainly by the minimum requirements of the job. On the other hand, since some formal sector jobs were considered lucrative (for example, in the police), the tendency was for people with education much above the minimum requirement to seek such jobs, often hiding their actual qualifications. In the case of garment and hotel workers, the minimum educational requirement at the entry point was low or absent. As a result, the percentage of educated in these two occupations remained low in 2005 (4 per cent each for the educated and semi-literate among the garment workers and 10 per cent educated and 82 per cent semi-literate for the hotel workers) and there was consequently only insignificant improvement in education in these two categories over the two decades. In other occupations, the percentage of educated people varied from 18 to 80, while the percentage of illiterate was between zero and four. It was thus obvious that in these occupations, there was considerable educational progress over the two decades. However, when the steep deterioration in the quality of education over the two decades was taken into consideration, it was doubtful if any real progress had taken place in their education.

Districts of origin

In 1985, most of the formal sector poor of Dhaka city were drawn from mainly five greater districts, namely Dhaka, Comilla, Barisal, Mymensingh and Noakhali. The two most important areas, in order of importance, who supplied formal sector poor of Dhaka city in 2005 were Greater Faridpur and Greater Mymensingh districts (particularly, areas susceptible to river erosion). Next in importance were the poverty pockets of Chittagong and Barisal Divisions. Rajshahi Division (in particular monga-prone areas of greater Rangpur district) and Khulna Division had a more limited share of the formal sector poor of Dhaka city. Owing to improved communications, it became possible for the far-flung areas to contribute an increased share of the formal sector poor of Dhaka city during the two decades.

Background of fathers

Over the two decades sons and daughters of not only agriculturists but also village-based petty traders and those in office jobs were becoming urban sector poor; also, offspring of slightly more educated people and the rural middle class were turning into formal sector poor. However, many young people from the poor and the lower middle class had entered the lower end of the formal sector poor such as garment workers and hotel workers. Since most respondents had improved over their fathers both economically and socially, it may be posited that being formal sector urban poor in Dhaka city was considered better than being rural middle class, let alone the rural poor or lower middle class. 234 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Links with Dhaka city and the village

In 1985, about 40 per cent of this sample comprised recent arrivals (i.e. living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years). In other words, the trend for migration to Dhaka city for formal sector jobs by the city poor had registered a clear increase over the two decades. Over the two decades, the vast majority of the formal sector poor (70 per cent) showed a marked trend of having been drawn to Dhaka city in search of formal sector jobs. In addition, in both the years, the vast majority of the formal sector poor (66 per cent) visited their villages at least twice a year in order to look after their families and property and celebrate religious festivals. In 2005, the majority of the Dhaka city formal sector poor (44 to 78 per cent) were recent arrivals in Dhaka city, living there for less than 10 years. The vast majority came to Dhaka not accompanied by parents or husbands but on their own in search of jobs, even if they were females and children. The vast majority of them visited their village homes at least twice a year in order to look after family members and property and celebrate religious festivals. In 1985, about 80 per cent of the formal sector poor owned both a village home and arable land in the village. Sixty-four per cent of the landowning respondents owned between 0.5 and 3 acres. According to selected respondents, most formal sector poor farmed out land to the landless and near-landless peasant sharecroppers. About 46 per cent derived some income from the village land in cash or kind or both. In 2005, 84–98 per cent of the formal sector poor owned a house in the village. In 2005, two groups could be identified among the formal sector poor with regard to ownership of land in the rural areas. The first includes the garment workers and hotel workers among whom 88 per cent and 94 per cent owned land between 0.1 acres to one acre of land. Among the remaining five groups (hospital workers, salespersons, security guards, class IV employees and police constables and ansar jawans), 88 to 96 per cent owned between one and four acres of land. Selected respondents reported that the formal sector poor used labourers and sharecroppers to get this land cultivated and the produce from such land supplemented their limited urban income. In addition, some of them also purchased land in order to increase their land holding in the village. This comparison shows that between 1985 and 2005, formal sector poor ownership of house and land in the village had altered little. If at all, such ownership had increased over time. This was mainly because of the increasing amount of workers’ remittance going into the countryside, given the expansion of the garment factories, hospitals and clinics, hotels and restaurants and shopping malls in Dhaka city during this period.

Housing conditions

In 1985, 56 per cent of the formal sector poor had access to electricity, piped water and gas; only 4 per cent were denied all the three amenities; 50 per cent and 16 per cent respectively had access to sanitary latrines without a flush and sanitary latrines with a flush. Sixty per cent had no complaints about the general environment of the area they lived. In 2005, the vast majority of the garment workers lived in rented housing (with ever increasing rents) under extremely poor living conditions (in terms of access to toilet facilities, running water, electricity and gas). This had more or less been their situation 20 years ago. The only difference was that now there was little discrimination in renting premises to unmarried women. A small percentage of hospital workers lived in quarters provided by hospitals; however, the majority lived in rented premises with poor living conditions and on verandahs and in the corridors and small rooms of the hospitals and clinics. Hotel workers mostly slept on the floor, and on benches The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 235 and tables inside the hotel premises. Salespersons and security guards lived in rented houses and messes with extremely poor living conditions. Some of the guards lived in guardrooms. Only a small percentage of the class IV employees could be accommodated in government quarters; the remaining employees lived in rented housing with extremely poor living conditions. Ten per cent of the police and ansars lived in their own houses. Sixteen per cent lived in government provided quarters; 36 per cent in the thana; and 38 per cent in rented houses. The fact that 10 per cent could live in their own houses was perhaps because of their illegal earnings. In 1985, about 8 per cent of the urban poor lived in own housing. In 2005, this was possible for 10 per cent of one segment of the urban formal sector poor. It is thus obvious that housing conditions for the formal sector poor had, in general, deteriorated over the two decades as was the case with other segments of the poor. During these two decades, with continuous rural–urban migration in a situation of limited expansion of housing land, house rents had sky-rocketed in Dhaka city. At the same time, government, NGOs and employers made little investment in low-cost housing. As a result, the poor in Dhaka city could afford only extremely low quality housing.

Involvement with trade union organisations

In 1985, about 70 per cent of the formal sector poor did not belong to any trade union organisation. However, industrial and office workers rallied behind their union leaders, who generally lined up with the political party in power. Thus, in 1989 more than half of the unionised workers were members of the trade union organisation affiliated to the ruling party, i.e, JP, which had been formed in 1986. The situation was similar when AL and BNP were in power. The usual method was to accord warm receptions to the people in power, demonstrating political allegiance and in return for which, some concessions would be obtained. This pattern of behaviour has been established since the birth of the country and contrasts quite significantly with the militant trade unionism of the 1960s. Several factors were responsible for this deterioration. First, backed by brute force, the ruling party took to breaking up and hijacking trade union organisations through its “worker fronts”. Second, many of the so-called progressive trade union leaders became “turncoats” and joined hands with the ruling party. Third, there was little effort by the so-called progressive trade union leaders to educate and raise the consciousness of the ordinary workers. Finally, in a situation of a vast number of unemployed and informal sector self-employed people vis-à-vis the relatively extremely small formal sector working class, it was indeed difficult to mobilise the latter through the trade union movement. Thus in 1985, the following trends were noted among the formal sector poor: (a) to get co-opted; (b) to be subservient to the powerful; and (c) to deteriorate morally. In 2005, we tried to delineate the trend among the formal sector poor as regards trade unionism through selected respondents and focused group discussions, and we noted the following:

a. The trend of 1985 persisted in general, and the trade union movement was either non- existent or extremely weak for the groups we studied through the case study method. For certain segments, such as police constables and ansar jawans, trade union activity was not allowed since these forces dealt with the sensitive law and order duties. b. The only exception in 2005 was the garment sector. In this case, a number of factors, despite resistance from the employers and the government, contributed to the development of a militant trade union movement, namely, the large number of garment workers, highly exploitative working conditions prevailing in the garment sector, encouragement and 236 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

pressure from the foreign purchasers and mobilising work carried out among them by left- wing trade unionists.

Economic condition

In 1985, the average income of the formal sector poor was Taka 1,461 per month and the range was Taka 300–7,000 per month. Fifty per cent of the formal sector poor earned Taka 1,000–2,000. About 50 per cent of the income was spent on food, whereas other expenditures in order of importance were house rent, clothing, education and transport. In 2005, the average monthly incomes of the various groups of the formal sector poor were as follows:

• garment workers: Taka 2,500 • hospital workers: Taka 8,740 • hotel workers: Taka 2,200 • salespersons: Taka 3,360 • security guards: Taka 3435 • class IV employees: Taka 4,710 • police constables and ansar jawans: Taka 5,974

The income range was thus between Taka 2,200 and 8,740 per month. So, it would seem that while real income may have slightly fallen for hotel and garment workers over the two decades or at least remained static (when the nominal incomes were deflated by the prices of coarse quality rice – Taka 6 per kg in 1985 and Taka 16 per kg in 2005), it had increased for the remaining groups over the same period. Trade union activities, lobbying, and increased demand for certain economic activities (for example, hospitals and clinics, shopping malls, hotels and restaurants and housing constructions) ensured this upward trend in the real income of the formal sector poor. Perhaps, from the expenditure point of view, the worst hit were the garment workers, who did not get any subsidy on food and shelter, as was common with the hotel workers. The expenditure patterns for both the years were similar: most of the expenditure was on the basics, namely, food, housing, clothing, education and transport.

Leisure activities

In 1985, the five most important sources of leisure for the formal sector poor were (a) spending time with the family, (b) spending time with friends, (c) watching TV, (d) listening to songs (folk music, cinema songs, gazals, Nazrul and Tagore songs) and (e) going to the cinema (films with a social theme and fantasy movies). Other pastimes of the formal sector poor were travelling, playing cards and outdoor games. In 2005, the leisure pattern was as follows:

• Garment workers watched TV, went shopping and to the cinema. Hospital workers spent time with the family, read books (biographies and novels), recited poems and listened to songs (modern and Nazrul songs). • Hotel workers spent time with friends, went to the cinema (Bangla “fighting” movies), watched TV and listened to songs (cinema, folk and Nazrul songs). Salespersons watched TV (Bangla films, drama series and cricket matches), read books (Bangla novels, biographies) The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 237

and spent time with the family. • Security guards listened to songs (folk, Nazrul and modern songs); spent time with friends and read books (novels of Humayun Ahmed and Mir Mosharef). Fourth-class employees spent time with the family; read books (novels and religious books), watched TV and listened to songs (folk, modern and Nazrul songs). The police constables and ansar jawans read books, magazines and newspap+ers and watched various TV programmes.

There were thus not many differences between 1985 and 2005. The use of TV had increased over the two decades. A new addition in 2005 was reading books and magazines. In listening to songs and watching movies, the preference was more or less the same in both the years. Affordability, strong rural connections, the impact of new technology, urban influence and the impact of education were the main determinants in this regard.

Other pastimes reported by selected respondents

In 1985, selected respondents reported gambling, drinking alcohol (mostly toddy in illegal bars) and visiting prostitutes among a considerable portion of the formal sector poor. In 2005, according to selected respondents, this trend had either increased or remained at the same level. In 2005, some of the female garment workers were engaged in prostitution as a sideline, clearly not as a pastime but to supplement the wages that were too low to make both ends meet.

Opinions, 1985–2005

Average number of children per person and opinion on family planning For the seven groups we studied, the average number of children per ever-married person in 2005 was 2.5. In 1985, the figure was 2.67. This meant that the situation had not changed much over the two decades. In 1985, 90 per cent of the formal sector poor supported family planning. The support was about 88 per cent among them in 2005. Again, there was not much difference between the two years in the verbal support for family planning. This showed that the perception of the formal sector poor regarding a planned family differed considerably from the norm set by the government. As with other classes and groups, the preference for a son remained strong among them. The age of marriage particularly among girls remained low and that also negatively affected their reproductive behaviour. The concept of children as old-age insurance was still strong among them. Many of them, particularly women, had a fatalistic interpretation of religion and believed that children were gifts from the Heavens. Finally, the quality of their education was low and hardly influenced their reproductive behaviour.

Preferred system of economy in 1985, 66 per cent of respondents wanted an Islamic system of economy, 20 per cent preferred socialism, 6 per cent opted for capitalism and only 2 per cent thought that mixed economy was good for the country. The remaining 6 per cent did not answer. In 2005, the picture was as follows:

• Islamic economy: 32 per cent • mixed economy: 60 per cent • socialism: 4 per cent • no response 4 per cent 238 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Thus, while preference for the Islamic economy had halved, that for mixed economy increased phenomenally during the two decades. There were no takers for an unalloyed market economy. How do we explain these changes? First, despite the change, there was still a strong link between their status as poor and yearning for social welfare and social justice. Second, since they did not lose out economically during the two decades, their preference for more radical options (i.e. Islamic economy and socialism) had been replaced by mixed economy.

Problems of Dhaka city, 2005 The common problems identified by most groups were as follows:

• rising prices of essential commodities • lack of electricity, gas and water • too many mosquitoes • corruption

Other problems highlighted were traffic congestion, deteriorating law and order, illegal connections of gas, electricity and water and high house rent. The garment workers were more specific in pinpointing the problems faced by the poor:

• extremely difficult condition of the poor and their children with regard to work, housing, health, education, access to clean water and proper sanitation; • lack of transport facilities for the working poor.

It is easy to see a clear connection between social status and consciousness, on the one hand, and the perceptions of the main problems of Dhaka city, on the other, from what the garments workers identified as the main problems of Dhaka city.

Social status of respondents compared to that of fathers, 2005

In 2005, 81–85 per cent of the respondents reported an economic advancement over their fathers. The remaining respondents either remained at the same level or deteriorated economically vis-à-vis their fathers. On the other hand, 94–98 per cent reported a higher social status than their fathers. The latter was mainly because any steady, formal sector job in the urban areas was looked upon as highly prized in the rural milieu.

Future of the formal sector poor

In 2005, only one group, namely the garment workers, did not see a very bright future for themselves. According to them, the future was uncertain and vulnerable and they only hoped that their children would somehow escape poverty that they had to put up with. The other six groups had a rather optimistic outlook and hoped to accomplish the following in the future:

• go into business • help family members • impart higher education to the children • engage in social work • obtain a better job, get promotion The Formal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 239

• purchase a house in Dhaka city (in the case of police and ansars only).

Negative characteristics

All the occupations pursued by the formal sector reflected negative characteristics, including involvement in prostitution, substance addiction, pilferage and usurious moneylending. On the other hand, while the female members of the formal sector poor were the victims of dowry, the male members were its beneficiaries. Poverty alone cannot be the explanation for these. Massive erosion of humanist values over the years as a result of the economic system in place, negative examples set by the dominant classes and perversion of religion were also responsible.

Concluding remarks

As brought out in the foregoing analysis, in both the years, the formal sector poor quite expectedly were placed far behind the respondents of the GHS in terms of income, property, education, employment opportunities and also in the degree of access to basic human needs, such as food, shelter, clothing, education and health care. On the other hand, between 1985 and 2005, they gained in formal education, real income and rural land holding but lost out in urban housing condition and quality of education. Thus, their inequality with respect to the GHS was more or less compensated by their ability to meet their basic needs during the two decades. Also, they had improved their economic and social status compared to their fathers. There was, in general, no evidence to suggest that their deprivation vis-à-vis the GHS respondents had turned them into change agents. On the contrary, data on both the years confirm that they were generally unorganised, had similar views as the middle and upper classes on important issues and had been co-opted into the prevailing system. Additionally, a very considerable percentage exhibited backward and perverse cultural traits and lifestyle and lacked discipline and work ethic. In comparison with the informal sector poor, they were definitely more privileged, and indeed, they showed certain exploitative relationships with the informal sector poor, particularly in the rural areas. In 2005, the only group with a wider and realistic outlook among the formal sector poor was the garment workers. Subjected to both economic and gender exploitation, this group is becoming increasingly militant, as the Bangladesh garment sector faces increasing challenges in selling its products abroad. Only a dedicated leadership with the ability to remain uncompromising in adversity and see beyond the end of their nose can turn them into change agents. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 8 The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City

Introduction

We have defined informal sector poor as those among the poor who are either self-employed or even if wage employed, on an irregular basis and without any legal restraints on the employers regarding terms of employment. In this chapter, we cover the following five segments of the informal sector poor: rickshaw-pullers, tokais (street children), hawkers, maidservants and poor female heads of households. Of these only one segment had not been studied specifically in 1985, namely the hawkers.

Rickshaw-pullers

Introduction

Rickshaw-pullers constituted the single largest occupational group among the informal sector poor of Dhaka city. In 1985, there were 100,000 rickshaws and 250,000 rickshaw pullers in the city. Including family members and other people associated with the rickshaw industry, such as rickshaw-makers, timber merchants, mechanics, spare part retailers and repair men, it was estimated that in 1985 nearly one million or about one-sixth of the city population were directly or indirectly dependent on the rickshaw industry of Dhaka city. The figures for rickshaws and rickshaw-pullers are estimated to have doubled to 200,000 and 500,000 respectively in 2005. In other words, in 2005, about two million people in Dhaka city were perhaps directly or indirectly dependent on this industry. This phenomenal growth of the rickshaw industry is a recent development. Although rickshaws were introduced in Dhaka city in 1937 (by a Bengali and a Marwari businessperson), it was not until 1944 that rickshaws were licensed by the city administration. In the early 1960s, the licensing fee was reduced drastically, and this gave a boost to the rickshaw industry in a city where the public transport system was markedly underdeveloped. In addition, on the supply side, there was a heavy inflow of destitute families from the countryside, as rural poverty continued to rise over the years. Thus, by 1978, the number of rickshaws and rickshaw-pullers jumped to over 40,000 and 100,000 respectively (Salim Rashid, 1986), and in another seven years, these figures more than doubled. Rickshaw-pullers are thus important in the social life of Dhaka city not only as the most numerous group among its informal sector poor but also as the mainstay of an economic activity with whose fate a large segment of the city population is involved directly or indirectly. Apart from the economic benefits (in particular, employment of rickshaw-pullers and the earnings for rickshaw owners and rickshaw-makers), rickshaws are environmentally friendly in that they do not in themselves produce carbon emissions. They use no fossil fuel, being run by muscle power. However, rickshaw-pullers create slums, and these contribute to pollution. In addition, among other disadvantages, rickshaws are responsible for traffic jams. 242 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Government policy towards rickshaw-pullers and the rickshaw industry has never been consistent. In 1973, the government decided to phase out the rickshaws from Dhaka city and at the same time rehabilitate rickshaw-pullers as auto-rickshaw drivers and in other professions. Accordingly, an auto-rickshaw driving school was set up. Following change of government in 1975, this plan was shelved and pressure was brought on the rickshaw-pullers to obtain rickshaw-driving licences, and carry a fare chart and tin-token all the time along with the driving licence or face police action. Trade union protests brought this to an end. Meanwhile, around this time, Gulshan and Mirpur Pourasabhas (which were then independent of the Dhaka Municipal Corporation) issued as many as 12,000 new rickshaw licences. The same process, namely government attempts to evict unauthorised rickshaws from Dhaka city, followed by trade union action and then a phase of unrestricted issue of rickshaw licenses by adjoining Union Parishads and Dhaka Municipal Corporation was repeated in 1982 and 1986. Consequently, the laws of demand and supply rather than policy intervention regulated the growth of the rickshaw industry for quite some time thereafter. However, during the latter part of the 1990s and the first five years of the 21st century, the following steps were taken to regulate rickshaws in Dhaka city:

a. some of the main roads were made off-limits for the rickshaws; b. the Agricultural Development Bank took up a low-interest credit scheme entitled ghore phera (returning home) to induce rickshaw-pullers of Dhaka city to return to their home villages and towns; c. unauthorised rickshaws were confiscated and distributed among rickshaw-pullers in the district towns of poverty-stricken areas, such as Rangpur and Jamalpur; d. arranging training and credit for the rickshaw-pullers under the Dhaka Urban Transport Project (DUTP) was envisaged, in order to relocate them to other professions and places outside Dhaka city.

So far, none of these measures has borne much fruit.

General characteristics

In 1985, the majority (64–71 per cent) of the rickshaw-pullers belonged to the 20–35 age group. In 2005, 70 per cent belonged to the 20–35 age group. This was because since this was extremely hard work, requiring the use of muscle power over a long period of time, day and night, only males in the prime of their youth and manhood could take up this occupation for a considerable period of time. In 1985, about 15 per cent were 18 years or younger. In 2005, about 12 per cent were 18 years or less. In other words, there was not much difference between 1985 and 2005 in children being involved in this arduous occupation. In fact, given that the total number of rickshaw-pullers has increased over the two decades, the absolute number of children in this profession must have also increased during this period. The overwhelming majority were Muslims in both the years (99–100 per cent). Seventy-five per cent and 72 per cent were married in 1985 and 2005 respectively.

Districts of origin

In 1985, the main districts of origin were Faridpur, Comilla, Mymensingh and Noakhali. In 2005, the main districts of origin were Rangpur, Bogra, Barisal and Faridpur. Further enquiry revealed that people who entered this profession were mainly from areas subject to monga and river erosion. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 243

Links with the village and Dhaka city

In 1985, 55 per cent had come to Dhaka city between 1975 and 1985, 20 per cent between 1971 and 1975, 23 per cent came to Dhaka city between 1947 and 1971, and only 2 per cent had been living in Dhaka since the pre-1947 days. In 2005, 78 per cent had been residents of Dhaka city for one to 10 years, 20 per cent for 11 to 20 years and only 2 per cent had been living in Dhaka for over 20 years. Thus, the recent arrivals among rickshaw-pullers had increased over the two decades. In 2005, the main reason for coming to Dhaka was poverty, manifested in food scarcity and unemployment, lack of work, river erosion and landlessness. Other reasons were business and accompanying parents. Although this question was not asked in 1985, as rickshaw-pullers in 2005 confirmed, these very reasons had also propelled villagers to take up rickshaw pulling two decades ago. In 1985, 50 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers had severed their ties with the village and hence did not visit the village at all. Of the remaining 50 per cent, 70 per cent visited the village regularly, 22 per cent at the time of festivals and holidays and 8 per cent during the harvesting season. In 2005, only 12 per cent did not visit the village at all. Seventy-two per cent visited the village twice a year, 14 per cent only once and 2 per cent three to four times a year. In 1985, 57 per cent owned some property in the village and 15 per cent acquired this property after becoming rickshaw-pullers (consisting of homestead and one or two plots of agricultural land, with a total land ownership of about 0.50 acres). In 2005, 68 per cent owned property in their village homes. Seventy-two per cent of the property owners among the rickshaw-pullers said that the owned property was less than one bigha (one-third of an acre), and for only 28 per cent, was it one to two bighas. In other words, over the last two decades, there were no signs of rickshaw- pullers becoming “proletarians” in the classical sense, i.e. completely divorced from the means of production and having nothing else but only their labour to sell. The main reasons for visiting the village at both points in time remained the same: looking after property and meeting relatives, particularly their own immediate family consisting of wife and children. In addition to regularly visiting the village home, 52 per cent in 1985 and 76 per cent in 2005 had sent money and materials. On the other hand, 6 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers in 1985 and about 14 per cent in 2005 brought such food as rice, lentils and fruit from their village homes. It is, therefore, apparent that the links of the rickshaw-pullers with their village homes had definitely increased over the two decades, and indeed Dhaka is now much more a city of poor peasants than it was 20 years ago.

Education

In 1985, 50 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers were illiterate, but in 2005 the figure had dropped to only 22 per cent. In 1985, 35 per cent had studied up to the primary level and only 15 per cent had reached the secondary level but no one had passed SSC. In 2005, 54 per cent had studied up to the primary level and 24 per cent had reached the secondary level but none had passed SSC. In other words, while the level of education and literacy had increased over the years among the rickshaw- pullers, they were, as in the past, still being drawn from the least educated and literate male section of the rural society. 244 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Housing

In 1985, 70 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers were living in slums and the remaining 30 per cent in rickshaw garages. In 2005, the living conditions had further deteriorated, house rents were much higher, chances of eviction much greater and environmental conditions far worse.

Family characteristics

In 1985, 50 per cent of the immediate families of the rickshaw-pullers (i.e. wife and children) lived in the villages. In 2005, the immediate families of the majority of rickshaw-pullers (56 per cent) lived in the villages and the families of the remaining 44 per cent lived in with them in the city. In 1985 as well as 2005, most rickshaw-pullers’ families were nuclear. In 1985, the average number of children per ever-married rickshaw-puller was 4.5. In 2005, it came down to 3.44. In other words, while the average number of children among the rickshaw-pullers had decreased over the 20 years, it was still well above the desired level of two children per family. This was consistent with the prevailing notion that in the slum areas of Dhaka city, the family planning norm was least implemented. This becomes evident from the number of young relief seekers in the slums of Dhaka city in the aftermath of floods. In 1985, most of the wives were illiterate or with very little education and came from socio-economic backgrounds similar to their husbands’. They were mostly homemakers (70 per cent), while others were maidservants and workers in the garment factories. In 2005, the wives of 66 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers were homemakers and the remaining 34 per cent were mostly garment factory workers and maidservants.

Dowry

Most rickshaw-pullers took dowry from the families of their wives at the time of marriage. The situation had only worsened over the two decades. Ill-treatment of wives, even leading to abandonment, divorce and physical torture, were quite common when the promised dowry, in cash and kind, was not delivered. It was their only chance in a male-dominated society to make extra money, and since everyone else in the society did the same, why would they be an exception? Most rickshaw-pullers were reluctant to admit this, but combining their story with that of selected respondents, it was abundantly clear that it was basically the case of a poor male exploiting a poor female in the name of dowry.

Working conditions

In 1985, over 90 per cent of the pullers worked one shift only, the duration of which was 4–10 hours (at that time, there were generally two shifts a day). Over 97 per cent rented rickshaws from the owners, and only 3 per cent plied their own rickshaws. About 98 per cent of rickshaw- pullers had no driving licences; 90 per cent of the rickshaws were claimed to be formally licensed, although half of these were fake. About 75 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers had been engaged in rickshaw pulling for 9–12 months, 20 per cent for 6–9 months and the remaining 5 per cent for less than 6 months. On an average, the rickshaw rents were Taka 18 and Taka 15 per shift for new and old rickshaws respectively. Rickshaw-pullers reported harassment by the police, mastans, house- owners and different brokers. In 2005, 68 per cent worked one shift while 24 per cent worked the whole day and 8 per cent worked only occasionally. Twenty per cent of rickshaw-pullers had their own rickshaws and the The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 245 remaining 80 per cent rented theirs. Hardly any of them had driving licences. If at all, they probably had fake licences. Similar was the situation regarding the licence for the rickshaws. The rent of a rickshaw was Taka 80 per day and Taka 40 for half a day. Forty per cent of rickshaw-pullers pulled rickshaws for four to six months a year, another 40 per cent for six to nine– months and the remaining 20 per cent pulled for 9–12 months. In 2005 also, most rickshaw-pullers stated that they were harassed by the police, mastans, house-owners and brokers and also had to give bribes on a day-to-day basis when obtaining and renewing licences.

Income, savings and expenditure

In 1985, the monthly income range of a rickshaw-puller was Taka 750–1,800. On the other hand, the average monthly income was Taka 1,050. In 2005, these were respectively Taka 3,000–6,000 and Taka 5,000. In 1985 and 2005, the price of coarse rice per kg was Taka 6 and Taka 16 respectively. In other words, in terms of food, the main item of expenditure, the real income of the rickshaw- puller had almost doubled. However, it must be pointed out that house rents in the slums where most rickshaw-pullers lived almost doubled over the two decades. It was impossible to rent a slum dwelling of one room for anything less than Taka 2,000 per month in 2005. Therefore, in the real sense, incomes increased but not to the extent that food prices alone would indicate. In 1985, the rickshaw-pullers faced a decline in real income, which did not allow them to have savings. In fact, many of them were then in debt and did odd jobs to supplement their income from rickshaw pulling. This was not so in 2005. In 2005, 54 per cent saved money (about Taka 100–500) every month in banks, samities and insurance companies. In both points in time, the main expenditures were food and housing. The latter had become much costlier and unhygienic over time.

Relations of rickshaw-pullers with various categories of people

Police In 1985, police−rickshaw-puller relations were far from satisfactory. According to most rickshaw-pullers, the police would be always on the look out to harass them, the main motive being to extract money. For serious traffic offences, the police, in addition to taking bribes, also resorted to abuse, beating and puncturing of rickshaw tyres. However, compared to the past, the situation in 1985 had somewhat improved owing to trade union actions by rickshaw-pullers. The police version was that rickshaw-pullers were highly ignorant of basic traffic rules, and took it easy as they would on a village road, and hence they had to be disciplined even if it made the police a little unpopular. However, it may be noted that in 1985, there was no opportunity for rickshaw-pullers to receive training in traffic rules. In 2005, the rickshaw-pullers had similar opinions regarding the misbehaviour of the police. However, our own understanding of the situation was that police were now more interested in extracting money from rickshaw-pullers than physically assaulting and abusing them, so they now generally had some unwritten agreement on how much to pay and in what manner. Thus in 2005, when the traffic police checked for traffic rule violation, real or imaginary, the emphasis was on the money to be paid. In 1985, the rickshaw seat would be seized, and the rickshaw-puller was obliged to pay a bribe of one or two Takas in order to get the seat back. By 2005, seizing of rickshaw seats by the traffic police had almost stopped but a bribe of Taka 10–20 would have to be paid. According to rickshaw-pullers, the traffic police justify this enhancement of the rate of bribe on the ground of inflation. For more serious offences, the rates of bribe were 246 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 obviously much higher. For example, in 2005, for not having a rickshaw driving licence, the entire rickshaw would be seized and that meant a bribe of Taka 50–100.

Municipal authorities in 1985, rickshaw-pullers had to pay a bribe of about Taka 70–80 to the municipal officials for a new rickshaw-driving licence, and for its annual renewal another Taka 30– 40. Bribes were paid through agents; without a bribe, there was generally a long delay and much hassle. Up to 1988, a new driving licence had to be brought out every year but this has stopped as a result of trade union actions, including strikes and hartals. However, the annual renewal of rickshaw driving licences is compulsory, and bribe needed for that had increased to Taka 60–80 in 2005. Fortunately, rickshaw licences are taken out and renewed by rickshaw owners. Taka 100/- is charged yearly as renewal fee per rickshaw. If the licence is not renewed, the DCC cancels it. In 2006, the number of licensed rickshaws in Dhaka city was 79,616. Thus, the informal sector poor had to “satisfy” various authorities not only to be permitted to squat in their shacks but also for earning an honest income. In fact, vendors and hawkers faced the same fate on the pavements from the powers that be.

Passengers in 1985, 80 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers interviewed thought that most passengers misbehaved with rickshaw-pullers. Particularly old people, young males and women tended to quarrel over rickshaw fares. In 2005 also, 80 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers interviewed stated that most passengers misbehaved with them. However, many passengers in 2005 did not have many kind words to spare for the rickshaw-pullers either. Demanding a much higher fare than is appropriate, even despite prior negotiations, using abusive language, maintaining links with extortionists (molom parties, for example) and pimping for prostitutes were some of the evils with which the passengers identified some rickshaw-pullers in 2005.

Mastans in 1985, according to most rickshaw-pullers, mastans disturbed them both during work and in the neighbourhood, by their bad behaviour and forcible exaction of money. Bad behaviour ranged from abusing and beating up of rickshaw-pullers to rape of their women in the slums and squatter settlements under the influence of liquor and other substances. Very little action could be taken against them, since they were under the protection of powerful people such as house owners, matbars, shalishkars, Ward Commissioners, local politicians and the police. Delay in paying house rents was not tolerated and landlords generally threatened eviction through the use of mastans and sometimes cut off electricity and water. In 2005, the rickshaw-pullers had similar opinions on the behaviour of mastans.

Matbars and shalishkars in 1985, most rickshaw-pullers interviewed complained of the ill behaviour of neighbourhood Ward Commissioners, matbars (leaders) and shalishkars (adjudicators) who, in their opinion, did not treat them as human beings. As such, in times of difficulty, rickshaw- pullers could hardly expect any sympathy and help from them. In 2005, the rickshaw-pullers had similar experiences regarding the behaviour of matbars and shalishkars.

Neighbours in 1985, most neighbours were poor people like themselves, such as hawkers, carpenters, masons and day labourers. There was, according to the rickshaw pullers, a basic solidarity among neighbours and they helped one another in times of crisis. However, there were also petty quarrels, particularly among their womenfolk over, for example, sharing tap water and a kitchen. Sometimes, shalishkars had to be brought in to mediate. In recent years, some of the The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 247 quarrels originated when objections were raised over immoral activities pursued by some of the neighbours, the incidence of which had been on the increase. “Districtism” was another cause of conflicts. In 2005, the rickshaw-pullers came up with similar opinions regarding the behaviour of neighbours. They also pointed out that when they could live in one neighbourhood for a long period of time, fellow feelings and community solidarity became stronger. However, this was rarely possible as they were constantly under threat of eviction.

Rickshaw owners in both 1985 and 2005, most rickshaw-pullers had less than cordial relations with rickshaw owners. The main points of friction were delay in the payment of rents, failure to deposit the rickshaw or to inform about sickness (so that a substitute could be found) in time and liabilities for repair due to accidents and rough use. Threats, abusive language and sometimes even physical beating from rickshaw owners were quite common.

Leisure activities

In 1985, 80 per cent of rickshaw-pullers said that they saw at least two movies in a month. In 2005, cinema-going among rickshaw-pullers had definitely declined, and instead VCD/VCR, which was not so common in 1985, had become much more popular. In fact, in 2005, 63 per cent said they occasionally saw movies on VCR/VCD, while 37 per cent did not. In 1985, most cinema-going rickshaw-pullers were interested in movies with a lot of fighting, music and dancing. At that time, only 10 per cent of them preferred movies with a social theme. The situation had changed by 2005. Now, the movie-going rickshaw-pullers were drawn equally to social and “fighting” pictures. However, by 2005, the grip of Bollywood (another name for the Mumbai film industry) over them had become much stronger than it was in 1985. In 2005, in order of importance, the leisure activities were as follows: watching TV, spending time with the family and friends, and resting in order to overcome their exhaustion. It was thus clear that movie-going or watching VCR/VCD was not particularly important in 2005; in 1985, access to TV was rather limited. Only about 32 per cent occasionally read books and newspapers in 2005. In 1985, this had been almost zero. In 1985, modern film songs (including those of Hindi films) were most popular with the rickshaw-pullers. This was followed by folk vocal music. This situation has remained unchanged over the two decades, except that now modern songs also included those sung on TV shows. However, in 2005, while 72 per cent liked listening to songs, 28 per cent had the opposite opinion. In 1985, no one among the rickshaw-pullers admitted to visiting prostitutes, gambling, drinking liquor and substance addiction. Only 20 per cent had girlfriends with whom they went out to the movies and had fun. Almost all those admitting to having girlfriends were married and had children. Selected respondents consisting of Ward Commissioners, rickshaw-owners, traffic police and passengers thought that while substance addiction, drinking, gambling and womanising among rickshaw-pullers may have increased slightly, the vast majority were still not affected by these, simply because they were too costly to be afforded on a regular basis, but it was quite possible that once in a while, they indulged in such activities. According to these selected respondents, drivers of trucks, buses, mini- buses and tempos were more involved in these activities. In 2005, most young rickshaw-pullers had girlfriends (particularly, female garment workers). Selected respondents estimated that 25 per cent of them were involved in substance addiction, 20 per cent in gambling, 20 per cent in drinking liquor and 15 per cent in whore-mongering, but not necessarily on a regular basis. Perhaps better incomes and a change in social norms over the years had brought about such a difference in their behaviour. 248 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Involvement in organisations

In 1985, only 7 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers belonged to any trade union organisation. Another 50 per cent had only heard about various rickshaw-pullers’ organisations. The remaining 43 per cent did not know or were not interested in such organisations. They said that they were so bogged down with their day-to-day struggle for survival that they could hardly spare time for such activities. However, when there were calls for collective action by rickshaw-pullers’ organisations (which they came to know through word of mouth or through the picketers), they did comply with such calls. Similarly, during hartal calls by students or political parties, they generally did not take out rickshaws on the streets, although this caused them severe hardships. There were several co-operatives and trade union organisations of rickshaw-pullers in Dhaka city. The latter were affiliated to different opposition political parties. Among these, the rickshaw chalok (drivers) Federation closely linked to the Jatyo Samajtantrik Dal, led by Hasanul Huq Inu, was at that time the most powerful. However, all these trade union organisations taken together could not effectively mobilise even a small fraction of the rickshaw-pullers. The co-operatives were registered, but their membership was still limited. Through the savings and credit schemes of the co-operatives, rickshaws were gradually being provided to the members. In 2005, about 60 per cent of the sample of rickshaw-pullers were involved in the Rickshaw Chalak Federation. Another 10 per cent belonged to the Awami League-backed Rickshaw Sramik League. The remaining 30 per cent had no connection with any trade union organisation. In other words, their awareness to be a part of an organisation in order to resist harassment by the police, rickshaw owners, matbars and mastans had increased. Usually, all the rickshaw-pullers complied with the calls by the Federation to safeguard their collective interests. They did not take out their rickshaws during hartals and strikes in deference to calls by their Federation, students and political parties. The rickshaw-pullers also had registered co-operatives in addition to the Federation. Through the savings and credit schemes of these co-operatives, the process of providing members with rickshaws was being continued.

Political behaviour

In 1985, the rickshaw-pullers were relatively unimportant politically in Dhaka city because their numbers were relatively small and democracy based on “one person one vote” was hardly in existence at that time. Over the two decades, their numbers had increased and different political parties courted them for votes during the three general elections and two City Corporation elections that took place during this period. This meant inducements in the shape of cash money and relief goods, promises to go slow on licensing and closing certain roads to rickshaws. However, after the elections were over, the candidates generally avoided them until the next elections. They also bore the brunt of hartals called by the political parties. In the process, they acquired a degree of political education during these two decades. It is said that the political mood of the Dhaka city poor can be easily understood from frank discussions with a few rickshaw-pullers. The involvement of rickshaw-pullers with major political parties increased over the two decades also because they were now better organised through the Rickshaw-Pullers’ Federation and saw it as a means to bargain for their rights.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning in 1985, about 65 per cent of the respondents were in favour of family planning. The remaining 35 per cent either did not like it or knew nothing on family planning. Of those who The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 249 liked it, only less than half practised it. In any case, they were wide of the mark set by government, i.e. “two children, boy or girl”. In 2005, 94 per cent favoured family planning, and only 6 per cent had a negative attitude towards it. However, even now, there were about 3.44 children per ever-married rickshaw-puller, but it was no doubt an improvement over 1985, when this figure was 4.5.

Economic system in 1985, 70 per cent of rickshaw-pullers interviewed preferred a socialist economic system. Twenty-five per cent wanted an Islamic economic system and 5 per cent gave no reply. In 2005, nobody opted for a socialist system. Sixty-eight per cent wanted a welfare system, only twenty-two per cent favoured an Islamic system, 6 per cent opted for a mixed system and only 4 per cent preferred a capitalistic economic order.

Problems of Dhaka city according to most rickshaw-pullers, the main problems of Dhaka city were, in order of importance, as follows:

• rising prices of essential commodities but earnings were not keeping pace; • poor housing conditions for the rickshaw-pullers; • inadequate access to city streets allowed to the rickshaw-pullers; • crime and law and order; • police excesses on rickshaw-pullers; • mosquito menace.

Future perspectives

In 1985, 15 per cent saw no future for themselves. The remaining 85 per cent were, in order of importance, trying to change profession, and get into business, agriculture, office job, driving baby taxi or tempo and other alternatives. The efforts in this direction consisted of purchasing agricultural land, applying for jobs, saving money to take out a driving licence (which at that time cost Taka 1,500 including bribes) for baby taxis and buying rickshaws for renting. In 1985, more than 80 per cent of the rickshaw-pullers saw no future for their children, although all those with children desired education for them, so that they could find jobs in offices, garment industries and private organisations. In 2005, rickshaw-pullers had almost similar aspirations. As in 1985, no one in 2005 wanted to make a career out of rickshaw pulling. In 2005, the rickshaw-pullers were not as despondent as they were in 1985 about the future of their children. Fifty-four per cent were optimistic about their children’s future. The remaining 46 per cent were fatalistically dependent on Allah or did not think about their future.

Tokai (street children)

Introduction

A large proportion of the Dhaka city population in both 1985 and 2005 was below 18 years of age and hence children. Although children are the most valuable asset for any society, and efforts for their healthy development should be accorded the highest priority, in Dhaka city, a very substantial percentage at present waste their lives as labourers, forced to fend for themselves and their families from a tender age. Indeed, the growth of child labour is a recent phenomenon. Available historical 250 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 treatises on Dhaka city do not identify it even as a minor problem in the 19th and early 20th centuries. Even in the 1960s, it was not so rampant, but since independence, the working children were to be found everywhere, doing all kinds of backbreaking, hazardous and strenuous work. While poverty of the family was regarded as the main cause of child labour, other factors, such as broken families, death of parents and desertion and inhuman treatment at home also reinforced this situation. Generally, the word tokai refers to those children who collect leftovers from streets, dustbins and other places. The word tokai was coined by Ronobi, a famous cartoonist of Bangladesh. His “Tokai” cartoons showed how young children fell victim to poverty, squalor and insecurity at a time when life should have given them the very best of everything. Obviously, tokai are not beggars, prostitutes or criminals. They are now a significant part of the normal informal sector poor of Dhaka city. According to the Social Welfare Department, there were about 250,000 tokais in Dhaka city in 2005, and the percentage of tokais in the population had increased over the two decades.

General characteristics

As in 1985, the case study method was employed to investigate this group in 2005. The total number of tokais interviewed in 2005 was 50. Among them, 35 were male and 15 were female. In 1985, 58 per cent of tokais belonged to the 10–12 age group while in 2005, 63 per cent belonged to the 11–25 age group. The percentage of girls among the tokais was, as in 1985, far less than that of the boys. In both 1985 and 2005, more than 98 per cent of tokais were Muslims. In 1985, we encountered no married tokai. In 2005, 76 per cent of the tokais were unmarried, 16 per cent married and 8 per cent were widows. Among the married tokais about 10 per cent were female. Their husbands were day labourers, house servants, tokais and disabled men. According to selected informants, between 1985 and 2005, the percentage of teenager tokais had increased relative to small children, mainly for reasons of security. During this period, kidnapping of small children for forced organ transfer and blood transfusion and trafficking them across the border had increased. So, even parents and guardians who wanted to push their young children and wards into the streets for income earning had to exercise some caution. The same reason applied to girls, since they were far more vulnerable than boys. Since there were now older tokais in the streets, it was natural that some of them would be married, since there was a strong tendency among the extreme poor to get married early.

Districts of origin

In 1985, the main districts of origin of the tokais were Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka and Mymensingh. There has been a gradual change in the districts of origin of tokais over the two decades. In 2005, facilitated by better communications, the districts included the poverty pockets of Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Gaibandha, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Netrokona, Sherpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalgonj, Bhola, Pirojpur, Barguna and Chandpur.

Links with the village and Dhaka city

In 1985, 54 per cent of the tokais had been living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years. In 2005, about 42 per cent of tokais had been living in Dhaka for one to two year(s), 21 per cent for three to four years and 12 per cent for seven to nine years while 25 per cent were born in Dhaka. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 251

In 1985, 76 per cent came to Dhaka in search of work. Other reasons for coming to Dhaka were lack of shelter in the village, river erosion and fathers’ death. In 2005, the majority (55 per cent) of the tokais came to Dhaka due to economic hardship while 22 per cent were in search of work, 10 per cent came with parents, 9 per cent came to Dhaka because of river erosion and 4 per cent for business purposes. In 2005, 48 per cent of the tokais visited the village once or twice a year, 29 per cent only once and 24 per cent did not go at all. They visited their villages in order to meet both families and relatives. The link of tokais with the village has declined over the two decades.

Family characteristics

In both 1985 and 2005, 100 per cent of the fathers were from the informal sector working class, consisting of rickshaw-pullers, day labourers, agricultural workers, car drivers, house servants, street hawkers, and other manual workers. One hundred per cent of the mothers were homemakers, maidservants or in other manual jobs. In 1985, about 56 per cent were living with parents (one or both) and 21 per cent were living with brothers, sisters, uncles and cousins. The remaining 23 per cent were living on their own, unaccompanied by any adult. About 20 per cent had been deserted by their parents. In 2005, 60 per cent of tokais lived with their mothers, 30 per cent lived alone in the slums and the remaining 10 per cent lived with relatives and/or brothers, sisters and cousins. Only 16 per cent of the tokais were married in 2005. Sixty-two per cent of the married tokais had three to four children and 38 per cent had five to six children. Thus, the average number of children of ever-married tokais was four. We did not encounter married tokais in 1985.

Education

In 1985, 74 per cent were illiterate, about 26 per cent dropped out from school at different stages of primary education. In 2005, 52 per cent of the tokais had schooling between class I and class V and 48 per cent were illiterate.

Working conditions

In 1985, about 60 per cent of the tokais worked more than 10 hours a day. In 2005, 70 per cent of the tokais worked more than 10 hours a day while 30 per cent worked for less than 10 hours. Therefore, the percentage of tokais working for more than 10 hours a day had increased over the two decades In both 1985 and 2005, in order of importance, the tokais were engaged in collecting broken and unserviceable containers, small pieces of clothes, paper, plastic containers and selling flowers and eatables at traffic signal points. Some also cleaned cars and shined the shoes of passers-by. During the working hours, the tokais faced problems from police and mastans, on both years of the study.

Incomes, savings and expenditure

In 1985, 62 per cent of the tokais earned less than Taka 20 a day, 21 per cent earned between Taka 20 and 30 and only 13 per cent earned Taka 30 a day. Thus, the average income of the tokais per day was Taka 18. In 2005, 32 per cent of the tokais earned Taka 33–50, 26 per cent Taka 50–66, 252 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

24 per cent earned Taka 66–83, 10 per cent Taka 16–33 and 8 per cent earned Taka 133 a day. The average income of tokais in 2005 was Taka 40 per day. In 1985, the average income of tokai was just enough to purchase food for his/her family. In 2005, the average income of a tokai could barely purchase food for his/her family because of the soaring price of food. For example, in 1985, the price of coarse rice was Taka 6 per kg; while in 2005, it was Taka 16 per kilogram. In 1985, the average saving of a tokai was Taka 50 per month. In 2005, the monthly average saving of the tokais was Taka 100 per month.The methods of saving in both the years were, in order of importance, shopkeepers, samities and in terracotta piggy banks. In 1985, 87 per cent of the tokais spent their earnings for their family members. In 2005, 90 per cent of the tokais spent their earnings for their family members. That meant mainly buying food for their family members.

Food and clothing

In 2005, about 50 per cent of the tokais took a meal once a day and the remaining 50 per cent took two to three meals a day. Eighty per cent of tokais had only one outfit; 16 per cent had two outfits and 4 per cent had three outfits.

Involvement in organisations and political behaviour

In both 1985 and 2005, tokais did not have any organisation of their own. However, there has been a gradual change in the political behaviour of the tokais over the two decades. In 1985, they were used by the political parties without much financial benefit. Some inducement in the form of food (chocolate, tea) and a little cash were good enough. In return for this, they joined political meetings and processions, and at the behest of political leaders, even engaged in destructive activities, such as destruction of public property in order to enforce hartals. During the 1987 political disturbances against the Ershad regime, many of the throwers of “zarda pots” (explosives) were the tokais. After the restoration of democracy in 1991, political violence in the public space increased but this was mostly the work of armed cadres of student political parties and hired mastans. The involvement of tokais in the violence declined a little, but they continued to be used for political activities. At present, the situation was, therefore, somewhat different. In both 1985 and 2005, tokais had no direct involvement with or allegiance to any political parties. In 2005, different political parties could stll use them during political meetings, processions, demonstrations and hartals, but only in exchange of a pre-determined amount of cash.

Leisure activities

In 1985, 55 per cent of the tokais spent their leisure in playing different games. The others spent leisure, in order of importance, in watching TV, VCR and movies and flying kites. A few of them could sing popular film songs. Sometimes they visited children’s (shishu) parks. In 2005, in order of importance, spending time with friends, working at home, spending time with the family, listening to songs and seeing movies in the cinema were the main ways tokais enjoyed their leisure. Of those who listened to songs, film songs, band songs and folk songs were the favourites. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 253

Opinion on various issues

Family planning in 2005, the majority of the tokais (90 per cent) favoured family planning while only 10 per cent had a negative attitude towards family planning.

Economic system in 2005, 64 per cent of tokais preferred the welfare system. Twenty-four per cent liked an Islamic economic system and 12 per cent did not respond at all.

Security of the area in 2005, 56 per cent of tokais thought that the areas they lived and worked in were fully secured, while the remaining 44 per cent stated that they were not secured. The two groups they feared most were police constables and mastans, since they extorted money from them from time to time.

Problems of Dhaka city in 2005, 72 per cent of the tokais mentioned that essential commodities in Dhaka city were very expensive compared to the previous years. In their opinion, the main problems of Dhaka city, in order of importance, were inadequate number of schools for the poor, lack of electricity, scarcity of water, mosquitoes, traffic jams, crime, law and order and corruption among the police.

Future perspectives

In both 1985 and 2005, most tokais understood that as tokais they had no future. In 1985, 35 per cent thought that they could do nothing about it. On the other hand, 34 per cent wanted to rely on their own strength to improve the situation, but how they did not know. Nineteen per cent did not know the answer, and 10 per cent thought that credit-based income-generating programmes could solve their problems. In 2005, 48 per cent of the tokais wanted to attend school to improve their lot, 14 per cent wanted to have permanent jobs, 8 per cent would like to go into business, 4 per cent to become drivers and 26 per cent either did not respond at all or were fatalistically dependent on Allah for whatever happened to their lives. In both 1985 and 2005, all of them were highly dissatisfied with their conditions.

Hawkers

Introduction

Since the independence of the country, hawkers have emerged as a distinct group in the informal sector poor of Dhaka city. In 2006, there were about 130,000 hawkers in the metropolitan area of Dhaka city. Of them, 60,000 were permanent and 70,000 were seasonal (Morshed, 2006). They may also be divided into those who operate from the footpath or any other public space and those who sell their merchandise door-to-door in the residential areas of the city. The number in the second group had been dwindling over the years. This is generally a male-dominated profession and women had just started to enter it, and hence their presence was still hardly noticeable. The occupation of the footpath and other public space by the hawkers has been a controversial issue. According to one estimate, they were occupying 40 per cent of the 222 km of Dhaka streets (Morshed, 2006). Those who oppose it point out that it has made the life of the pedestrians miserable, and at the same time 254 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 contributed to traffic jams. Those taking the opposite view feel that eviction of a poor group of people such as the hawkers, which takes place quite frequently, is morally indefensible, unless they are rehabilitated in a proper location to continue with their trading activities. They also point out that a considerable amount of government land in Dhaka city is under the illegal occupation of the rich and the powerful. The DCC has provided space for the hawkers at several locations in the city but these hardly meet the needs of their growing numbers. In other words, like rickshaw-pullers, most hawkers are in business “illegally”, since there is no legal framework for them to operate in the urban areas.

General characteristics

There was no specific study on hawkers in 1985. The total number of hawkers interviewed in 2005 was 50. Fifty-six per cent of the hawkers belonged to the 19–35 age bracket, 20 per cent 10–18 years and 20 per cent 40 years or more. Only 4 per cent belonged to the 36–40 age group. In other words, about one-fifth of the hawkers of Dhaka city were children (i.e. 18 years and below) in 2005. According to selected respondents, there had been a considerable increase in the percentage of children hawkers over the two decades. The main reasons were river erosion, poverty, death and disability of parents, lack of employment and oppression at home. All the respondents were Muslims. Sixty-six per cent were married and 34 per cent unmarried. In 2005, women were also entering the hawking profession due to various gender-related “push” factors.

Districts of origin

In 1985, the main districts of origin were Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka and Mymensingh. There has been a significant change in the districts of origin of hawkers over the two decades. In 2005, the districts included Faridpur, Barisal, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Gaibandha, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Netrokona, Sherpur, Kishoregonj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalgonj, Bhola, Pirojpur, Barguna and Chandpur. These districts are noted for river erosion, floods and pockets of poverty.

Links with the village and Dhaka city

In 2005, more than half (56 per cent) of the hawkers had been living in Dhaka city for seven to ten years, 26 per cent for three to six years and 14 per cent for 11–15 years. Only 4 per cent were born in Dhaka city. The main reason for coming to Dhaka was economic hardship, i.e. poverty and unemployment (82 per cent) and pursuit of business (18 per cent). More than half (56 per cent) of the hawkers visited the village once or twice a year, 24 per cent only once and 20 per cent did not visit the village at all. The main purpose of their visits was meeting families and relatives.

Education

In 2005, 64 per cent of the hawkers had studied up to class V, 20 per cent were illiterate and 16 per cent studied up to class VI–X. Some change was noted among them regarding education due to the The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 255 awareness programmes launched by the government, non-government organisations (NGOs) and clubs in recent years. At present, some child hawkers attend schools before or after work.

Family characteristics

Fifty-two per cent of the wives lived in villages. About 78 per cent lived in nuclear families. More than half (54 per cent) of the married hawkers had three or four children, 28 per cent one or two, 12 per cent five or six and 6 per cent had six or more. Thus, the average number of children per ever- married hawker was 2.5, which was above the government’s family planning norm. Seventy per cent of the fathers of hawkers studied were illiterate, while 30 per cent were educated from class I up to class X. The occupations of the fathers of the hawkers were landless and near landless agriculturists (day labourers, sharecroppers and small farmers) 40 per cent, petty business 32 per cent, rickshaw-pulling 14 per cent and petty jobs 6 per cent.

Housing conditions

In 2005, less than 50 per cent of the hawkers lived with their immediate families in Dhaka city, usually in slums or rented rooms. Two to three persons lived in a room and each one of them had to pay Taka 200–500 per month.

Working conditions

In 2005, 86 per cent of the hawkers worked for more than 10 hours a day and 14 per cent for 4–6 hours a day. During working hours, they faced harassment and hassles from mastans, police and low-level political workers of the ruling political party. The main recipients of the illegal collections were, in order of importance, police through the linesmen, local leaders and mastans. Sometimes, these people beat the hawkers and snatched away their merchandise. Female hawkers, in addition, faced sexual harassment.

Income, saving and expenditure

In 2005, the average monthly income of hawkers was Taka 4,000. Most of the expenditure was on meeting basic needs such as food, shelter and clothing. More than half the hawkers could not save money every month; less than 50 per cent saved up to Taka 100 per month and most of them deposited their savings with the insurance companies, scheduled banks, local samities or in piggy banks. The expansion of population and area of Dhaka city, together with increased transaction in the market place, were responsible for an increase in their incomes.

Political behaviour and involvement in organisations

In 2005, 90 per cent of the hawkers were not directly involved in politics. The remaining 10 per cent were supporters of various political parties. Most of them were not politically conscious, and they attended political meetings without any cash incentive, time permitting. They had about 60 samities or organisations (cooperatives) of their own, based on their individual profession or area. However, they could not organise themselves officially as a trade union because the Department of Labour refused to register them as such. They thought that their demands could be met and harassments minimised through their samities or organisations. They regularly paid a membership 256 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 fee (chanda) to keep their samities or organisations active. They did not face any serious eviction problems at the time of this interview because there was a political government in power. However, according to selected respondents, they nevertheless had to “earn” this protection from the police, lower-level ruling political party workers and mastans through the cash nexus.

Leisure activities

The majority of the hawkers spent their leisure with their family members, followed by listening to songs and watching TV programmes and movies. The remaining hawkers spent their leisure by working at home. Seventy per cent listened to songs in their leisure time. They preferred cinema songs, band music and rural folk music (bhatiali and other types of polligiti). They preferred movies, which were mostly Bangla or Hindi “fighting”/social films. At present, some of them were able to purchase television, radio, VCD and VCR, since these were available at a cheaper price and they did not want to spend much time in the cinemas. They also played cards and other games and visited parks. Sometimes, they hired VCD/VCR at cheap rates to watch films.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning ninety per cent of hawkers were in favour of adopting family planning, while only 10 per cent against.

Economic system Sixty-four per cent of the hawkers wanted a welfare-oriented economic system, 24 per cent liked the Islamic system and 12 per cent did not respond at all.

Problems of Dhaka city Seventy-two per cent of the hawkers thought that the prices of essential commodities in Dhaka city had increased tremendously. Other problems identified by them, in order of importance, were inadequate number of schools for the poor, scarcity of electricity, gas and water, mosquitoes, traffic jams, crime, declining law and order and police corruption.

Future prospects

Sixty-four per cent of the hawkers wanted to start a small business in future, while 20 per cent would try to find an office job. Others stated that they saved money to buy land in their village homes. The majority of them did not like their present occupation because the work was arduous; and the hawkers had to bribe the police, DCC officials and politicalmastans on a regular basis for carrying on with their work

Domestic servants

Introduction

Domestic or house servants are now a common feature of lower middle to rich households of Dhaka city. They are no longer referred to as chakors (servants) but as kajerlok (helping hands or simply working persons). There are generally two kinds of domestic servants in Dhaka city, the part-timers and the full-timers. The former, usually drawn from urban slums and squatter settlements, work in The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 257 more than one house, spending two to three hours per house, and doing chores like floor scrubbing, washing and ironing clothes, cleaning pots and plates and cooking food. The latter, usually from rural areas, live on the premises of the employer’s house and do all kinds of household chores including outside work like purchasing various commodities from the local markets. Sometimes, several servants (full-time or part- and full-time in combination) are employed on the basis of some kind of a division of labour. In a typical situation, a young male servant would perform the outside work, as well as odd jobs within the house, while the maidservant would be responsible for cooking and childcare. No proper estimate on the number of domestic servants in Dhaka city exists. Extrapolating from a joint study by UNDP and Planning Commission, we estimated that in 1975, there were perhaps around 100,000 domestic servants (part- and full-time) in Dhaka city. The figure rose to about 231,000 in 1985. Our estimate of house servants for 2005 would be 500,000. According to James Taylor (1849), there were two kinds of domestic servants in Dhaka city in the first half of the 19th century, namely slaves and free agents. The male slaves were known as bhandari if Hindu and gulam if Muslim. Similarly, the female slaves were known as dashi and bandi respectively. Almost all female servants in both Hindu and Muslim families were slaves. In Muslim households, female slaves were generally cooks while in Hindu households they were rarely used for this purpose, perhaps because of caste considerations. Male servants were used generally for work outside the house. A male slave was made a husband of a number of female slaves but in real life, it was the master who enjoyed female slaves sexually, and make-believe marriages were arranged simply to cover up such clandestine sexual relationships. However, according to Taylor, masters were generally kind to the slaves, who were allowed many facilities. For example, sometimes children of slaves were allowed to be educated along with the master’s own children. However, many masters were reputed for selling female slaves to brothels. Taylor also reports of slaves running away from masters and taking advantage of the anti-slavery law introduced by the British at that time. He also mentions slave revolts. It would, therefore, seem to contradict his earlier observation of “kindness” shown by masters towards their slaves. Around 1850, slavery was on the decline, but slave trade was still prevalent, the prices of female and male slaves being Rupees 100 and Rupees 50 respectively. Slaves were not generally paid any remuneration in cash. The main reason for entry into slavery was the dire poverty of the common people. It was thus in times of famine, which were quite frequent, that parents sold their children, perhaps for just a handful of rice. Taylor divided free agents among domestic servants into four categories based on cash salaries received. These are shown in Table 8.1. In addition, all servants were provided with clothes, accommodation, food, betel leaf and tobacco. They were generally full-time servants, doing all kinds of household chores such as cooking, washing, scrubbing, cleaning, fetching water, serving food, drinks and filling thehookah (smoking pipe). The third and fourth categories were generally women, whose salaries were lower

Table 8.1 Income of servants in Dhaka city, 1803–1837

Annual salary in Rupees Category of domestic servant 1803 1837 First category 12 24 Second category 9 18 Third category 6 15 Fourth category 3 12 258 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 than those of male servants. At that time, 40 kg of ordinary rice cost Rupees 0.850. In other words, a first category house servant earned in 1837 about 94.0 kg of ordinary rice per month. In 1985, there was no specific legislation regulating the employment of domestic servants and their working conditions. However, under-age employment was prevented by the Children Act of 1974, and cruelty, in terms of physical beating and torture, was prevented under the Bangladesh Penal Code. Slavery was, of course, banned by law a long time ago. In 2005, a new piece of legislation, namely the Suppression of Violence against Women and Children Act, 2000, was put in place in order to address the problems faced by vulnerable women and children. Legislation on minimum wages, for whatever these were worth, existed only for the formal sector, and for agricultural labourers in the informal sector. However, in neither 1985 nor 2005 did these laws provide the due protection they were required to. However, during the two decades, cruelty and ill- treatment to domestic servants were highlighted by both the media and the NGO community, and as such it is possible that the law enforcing authorities might have acted a little more proactively in extreme cases of cruelty to female and child domestic servants. Information on domestic servants in 2005 was obtained from two sources, (a) the GHS and (b) case studies. Fifty respondents were selected from different places of Dhaka city for case studies.

General characteristics

The case studies reveal that in 2005, about 26 per cent of the maidservants belonged to the 15–18 age group. About 28 per cent were from the 19–30 age group. Thirty-two per cent were within the age range 31–50 years. About 14 per cent were above 51 years. However, according to the GHS, the percentages of children among house servants in 1985 and 2005 were respectively 24 and 32. Since the household survey consisted of a much larger sample, we may easily infer that the percentage of children in this occupation has definitely registered an increase over the two decades, which is bad news for both poverty alleviation and child rights. In 1985, the percentage of females among servants in Dhaka city was 70. In 2005, this figure increased to 80. In other words, over the two decades, this occupation had become the main preserve of women and children, who were far more vulnerable to exploitation and it was also easier for employers to get away with harsh treatment to women and children. In addition, parents and husbands of these maidservants encouraged such employment for earning additional income (see also Jahan, Selim, 1989). In 1985, about 72 per cent of the maidservants were unmarried, 19 per cent were married and only 1 per cent was divorced. On the other hand, in 2005, 30 per cent of maidservants were widows, 26 per cent were married, 16 per cent were divorced or living separated from the spouses and only 28 per cent were unmarried. The increasing rate of divorce among the maidservants over the two decades was quite consistent with the general increase in the rate of divorce in the society as a whole and among the poor, in particular. There was also a tremendous social “pressure” on poor women to get married as early as possible because it was considered a “shame” if a young female remained unmarried for long, and this perhaps made them sell rather “cheap” on the marriage market. Finally, the pressure for dowry had increased over the two decades. Indeed, if the dowry commitment was not fulfilled, it led to much cruelty to the wife. All these factors contributed to such high rates of their divorce and abandonment. About 98–100 per cent of them were Muslims in both 1985 and 2005. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 259

Family characteristics

The average number of children per-ever married domestic servant was four in 1985 and 3.5 in 2005 respectively. In 2005, about 46 per cent of the respondents came from joint families, 50 per cent from nuclear families, and 4 per cent all by themselves. Over the two decades, the percentage of nuclear families had increased among the domestic servants. In both years, more than 50 per cent of the spouses and children lived in the villages.

Districts of origin

In 1985, the home districts of house servants were, in order of importance, Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Comilla and Noakhali. In 2005, all the respondents came from different districts of the country other than Dhaka. Only a few of them (about 4 per cent) grew up in Dhaka city. About 36 per cent of the respondents came from greater Mymensingh district, 20 per cent from Pabna district and 12 per cent from Barisal. The next in importance were Bogra and Noakhali (8 per cent from each of the districts). Rangpur, Comilla, Khulna, Bagerhat, Tangail and Rajbari were next in importance (2 per cent from each district). Thus, while Dhaka had been dropped from the list of supplier districts over the two decades, not only did districts noteworthy in 1985 still appear on the 2005 list but it had expanded to include some new districts, such as Mymensingh, Rangpur, Bagerhat, Tangail, Khulna and Bogra.

Table 8.2 Employment of domestic servants in Dhaka city (full-time/part-time servants*), 1985–2005 based on the GHS

Type of servants 1985 2005 Number of part-time male servants 115 113 Number of part-time female servants 743 984 Number of full-time male servants 328 190 Number of full-time female servants 983 1,614 Per HH number of part-time servants 0.29 0.22 Per-HH number of full-time servants 0.44 0.35 Percentage of female servants 70 80 Percentage servants of age 18 years and below 24 32 Note: The total number of HH for 1985 was 2960. In 1985, only 564 HH actually employed part-time servants and only 1,179 HH actually employed full-time servants. In 2005, the total number of HH was 5,074. Of them, only 932 HH employed part-time servants while 1,356 HH employed full-time servants.

How does one explain this trend beyond the impact of poverty, unemployment, river erosion, floods and monga and social push factors, such as ill-treatment by step-parents, divorce and abandonment by husbands and parents? First, improvement of communications between Dhaka and pockets of poverty in the country had its impact. Second, the absolute demand for house servants continued to be high given the rising population in Dhaka city, although the per-household number of servants came down from 0.73 to 0.57 between 1985 and 2005 (see Tables 8.2, 8.3 and 8.4). Third, there was a tendency for households to pick up servants from the home village or the village of a close relative, in order to ensure greater control over them. 260 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Zone-wise distribution of house servants in Dhaka city

While both part-time and full-time servants increased on a per HH basis for Zone 4, the most affluent area, over the two decades, it had clearly declined for the lower middle class Zone 1 and Zone 3 during the same period. In fact, this decline in the lower middle class zones was quite sharp in case of full-time servants. For middle class Zone 2, while the per-HH number of full-time servants had declined over the two decades, it had increased slightly in case of part-time servants.

Table 8.3 Per HH number of part-time servants, zone-wise, 1985–2005 based on GHS

Zone 1985 2005 Zone 1 0.49 0.21 Zone 2 0.19 0.21 Zone 3 0.23 0.19 Zone 4 0.22 0.55 All city 0.29 0.22

Table 8.4 Per HH number of full-time servants, zone-wise, 1985–2005 based on GHS

Zone 1985 2005 Zone 1 0.29 0.24 Zone 2 0.51 0.41 Zone 3 0.27 0.23 Zone 4 0.60 0.61 All city 0.44 0.33

Three major factors may have contributed to the decline in the per-household employment of servants in Dhaka city. First, the garment industry provided the potential servants (mostly females) with an alternative source of employment. This opportunity was not prominent in 1985. Second, the household technology and management had improved (for example, running water, gas, electricity, modern cooking gadgets, refrigerators and homemaker-friendly provision stores) for many households to manage their domestic affairs without the aid of servants. Third, many middle and lower middle class households could no longer afford to employ servants.

Links with the village and Dhaka city

According to selected respondents, in both the years, the percentage of recent arrivals to Dhaka city (i.e. less than ten years) was high and increasing. The main reasons for coming to Dhaka city in both the years were poverty and social insecurity. In 1985, the vast majority of the domestic servants maintained close links with their respective villages since their immediate families lived there and consequently, they sent money to them regularly. In 2005 also, most of them (about 74 per cent) maintained close contacts with their villages mainly for two reasons. First, most husbands and children of married maidservants were living in the village and receiving money from the city-employed women. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 261

Second, the parents of younger respondents also mostly lived in the villages; generally, they collected the money directly from the employers. These young persons were mostly working as maidservants to help their families and raise the dowry money. They visited their village homes twice or more times in a year to meet their parents and relatives. Some maidservants (12 per cent) maintained their contact over the telephone. Only about 14 per cent of the respondents claimed to have no contact with their villages.

Education

In 1985, 86 per cent were illiterate and the rest had attended primary school for a while. In 2005, about 78 per cent of the respondents reported that they were illiterate, 12 per cent had studied up to the primary level and 10 per cent could only write their names. This suggested only a slight educational improvement over the two decades.

Economic condition

The maidservants working in Dhaka city generally lived a poor and helpless life in their village homes. As they were now receiving some cash income, clothes and other facilities in Dhaka city, they were somewhat better off. In 1985, the average salary of a full-time maidservant was about Taka 230. This meant about 26 kg of rice (at the rate of Taka 9 per kg). In 2005, 74 per cent earned a monthly salary within the range, Taka 1,050–1,600 and only 22 per cent received more than Taka 1,650 monthly, whereas only 4 per cent received more than Taka 3,050. One of the respondents did not receive any money for her work. She worked for free food and lodging. The average monthly salary of a maidservant was Taka 1,200 in 2005, and it translated into about 75 kg of rice (at the rate of Taka 16 per kg). This shows a considerable increase in their real income. However, house rents had enormously increased in Dhaka city over the two decades even for those who lived in the worst slums. Therefore, these full-time maidservants would not have been able to save much money to send home, even if they were earning twice as much but had to rent their own housing and pay for their own food. However, those domestic servants who were unmarried and had free food and lodging could save up to Taka 500 per month. In both the years, they either sent whatever they had saved home or kept it aside for their dowry.

Reasons for taking up this work

In 1985, ever-married women, working in Dhaka city as maidservants, were mostly widows, abandoned by their husbands, divorcees, parentless or the only earning members of the family. The aged people were working as domestic servants because their children did not look after them. The young girls worked to help their parents and also because their employers had promised to help them with the dowry at their wedding. According to the domestic servants, in 2005, the main reasons for choosing this occupation were poverty (70 per cent), and marital condition, i.e. being a widow, abandoned or a divorcee (28 per cent), and others (2 per cent). Thus, the same conditions propelled people into this occupation in both years.

Behaviour of employers towards domestic servants

In 1985, we distinguished employers’ behaviour towards domestic servants into three categories: (a) tolerable or good behaviour; (b) average behaviour (general negligence, callousness and denial 262 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 of the basic human needs, such as hygienic place to live in, minimum medical care, provision of winter clothes, rest and recreation, low quantity and poor quality of food provided); and (c) bad behaviour (i.e. suspension or non-payment of salaries, abusive language, physical beating and torture, forcible sexual intercourse, obnoxious workload and confinement). According to this categorisation, in 1985, 56 per cent of employers behaved tolerably, 16 per cent behaved in an average way and 28 per cent behaved badly. In 2005, according to 74 per cent of the maidservants, their working environment was good or tolerable in their work place. They were having free food and shelter, security, and other facilities of urban life, such as television, telephone and refrigerator-cooled water. Their employers were also good and sensible, and they took care of them during their sickness. Fourteen per cent reported average behaviour, while 12 per cent of the respondents complained of bad behaviour of the employers. In addition, they were required to do extremely hard work, with little rest and no freedom, and all these made their lives miserable. In terms of income, facilities enjoyed and behaviour encountered, a significant difference was noted not only between 1985 and 2005, but also between well-off Zone 4 and lower-middle class Zone 3. The maidservants generally enjoyed a better deal in the prosperous areas. The lower- middle class employers could not afford to provide good salaries and facilities. Also, in these areas, the domestic servants were sometimes tied to their masters and mistresses through dependency relationships originating in the village. Thus, they were able to procure maidservants from rural families who were their wage labourers, sharecroppers and debtors, and hence they had greater liberty to deal with them as they pleased. On the other hand, as gathered from selected respondents, in the richer households, in both 1985 and 2005, seduction (but not rape) of maidservants by the household head or his grown- up sons was not uncommon through “payments, presents and promises”. In addition, over the two decades, the general moral code had changed with greater access of the maidservants to the electronic media with predominantly permissive values, a larger percentage of divorcees, abandoned women and widows among them and mostly unhappy marriages that some of them were locked in. Why has there been a change in the employers’ behaviour towards maidservants over the two decades? First, the demand−supply situation regarding maidservants had changed somewhat in favour of the maidservants owing to the growth of the garment industry. With an alternative employment at hand, one need not now take bad behaviour and beatings lying down. Second, in particularly households where both husbands and wives were working, dependence on the maidservant was particularly high for looking after young children or for general upkeep of the household, and as such, bad behaviour with the maidservant could be ill afforded. Third, there have been thousands of reports on the plight of maidservants in the popular press during the twenty years, both in general as well as on specific cases. Some of these reports, no doubt, led to and facilitated police prosecutions and convictions in the courts of law. Finally, some of the NGOs also campaigned in favour of maidservants and made some impact on the behaviour of the employers. However, even in enlightened households known for good behaviour, certain “caste-like” attitudes did not thaw over the two decades. Thus, the servant never sat on a sofa or chair, but squatted on the floor. S/he would not generally use the same toilet. She or he would in many houses use a separate glass to drink water and a separate plate to eat food from. In certain households, her/his food would also be cooked separately. This indeed contrasted sharply with teachings of both Islam and “secular liberalism” to which the city elite owed its formal allegiance. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 263

Employers’ assessment of domestic servants

As in 1985, employers with grown-up boys in 2005 did not generally want to employ adolescent girls. Their choice was elderly women without children. However, in general, girls were preferred to boys when cooking and baby-sitting became important among the household chores. In addition, girls were easier to discipline than boys. Young boys were preferred if there was a demand for running errands outside the house. In both 1985 and 2005, there was a high turnover of servants, and it was rarely that a maidservant remained in the household for more than a year. Marriage was one important reason, although there was every chance that this escape route would end up in regular beatings by the husband, abandonment and divorce, and yet the social stigma of not having been married after a certain age continued to drive them into it. In 2005, they were clamouring for a formal sector job (for example as a class IV employee), and only this promise by the employers could make them work with full sincerity. In both 1985 and 2005, the house servants never kept their promises; for example, they would turn up from vacation, with lame excuses, many days after the promised date. In both the years, some of them were untrustworthy, neglected work, engaged in pilferage and gossiped or quarrelled with other maidservants. In 2005, one additional criticism was the collusion between some servants and crime gangs. In both 1985 and 2005, most of them were not interested in education, marriage being far preferable. In 2005, most employers were extra careful not to punish them physically, as it might lead to legal complications. Generally, they raised their voices, or at worst used abusive language or dismissed them from service when they had crossed all limits. However, according to selected respondents, physical punishments and bad behaviour continued even if to a lesser extent, particularly in lower middle class neighbourhoods. Unlike in 1985, no one among the employers in 2005 said that maidservants were a hopeless, lazy and ingrate lot, with incorrigible habits and traits.

Working hours

In 1985, the majority of the full-timers worked 9–15 hours a day, while part-timers worked for 6–9 hours a day. This remained unchanged in 2005.

Leisure activities

In both 1985 and 2005, their main ways of spending leisure were watching TV, listening to songs (TV/film and folk songs) or gossiping with the other domestic servants when they got some leisure. Other forms of recreation were visiting relatives and friends, going to parks and watching movies in the cinemas. Nowadays, most maidservants are unwilling to work in houses where they have no access to TV. Compared to 1985, access to recreation had certainly increased for this group of people. 264 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Organisation and political behaviour

The domestic servants had no organisation of their own in either 1985 or 2005. They were not politically conscious and their voting was influenced generally by cash, threat and persuasion offered by political parties, male members of the family, matbars, mastans and employers.

Opinion on various issues

Family planning in 2005, 88 per cent favoured family planning and only 12 per cent opposed it. In practice, most respondents did not adhere to the family planning norm set by the government.

Economic system in 2005, 60 per cent expressed no opinion on this matter, since they either did not know about it or they did not care to know about it. Twenty-four per cent of the respondents preferred an Islamic economic system. The remaining 16 per cent were divided between the welfare system and the mixed economy.

Problems of Dhaka city in 2005, their opinions on the problems of Dhaka city could be ranked as follows:

• soaring prices of essential commodities; • unemployment and poverty; • political unrest, different crimes; • insufficient gas, water and electricity; • dishonesty of government officials; • waterlogging on the roads.

Perspectives on the immediate future

In both 1985 and 2005, most unmarried maidservants wanted to get married and start a new life. In both the years, the most desired occupations of the would-be husbands were driver, office messenger, factory worker and such other formal sector employment. However, the reality was that in most cases, they ended up marrying poor men working in the informal sector. Divorcees or widows wanted to raise their children properly. About 42 per cent of the maidservants in 1985 and 38 per cent in 2005 thought that no change would take place in their lives. In both years, a small percentage of them hoped to go into business in their village. In both 1985 and 2005, no one among the maidservants wanted to continue this work for her whole life.

Perspectives on old age, 2005

In 2005, about 54 per cent hoped to spend their old age as dependents of their children. Fourteen per cent did not have any old age plan. Another 16 per cent hoped to be solvent or self-dependent. About 12 per cent wanted government help and 4 per cent were afraid that they would die on the streets abandoned by society, their families and friends. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 265

Poor female household heads

Introduction

Poor female household heads comprise a highly vulnerable section of the informal sector poor. It was studied in both 1985 and 2005. In 1985, a suitable checklist was used to obtain information from 75 respondents located in different parts of the city. In 2005, about 51 respondents were selected, also from different areas of Dhaka city, and a similar checklist was used.

General characteristics

In 1985, 83 per cent of the women selected were between 20 and 50 years old. In 2005, about 70 per cent of the total respondents were within the 20–50 age bracket, 27 per cent were 51–60 years and 3 per cent were over 60 years. Over 90 per cent of the respondents in both the years were illiterate, and almost 100 per cent were Muslims.

Family characteristics

In both 1985 and 2005, the majority of the families of respondents were nuclear, but there were also a considerable number of other relatives were living with them. In 1985 and 2005, the average family size was respectively 2.96 and 2.92. The average number of children per ever-married respondent was around three in both years. In 1985, 53 per cent were widows, 20 per cent were separated or abandoned, 20 per cent were married and living with husbands and 7 per cent were divorced. In 2005, 24 per cent were married but either abandoned by husbands or husbands were disabled, 62 per cent were widows and 14 per cent were divorcees. In both the years, a considerable percentage of these women had married more than once.

Districts of origin

In 1985, the districts from where they originated were in order of importance the greater districts of Barisal, Faridpur, Mymensingh, Comilla and other areas of the country. Other areas included Rajshahi and Khulna Divisions. In 2005, more or less the same pattern prevailed. In both the years, they mostly came from areas affected by natural disasters, such as floods, river erosion and cyclones. Therefore, it was mainly push factors such as poverty and gender oppression, augmented by natural disasters that drove them out of the village.

Links with the village and Dhaka city

In 1985, only 28 per cent of the poor female heads of HH came on their own to Dhaka city in search of a livelihood, while the remaining 72 per cent accompanied husbands and relatives. In 2005, 51 per cent came to Dhaka city in search of a livelihood, unaccompanied by any male adult. In 1985, 50 per cent interviewed had come within the last ten years. In 2005, 47 per cent had arrived in Dhaka within the last ten years. In 1985, 80 per cent had little or no contact with the village. In 2005, only 51 per cent had close contacts with their villages and they sent money to their village homes. 266 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Occupation, 1985−2005

The respondents were engaged in different work in the informal sector in order to maintain their lives. Their main occupational activities were as shown in Table 8.5.

Table 8.5 Occupation of female heads of households

Percentage of respondents Main occupation 1985 2005 Tailors – 4 Maids 43 39 Beggars 19 20 Kabiraji (practice of herbal medicine) – 4 Petty businesspersons 13 16 Labourers (brick breaking) 11 7 Cooks (in mess) 4 4 Formal sector manual workers 5 – Unemployed 22 – Rentiers – 6

In both the years, most respondents started their life as a homemaker but were forced by circumstances to seek whatever employment the informal sector offered. Compared to 1985 when 22 per cent were completely unemployed, we did not come across any unemployment in 2005. Other than that, there was remarkable similarity between the two years in the major occupations (i.e. maids, beggars and petty business).

Working conditions

In 2005, according to 63 per cent of the respondents, the working environment was good and the rest of them complained about the bad environment. In both the years, they got jobs through their relatives, colleagues and neighbours or by visiting door to door. In 2005, 16 per cent of respondents reported that they had to work up to 12 hours daily, whereas 59 per cent reported that they worked up to 7–9 hours daily. Twenty-five per cent did not have any specific time of work. The respondents complained about the following job-related problems, in order of importance:

• too high a workload • temporary nature of work • ill-treatment by employers • wages not up to expectations • irregular receipt of wages.

Housing

In 1985, 74 per cent lived on government and semi-government land, mostly under the Construction & Buildings Department but paying no rent. However, they were under the constant threat of eviction. The remaining 26 per cent had to pay rent for the land they were occupying. Their living The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 267 place consisted of makeshift structures, made of bamboo, jute sacking and plastic paper. Flooding, lack of water, electricity, gas, harassment by police, touts, miscreants and landowners and the poor structures made their accommodation unlivable. In 2005, 100 per cent of the respondents were living in rented slum dwellings, since there were very few vacant pieces of land. Ten per cent were living in semi-pucca houses and 90 per cent were living in katcha houses. According to most respondents, conditions in and around their houses were most unhygienic, lacking in gas, water and electricity.

Education of children

In 1985, 98 per cent of the children had never gone to any school and were illiterate. In 2005, children of about 67 per cent of respondents did not attend any school and were illiterate. Ten per cent were enrolled in government schools, 3 per cent studied in non-government schools, 13 per cent attended NGO schools and 7 per cent were in madrasas. Thus, despite some improvement over the years, a lot more needed to be done.

Access to medical and family planning services

In both 1985 and 2005, female HHH had no access to government medical and family planning services and they could not afford private medical care. Some of them went to fakirs and moulovis to obtain pani para (healing water). In 2005, they visited government hospitals and children, relatives and neighbours looked after them during sickness. However, they had to purchase medicines from the shops since government hospitals generally provided them only with a prescription. However, they did not receive any family planning services even in 2005.

Economic condition

In 1985, 55 per cent of female HHH earned Taka 100–300 per month, 27 per cent Taka 300–500 and 16 per cent Taka 500–600. The average monthly income in 1985 was Taka 350. In 2005, the monthly income of 77 per cent of the respondents was Taka 1,000–3,000, 14 per cent earned Taka 3,000–5,000, 5 per cent earned Taka 5,000–9,000, and 4 per cent above Taka 9,000. The average monthly family income was Taka 2,810. It was obvious that real incomes had improved over the two decades even for the female-headed households in the informal sector. The main expenditure of the respondents in both the years was food, followed by accommodation and clothing. In 1985, they had no savings. In 2005, about 63 per cent reported that they could save some money every month.

Sources of loans

In 1985, their main sources of loan were neighbours, landlords, relatives and friends. In 2005, NGO samities had emerged as an additional source of credit, next only to the neighbours and landlords.

Organisation and political behaviour

In 1985, there was no one among the respondents who belonged to any organisation. In 2005, only 13 per cent of the respondents were involved in NGO-organised credit societies. The remaining 268 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

87 per cent had no affiliation with any organisation. Most of them were not politically conscious in either 1985 or 2005. Their voting in different elections was influenced by cash, threats and persuasion of matbars, male members of the family, employers and mastans of political parties.

Leisure activities

In 1985, the main sources of recreation for the respondents were gossiping and visiting friends and relatives. In 2005, they were watching TV in houses of known people and relatives, gossiping and visiting friends and relatives.

Opinion on various issues, 2005

Family planning eighty-six per cent favoured family planning, 7 per cent opposed it and the remaining 7 per cent did not respond.

Economic system Sixty-two per cent did not respond on this matter, mostly because they could not comprehend the question. Twenty per cent wanted an Islamic economic system. The remaining 18 per cent wanted a welfare system.

Problems of Dhaka city in order of importance, the poor transport system, lack of gas, water and electricity, traffic congestion and unsuitable housing conditions of the poor were the main problems of Dhaka city.

Main problems of their lives

In order of importance, the main problems of their lives were lack of proper accommodation, poor income, lack of money for dowry, rising prices of daily necesities, unemployment and lack of guardians.

Future perspectives

In 1985, the vast majority had no expectations about their lives, nor did they nurture any hope for their children’s future. In 2005, 74 per cent thought that there would be no change in their lives or did not even think about their future. The remaining 26 per cent hoped for better economic conditions, with some of them having houses of their own. However, the majority hoped that their children would be able to enjoy a secure, solvent life. In 2005, in order of importance, during old age, most of the respondents would like to depend on their children, savings, relatives/anyone else and government help, in that order. A small percentage had no idea as to what might happen to them in old age.

Summary of the main findings

Age

The percentage of working children among the informal sector poor generally showed an increase over the two decades for the same reasons observed for children among the formal sector poor. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 269

In the case of child rickshaw-pullers, there was an increase in absolute number, but in terms of percentage, a slight decline was noted. In the case of tokais, very young children were somewhat replaced by teenagers because of security reasons.

Gender, religion and marital status

Some occupations remained male dominated over the 20 years for various reasons, such as hard and arduous work in the case of rickshaw-pullers and hawkers and greater risks for girls in being tokais. On the other hand, in the case of domestic servants, further feminisation took place during this period since this fitted very well with the traditional gender division of labour and occupations and a greater percentage of women had slid into extreme poverty. Consistent with the overall demographic trend, the overwhelming majority were Muslims in both the years. Between 1985 and 2005, the marital status shifted from being unmarried to married and from married to being divorced, widowed and separated, in keeping with greater abandonment and divorce among the extremely poor during the two decades.

Districts of origin

The change in the districts of origin varied as follows between 1985 and 2005:

• Rickshaw-pullers: in 1985, most rickshaw-pullers came from Faridpur, Comilla, Mymensingh and Noakhali; in 2005, it was Rangpur, Bogra, Barisal and Faridpur. • Tokais: in 1985, Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka and Mymensingh were the principal suppliers. In 2005, the districts included Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Gaibandha, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Netrakona, Sherpur, Kishoreganj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Bhola, Perojpur, Barguna and Chandpur. • Hawkers: in 1985, the districts were Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka and Mymensingh. In 2005, the districts supplying hawkers were Faridpur, Barisal, Mymensingh, Jamalpur, Gaibandha, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Netrakona, Sherpur, Kishoreganj, Shariatpur, Madaripur, Gopalganj, Bhola, Perojpur, Barguna and Chandpur. • Domestic servants: in 1985, the districts consisted of Faridpur, Barisal, Dhaka, Comilla and Noakhali. In 2005, Mymensingh, Rangpur, Bagerhat, Tangail, Khulna and Bogra were added to the 1985 list. • Poor female-headed HH: in 1985, Barisal, Faridpur, Mymensingh and Comilla were the districts from where most poor female-headed HH came; in 2005, more or less the same pattern was apparent.

Thus, areas in Bangladesh prone to floods, river erosion and cyclones tended to be the main sources of the informal sector poor of Dhaka city in both the years. Perhaps because of improved transport and communications during this period, the supply areas from far and wide increased. Thus, in both 1985 and 2005, poverty remained the most important push factor for the flow of these people to Dhaka city. However, to these were added the additional debilitating factors for children and women. 270 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Education

In both 1985 and 2005, the domestic servants and poor female household heads remained at the bottom of the ladder among the informal sector poor educationally. Among the male-dominated informal occupations, while illiteracy declined, it was replaced by at best semi-literacy, but the change had occurred rather slowly and in a situation of deteriorating quality of education. This happened for a number of reasons. First, poverty did not allow the extreme poor to take advantage of the substantial educational opportunities opened during the two decades, since there were many expenses beyond fees and books and also because they were required to work for the family. Second, girls from extremely poor families were further discriminated educationally because of perverse traditions and values militating against them. Third, in both government and non-government schools, education meant only construction of building and formal enrolment of students. Little attention was given to factors affecting the quality of education delivered, such as regular attendance of students, high teacher quality, improvement in the course and curriculum, provision of free school lunch programmes, appropriate classroom environments, good school management and low dropout rates.

Family characteristics

The nuclear family norm had increased among the informal sector poor over recent years and it had become the dominant norm in 2005 due to the pressure of poverty. The vast majority among the informal sector poor came from the lowest class in the rural areas. Among the majority of the informal poor, spouses and children lived in the village, mainly because of extremely poor housing conditions in Dhaka city. The average number of children among the ever-married informal sector poor remained high in both the years, that is, above the norm set by the government. The main explanation for this trend was persistence of a strong son-preference, low quality of education, the prevailing notion of children as old-age insurance, early marriage of girls, a fatalistic interpretation of religion and lack of government effort for a door-to-door family planning service.

Links with Dhaka city and the village

The percentage of recent arrivals in Dhaka city (i.e. living in Dhaka city for less than 10 years) was high in both years and was on the increase. The main reasons for migrating to Dhaka city in both the years were poverty, unemployment and social insecurity. Visits to the village had increased over the years except for the tokais. The main reason for the visits was to look after the immediate family, relatives and property.

Economic conditions

The range of monthly nominal income for the informal sector poor in 2005 was between Taka 5,000 (rickshaw-pullers) and Taka 1,200 (tokais), whereas for the formal sector poor, it was between Taka 8,740 (hospital workers) and Taka 2,200 (hotel workers). Moreover, informal sector income was irregular and uncertain, and involved arduous manual labour. In addition, the formal sector poor enjoyed extra benefits, both legal and illegal, much more than the informal sector poor. However, the real income, i.e. nominal income deflated by food prices alone, had increased for all segments of the informal sector poor between 1985 and 2005. In both years, the main areas of expenditure The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 271 were food, housing and clothing. A small amount of savings became possible, and this was meant for members of the immediate family living in the village, and for women, additionally to raise the dowry for their own marriage or the marriage of their eligible daughters.

Housing conditions

Housing conditions for all the groups of informal sector poor had deteriorated over the two decades in terms of living space, environment, security and rents, for the same reasons observed for the formal sector poor.

Working conditions

Comparing between 1985 and 2005, it was noted that the working hours were generally longer or similar and a slight improvement had taken place in the work situation in terms of problems and hassles from employers, police and mastans depending on the nature of the work (for example, self-employed), trade union actions, awareness and demand and supply situation.

Political behaviour and involvement in organisations

In terms of both political consciousness and trade union organisation, it was the rickshaw-pullers who stood out among the informal sector poor. They had, indeed, made some progress over the two decades because of some access to education and their increased trade union mobilisation over the two decades. While the hawkers had not much political consciousness, the ground realities led them to develop some kind of self-defence mechanisms. The tokais had no organisation of their own, but over the two decades, they learnt the lesson that they should not “sell” themselves cheap to the political parties. This was mainly because they were now teenagers rather than very young children. The domestic servants and poor female household heads were the least politically conscious among the informal sector poor because of their extremely poor education, gender- based traditional socialisation and very little effort by NGOs to organise them. Since they were mostly newcomers to the city, they were still immune from whatever liberating influence the city life offered. They had indeed no organisation of their own. Even their voting in the elections was influenced or dictated by others.

Leisure activities

The sources of recreation somewhat expanded over the two decades. TV largely replaced cinema going. Social movies gained some ground over “fighting” movies. Folk music remained popular alongside TV, cinema and band songs. Among rickshaw-pullers alone, reading newspapers and books for recreation became noticeable, although in a small measure. Thus, as in the case of the formal sector poor, their leisure activities were decided by their strong rural connections, urban influence, increase in education and technological progress.

Opinions on various issues in 2005

Lip-service support for family planning had increased over the two decades for all groups of the informal sector poor but it was not matched by their practice, since the number of children per ever- 272 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 married person in the informal sector continued to be high and above the official norm for both the years for reasons mentioned above. Over the two decades, preference for the socialist economic system was replaced by that for a welfare system. This was quite similar to what was observed for the formal sector poor. The majority of the domestic servants and poor female HHH had hardly any opinion on this subject, which was consistent with their low level of education and awareness. There was not much difference among the five groups in the identification of the major problems of Dhaka city. Quite rightly, they all looked from their own perspectives at the problems of Dhaka city, namely rising prices of essential commodities, poor housing conditions, deteriorating law and order, police harassment, traffic congestion and lack of access to gas, electricity and water.

Dowry

Dowry was demanded by the unmarried males among the informal sector poor and the two female groups among the informal poor were clearly its victims, as they had to collect it by the sweat of their brows. It was quite indicative of the gender dimension of exploitation in the male-dominated society of Dhaka city and Bangladesh.

Future perspectives, 2005

No group was happy with their respective occupations and all wanted to quit these as early as possible. While some relatively better mobilised groups, such as rickshaw-pullers and hawkers, nurtured some hope for themselves and their children, the more disorganised groups, such as tokais, domestic servants and poor female HHH mostly saw a bleak future. Although we did not go deep into this matter, it seems that there is a connection between despair and lack of mobilisation.

Government and the informal sector poor

Government was unable to intensify rural and small town development, and hence could do very little by way of preventing the flow of poor people to Dhaka city. Government had, in effect, imposed a “perpetual illegality” on the informal sector poor, particularly rickshaw-pullers, hawkers and tokais in order to maintain uncertainty and fear among them regarding their right to residence and work in Dhaka city. As a result, it provided opportunities to the police, mastans, DCC officials and political workers to bleed the informal sector poor through illegal exactions. Safety-net measures for the informal sector poor in the form of public toilets, drop-in centres for street children, orphanages, primary education, primary medical care, door-to-door family planning services, low-cost housing, skill training, supply of subsidised food and provision of low- interest credit were negligible in Dhaka city, and very little had improved in these areas over the two decades, despite the substantial growth of the informal sector poor during this period. Legal measures to protect the informal sector poor (in particular, women and children) from exploitation and oppression remained highly inadequate. The Informal Sector Poor of Dhaka City 273

Concluding remarks

The informal sector poor were certainly behind the formal sector poor in terms of income, housing, education and social prestige, although they had improved somewhat over the years in income terms. Nevertheless, when this income improvement is considered in the context of their deteriorating housing and environmental conditions, it is doubtful if they had gained much by coming to Dhaka city. Leaving aside the rickshaw-pullers, the level of political and social consciousness among them, including the hawkers, remained rather low. But even the rickshaw-pullers could be change agents, only if they were better motivated and educated and came to terms with gender equality through the agency of external elements. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 9 Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City

A general introduction

Beggars, prostitutes and criminals, despite clear differences among their occupations, have much in common and hence are discussed in the same chapter. Marxist social class analysis puts them together into the category of the “lumpen proletariat”, and defines this category as follows: “In a class divided society, the lumpen proletariat constitutes an unproductively employed social layer outside the working class (‘scum of all classes’). Begging, crime and prostitution are some of the main ways through which they earn their living. The lumpen proletariat is unable to develop a political struggle on its own. Sometimes, the exploiting classes, taking advantage of the lumpen proletariat’s extreme poverty and degradation, use this class for breaking up working class strikes and use them to form their fascist gangster groups” (Marx and Engels, 1978; Putrin, 1984). Mao Ze Dong (1926) comments about the lumpen proletariat as follows: “Apart from these, there is the fairly large lumpen proletariat, made up of peasants who have lost their land and handicraftsmen who cannot get work. They lead the most precarious existence of all … One of China’s difficult problems is how to handle these people. Brave fighters, but apt to be destructive, they can become a revolutionary force if given proper guidance.” According to Franz Fanon (1961), despite its employment in undesirable vocations, the lumpen proletariat possesses a tremendous revolutionary potential, because while the productively employed working class in colonial and post-colonial societies is somewhat privileged, the lumpen proletariat has nothing to lose; besides they have an innately destructive attitude towards the existing social order. Fanon felt that unless organised by revolutionary forces, this class could easily be misused by the exploiting classes. Since some sections of the lumpen proletariat live off the the labour of the mainstream working class, they are parasitical and hence likely to play a reactionary role. This stratum (anti-union gun thugs, police informants, agent provocateurs, assassins, mercenaries, etc), wrote Marx and Engels, “may, here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool of reactionary intrigue” (The Communist Manifesto, p. 11). Therefore, basically, the consensus is that this class cannot play a positive role in the transformation of the society for the better. Non-Marxist social scientists have described the lumpen proletariat as the underclass. For example, Auletta (1999) refers to them as a group who do not “assimilate”. He identifies the following as the underclass:

• long-term welfare recipients • street criminals • low-class prostitutes • hustlers, drunkards, drifters, homeless and released mental patients. 276 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Beggars of Dhaka city

Introduction

Beggars are that segment of the population living mainly on charity. There are very few statistics on the beggars of Dhaka city or Bangladesh because the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) has never cared to collect statistics on this category of people. Based on the guesstimates of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) and Social Welfare Directorate, the number of beggars in Dhaka city in 1989 was somewhere between 10,000 and 20,000 during normal times. In 2005, the figures, according to the Social Welfare Directorate, were between 27,000 and 32,000. Our own estimate is that in 2005 it had exceeded 50,000 during the peak season. In fact, according to the Inquilab of 7 November 2005, the beggar population in Dhaka city on the day of Eid-ul-fitr in 2005 might have crossed the 100,000 mark. Thus, in both the years, it was noted that during certain periods of the year (for example, the month of ramadan, shabe-e-barat, Eid vacations, floods and severe food shortages) the number might suddenly shoot up. In both the years, both the Police and Social Welfare Directorate felt that the number of permanent beggars in Dhaka city was steadily swelling despite attempts to keep such people out of the city area. In both the years, beggars were found to be either old or young, professionals or amateurs, deformed/disabled or able-bodied, male or female and with or without a place to live in. However, all of them sought charity, alms, money, clothing and food. They would be begging mostly out of sheer necessity but sometimes also out of religious motives or habit. Since most of them did not have any definite residence, they were constantly on the move, asking for charity and other assistance. As such, it was difficult to survey them as a definite group. However, according to selected respondents, there were some differences in begging between 1985 and 2005. First, traffic signals-based begging increased over the years. Second, house-to- house begging declined during the same period. Third, the number of women begging with a child in their arms in order to draw sympathy increased. Finally, the number of children among beggars increased. In 2005, the main locations of beggars in the city were as follows:

• different slums (where they lived), rail, bus and launch terminals, mosque premises (particularly before and after the congregational prayers), mausoleums; • Farm Gate, City College, Hotel , Basundhara City, Bijoy Sarani, Zia Uddayan, Shyamoli, Asad Gate, Zia Airport, in front of Aarong, Mohakhali, Gulshan, Bangla Motors, Malibagh, Mogh Bazaar, Suhrawardi Uddayan, and Rokeya Sarani; • different traffic signals and in front of restaurants and shopping centres.

Many of these were the favourite spots for the beggars even in 1985.

Begging in Dhaka city in the first half of the 19th century

James Taylor (1849) divided the poor of Dhaka city into three categories: (a) unemployed and physically weak; (b) shelterless widows and orphans and (c) physically disabled and/or suffering from serious diseases. It was the third category of the poor, consisting mainly of the blind, the crippled and the lepers, who earned their livelihood by begging in the street. During the Mughal times, gruel kitchens were maintained to feed them. These were financed with the income from the Emperor’s own land. These state dispensations had disappeared by the middle of the 19th century. Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 277

By then, Muslim residents used to distribute alms and cooked food among beggars on Thursdays, while Hindus did the same on Fridays and the 12th day of the lunar month. Europeans started their own charitable institutions, which distributed Rupees 80 to 100 every month. Thus, it would appear from Taylor’s description that begging in the 19th century was confined to disabled and diseased persons only, and society also responded quite favourably towards them.

Government interventions in recent times

During the period under study (i.e. 1985–2005), the only state intervention in respect of the beggars was the rehabilitation centres for vagrants run by the Social Welfare Department. There are at present six such centres in Dhaka Division catering to the needs of beggars operating in Dhaka city. The programmes in these centres include education, skill training, business and household work, job placements and arranging marriages. The centre releases the vagrants on the guarantee provided by guardians. This programme stems out of the anti-poor Vagrancy Act of 1943 (see below) when the disastrous Bengal Famine brought millions of famine-struck people to the big cities of Bengal, including Dhaka and Kolkata. The assumption of the above programme is not that these extremely poor people are victims of society and the state’s wrong policies but that these people are creating a nuisance and have somehow to be taken out of the big cities so as not to tarnish their image as centres of civilisation. Needless to mention, these measures have proved to be totally ineffective because of the flawed design of the programmes (based on wrong assumptions), insufficient funds and poor implementation. During the autocratic regime of Ershad, the beggars would be generally “collected” through sudden police raids, which created a panic, making beggars run helter-skelter to avoid capture and in the process families got separated, perhaps forever. At least this has declined due to the democratic atmosphere in the country since 1991 because such brutal methods of collecting beggars for “rehabilitation” were likely to be criticised in the media, to the embarrassment of the policy-makers.

Legal definition of begging

According to the Bengal Vagrancy Act, 1943 (modified up to March, 1953) (GOEB, 1953), a vagrant means a person not being of European extraction, found asking for alms in any public place or wandering about or remaining in any public place, if such person exists by asking for alms but does not include a person collecting money or asking food or gifts for a present purpose. On the other hand, the Children Act, 1974 defines begging as follows (GPRB, 1974):

• soliciting or receiving alms in a public place, whether or not under any pretence, such as singing, dancing, fortune-telling, reciting holy verses or performing tricks; • entering into any private premises for the purpose of soliciting or receiving alms; • exposing or exhibiting, with the object of obtaining or extorting alms, any sore, wound, injury, deformity or disease; • having no visible means of subsistence and wandering about and remaining in any public place in such condition or manner as makes it likely that the person doing so exists by soliciting or receiving alms; • allowing oneself to be used as an exhibit for the purpose of soliciting and receiving alms.

There has been no new legislation on begging between 1985 and 2005. 278 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Types of begging according to devices used

For Dhaka city in 2006, M.A. Rahman (2006) identified at least 18 types of beggars according to the devices/methods used. These were the normal beggars, beggars with a dead body, beggars with a medical certificate, beggars reciting verses from the Holy Quran, syndicate or group begging, beggars raising fees for madrasa education, beggars posing as distressed travellers, beggars for observing the death anniversaries of pirs (saints), begging for building mosques and madrasas, airport beggars (for dollars/pounds), begging to raise expenses of daughter’s marriage, begging to raise contribution for sradha (Hindu death rite), beggars posing as spiritual guides, beggars with snakes, beggars exhibiting wounds, beggars cleaning cars, beggars carrying babies and nude beggars pretending not to be able to afford any clothes. Basic data on beggars, 1985−2005

General characteristics

In 1985, about 70 per cent of the beggars were under 40 years of age. In 2005, about 88 per cent were more than 40 years of age (about 56 per cent were within the age range 51–70 years and about 12 per cent were above 71 years). In other words, the older beggars outnumbered the younger ones. However, as reported by selected respondents, while this trend represented the reality, it must be pointed out that the percentage of child beggars (who were mostly causal rather than professional beggars) in Dhaka city had definitely increased over the two decades. In 1985, the percentage of female beggars in Dhaka city was slightly higher than that of male beggars. In 2005, this tilted further in favour of female beggars, although the degree of tilt could not be specified. In both the years, 100 per cent of the beggars were Muslims, but while the majority in both the years was able-bodied, over the two decades the percentage of disabled beggars increased. There was not much difference between their marital status between 1985 and 2005, except that the percentage of unmarried professional beggars had declined from 11 per cent in 1985 to 4 per cent in 2005. In 1985, about 90 per cent of the beggars were illiterate. In 2005, 100 per cent were illiterate.

Districts of origin in both the years, the beggars were drawn from the rural areas of different . In 1985, the major sources were in this order: Faridpur, Mymensingh, Barisal, Comilla, Assam, Munshiganj and Patuakhali. In 2005, the order was Barisal, Bhola, Mymensingh, Sherpur, Nilphamari, Faridpur, Barguna, Jamalpur, Madaripur, Tangail and Noakhali. The main difference between the two years was that with the improvements in transport and communications over the two decades and a greater flow of beggars from chronically poor pockets throughout the country, there was a broader representation of the different districts. In 1985, the professions of most male beggars before they took to begging were rickshaw- pulling, cart driving, hawking and agricultural work. For women, it was mostly housemaids and homemakers. A small percentage of both men and women had always been beggars. In 2005, the same pattern prevailed but as also confirmed by selected respondents, the percentage of persons who had always been beggars had increased between 1985 and 2005. In both 1985 and 2005, most of them (about 80 and 76 per cent respectively) maintained close contact with their villages through occasional visits. Most of the married respondents’ spouses and children were living in the village. They sent money back to them. Only a small percentage, about 10 to 16 per cent of the respondents, claimed to have no links with their villages. In 2005, about 20 per cent of the beggars were widows/widowers. Sixty-eight per cent were married, 8 per cent were divorced or separated and the remaining 4 per cent were unmarried. Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 279

Time of migration For the 1985 beggar population in Dhaka city, the main reason was the influx of uprooted people to it (about 60 per cent) between 1971 and 1975 due to devastations of war and subsequent famine. The magnitude of the 2005 beggar population was mainly caused by the migration of beggars in two periods: 44 per cent between 1991 and 2000 and 36 per cent between 2001 and 2006. During the latter period, there were no major man-made disasters in the country and hence the increase in begging in Dhaka city during the two decades unfortunately must be attributed mostly to “normal” social and economic circumstances. In both the years, they came to Dhaka city to earn money and send it to their village homes.

Family type in both 1985 and 2005, the average number of children per ever-married beggar was slightly above three. In 2005, about 76 per cent of the respondents had a family size of one to five persons, 20 per cent had more than six persons and only 4 per cent had more than 11 persons.

Asset ownership in 1985, about 60 per cent of the beggars owned no immovable property anywhere. The remaining 40 per cent owned tiny pieces of agricultural land and or a small hut in the village. In 2005, the situation had further deteriorated, with the overwhelming majority of beggars (80 per cent) owning, if anything at all, only a small hut in the village and a little or no agricultural land.

Economic condition in both 1985 and 2005, the beggars in Dhaka city had been very poor and helpless in their village homes. As they were getting some money, clothes and facilities through begging in Dhaka city, they tried to hang on to it. In 1985, their earning was in both cash and kind. In 2005, it was mostly cash, and much less in kind. The income at that time per month was as shown in Tables 9.1 and 9.2.

Table 9.1 Monthly income of beggars in 1985

Amount in Taka Percentage of beggars 30–150 22 180–300 64* 300–450 14 Note: *Including cash and kind earning by about 37 per cent.

Table 9.2 Monthly income of beggars in 2005

Amount in Taka Percentage of respondents 1,000–2,000 20 2,001–3,000 30 3,001–4,000 10 4,001–5,000 8 5,001–8,000 12 8,001–10,000 20

In real terms (i.e. nominal income deflated by price of coarse rice) the income of beggars had certainly increased over the two decades. In fact, according to selected respondents, on occasions 280 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 when beggars were to be fed in keeping with religious occasions (challisa, akika, shab-e-barat, etc.), it was not at all easy to assemble them in one place in Dhaka city. They had to be contacted through their leaders well in advance, the menu had to be negotiated and the timing of the feast could not coincide with their peak “working” hours. In other words, in the process of fulfilling their religious duties, the well-to-do city dwellers continued to create a demand for beggars. According to the Social Wefare Directorate, the average daily income of a beggar in 2005 varied from Taka 100–150 but during the month of ramadan it increased to Taka 300–500 per day.

Location of beggars’ residence in 1985, 91 per cent of beggars were located in Katabon Bastee, Nayatola, Karwan Bazaar, New Eskaton Bastee, Tongi Bastuhara Colony, Sadar Ghat Launch Ghat, Babupura, Mohammadpur, by the side of Banani Lake, Hatirpool Bazaar, empty spaces in Gulshan, Azimpur Graveyard, Rayer Bazaar and Kamalapur Rail Station. In 2005, the beggars were spread far and wide into slums and by the roadsides in the new parts of Dhaka city, in addition to the above locations, unless these had been demolished meanwhile (for example, New Eskaton slum). In both 1985 and 2005, those living in the streets had to face police raids from time to time.

Housing condition the housing condition of beggars was extremely poor in both 1985 and 2005. In 1985, about 30 per cent lived in roadside slums and the remaining 70 per cent in the streets under the open sky. In 2005, about 30 per cent did not have any accommodation and lived under the open sky on pavements, parks, railway platforms and elsewhere, and 70 per cent lived in shanties where there were no electricity, gas, piped water and sanitation facilities. There was not much difference between the two years in their housing condition. Their main problems in both the years were, in order of importance, the mosquito menace, foul smell and lack of toilet facilities.

Reasons for begging

In 1985, the main reason for begging was destitution caused by poverty, scarcity, unemployment, river erosion, landlessness and ill-treatment by family members. In 2005, women begging in Dhaka city were mostly widows, abandoned, divorced and parentless, and without any help from the family. The aged men and women had turned into beggars mostly because of their children’s negligence and refusal to take care of them. The other reason for choosing this occupation was lack of any alternative job opportunity or help from the local community. In other words, it was more or less the same story for both the years: a combination of economic and social push factors and the absence of any social welfare system drove people into begging. However, as already pointed out, there was also a demand dimension to begging: in the prevailing religious tradition, those who could afford it were strongly exhorted to provide alms to the poor, which constituted a powerful impetus to begging.

Working environment

In 1985, only 38 per cent begged for the whole day and the remaining 62 per cent begged part-time, that is, either in the morning or in the afternoon or during prayer time. In 2005, most beggars (64 per cent) worked from 6 am to 8 pm every day. Only 36 per cent worked up to lunch time or in the afternoon or during prayer time. Over the two decades, house-to-house begging had declined because of security measures and there was an increase in public-place begging, such as near traffic lights, shopping malls, mosques, railway stations and bus and launch terminals. However, Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 281 on Fridays and other important religious occasions, such as Eid-ul-fitr, Eid-ul-adha and shab- e-barat, beggars used all methods (i.e. both public places and door-to-door) to maximise their incomes. In both 1985 and 2005, there were groups of beggars who combined singing in praise of Allah and rasul (PBUH) with begging. In 2005, according to 84 per cent of respondents, the begging environment had turned increasingly hostile in Dhaka city over the two decades because of actions by police and security guards, snatching by mastans, rude refusal by the passers-by and lack of unity among themselves. Only 16 per cent respondents reported a good environment. In 1985, there was an unwritten “turf regulation” about the area of operation. This had become more stringent in 2005, when, according to 64 per cent of the beggars, the leaders of the beggars allocated the areas of operation, so no one could stray into any other area. According to selected respondents, there were strong jealousies among the beggars on the turf issue, sometimes leading to physical fights. They also confirmed that male beggars generally maltreated and sexually harassed female beggars.

Leisure and friends

In 2005, 52 per cent of the respondents watched TV as their only mode of entertainment. Thirty- two per cent did not give any information about recreation. Among the TV viewers, 28 per cent watched TV in certain public spots while begging on the streets, 16 per cent watched it in the slums and 8 per cent had their own TV. In 2005, 32 per cent of the respondents had friends, 60 per cent had no friends and according to 16 per cent, no one wanted to befriend a beggar and no one wished them well.

Medical care during illness

In 1985, during sickness, 40 per cent visited public hospitals for treatment. Thirty-four per cent stayed home and waited for recovery. Twenty-six per cent purchased medicine from kabiraj or homeopath. In 2005, none of the beggars visited public hospitals because these were further run down and did not want to treat them. Twenty-eight per cent thought that there was no need to take care of them, since their illness could be cured naturally. Twenty per cent needed to beg medicine; if anybody gave them the medicine, they would take it. Moreover, according to some of the beggars, they usually did not get sick. Fifty-two per cent hoped that relatives or neighbours would take care of them during their illness.

Prospects of leaving this occupation with government support

In 2005, 72 per cent wanted to live with their families in the village, and looked forward to such an arrangement facilitated by the government. Twelve per cent did not have any comments. Sixteen per cent of them did not hope to get such an opportunity. Twelve per cent wanted government to help them in building houses in their villages. Four per cent wanted a quota for them in government service. Twenty-four per cent hoped to get financial help to pursue a village-based income-earning activity. Thirty-six per cent wanted special Vulnerable Group Feeding (VGF) cards for them. Sixteen per cent felt no hope of receiving any help. 282 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Opinion on different matters

Political and social condition of the society in 2005, according to all the respondents (100 per cent), the political condition in the country could not be any worse. Twenty per cent of the respondents believed that social conditions were also very bad.

Gender situation in 2005, only 24 per cent of the male respondents believed that men and women should have equal rights. Eighteen per cent of the respondents allocated less food to girls than boys and thought that males should marry by taking dowry (joutuk). Female beggars were maltreated in two main ways: divorce by husbands on the slightest pretext and indecent proposals from slum managers and other males. Sometimes, they were raped by the police, the mastans and other males.

Future perspectives and aspirations in 2005, most unmarried female beggars wanted to marry and start a new life, while divorcees or widows wanted to raise their children properly. Fifteen per cent hoped to go into business in their village. No one wanted to continue this work for their whole life. In 2005, 64 per cent of the respondents said that they did not save any money and hence felt hopeless about their future. Twenty per cent did not have any one to depend on. Thirty-two per cent of the respondents hoped to depend on their children in their old age. According to 38 per cent of the respondents, no change would take place in their lifetime. About 12 per cent wanted government help and 4 per cent were afraid that they would die on the street all alone.

Summary of the major findings

The beggars in 2005 were older than those in 1985. This was mostly because in extremely poor households, grown-up children were unwilling to look after old parents without any income. During this period, the percentage of female beggars had increased but that of unmarried beggars declined owing to greater divorce and abandonment faced by females in extremely poor households. The district background revealed that over the years, some more areas were sending beggars to Dhaka city due to improved communications. In 1985, most beggars came immediately after independence, while in 2005, most arrived in the city between 1991 and 2000. In both the years, the average number of children per ever-married beggar was slightly higher than three. Between 1985 and 2005, they were further alienated from landed property. However, their real income increased over the two decades. They were now even more scattered in the city, and their housing conditions were extremely poor in both the years. In both the years, river erosion and other natural calamities, combined with various economic and social push factors (for example, lack of employment, negligence and rejection by children) drove them into this profession. The prevailing religious tradition also provided them a shelter in this occupation. During the two decades, the environment for begging in Dhaka city had turned increasingly hostile due to actions by police and mastans, and disunity in the beggars’ ranks. Female beggars were generally sexually abused by the police, mastans and their male counterparts. Public hospitals did not want to treat the beggars. They were also mostly friendless. The majority wanted to return to a family environment in the village helped by the government. Most unmarried female beggars wanted to get married. However, they were mostly hopeless about their future. Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 283

Concluding remarks

It is quite certain that begging as an occupation is going to stay with Dhaka city for a long time to come. The methods that government has adopted so far for controlling and eradicating begging have been neither sound and practical nor humane. Unless economic, social (in particular the push factors), cultural and gender dimensions, which lead to begging, are addressed comprehensively, this phenomenon will go on increasing in different forms, particularly given the widely held belief that migrating to Dhaka city will somehow solve the problems of the extreme poor. The beggars of Dhaka city are highly unlikely to be change agents because of their precarious economic conditions and low level of political consciousness.

The prostitutes of Dhaka city

Introduction

Prostitution is generally defined as the practice of providing sexual services for money. Heterosexual prostitution (men as buyers and women as sellers) is the most common, and in the context of Dhaka city, other types of prostitution such as homosexual prostitution among men and women are either non-existent or extremely rare. Nowadays, prostitutes are referred to, particularly in NGO and intellectual circles, as sex workers. While there may be enough justification for such a change in terminology, we felt that simply calling a group of people engaged in such work by any other name will not automatically change their situation. We have, therefore, deliberately decided to stick to the earlier and old- fashioned term. According to the Bengal Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act, 1933 which has been adopted by the Bangladesh Penal Code, prostitution is “promiscuous sexual intercourse for hire, whether in money or kind” (GPRB, 1986). Emphasis on “promiscuity” gives the definition a moral twist, and hence, it cannot be regarded as very objective. This Act does not mention male prostitution. This may be because it has never been a significant phenomenon in this part of the world. Thus, in Bangladesh, prostitution refers to that segment of the female population engaged, under duress or voluntarily, legally or illegally, full-time or part-time, “in regular sexual acts for material gains”. Over the years, there has been a phenomenal growth of prostitution in Dhaka city and it is widely believed that poverty is ultimately the main cause. As such, we decided to study prostitutes as a part of that section of the informal sector poor women who are engaged in illegal or undesirable professions, notwithstanding the fact that not all prostitutes are poor or come from poor families. Unfortunately, there has so far been no organised study on the prostitutes of Dhaka city, least of all focusing on their relationships with other segments of society. In fact, in recent years, no formal estimate has been attempted on the number of prostitutes in Dhaka city by either the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) or the Department of Social Welfare or the Women’s Directorate. According to police estimates (quoted in Khan and Arefeen, 1989), the figure would be somewhere between 25,000 and 30,000 for 1985. This would appear to be a rather conservative estimate for a city with a population exceeding six million at that time. After discussing with police and Social Welfare Department officials, our estimate for 2005 is that it would be around at least 100,000. 284 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Legal basis of prostitution in Bangladesh

The important enactments regarding prostitution are:

a. The Bengal Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act, 1933 b. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1976 c. The Chittagong Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1978 d. The Khulna Metropolitan Police Ordinance, 1985 e. The Cruelty (Deterrent Punishment) to Women Ordinance, 1983

In addition, Article 18 (2) of the Constitution states “the State shall adopt effective measures to prevent prostitution and gambling” (GPRB, 1973). However, legally, prostitution, by itself, is not a punishable offence in Bangladesh. There is no law to prevent a woman from becoming a prostitute, if she so wishes. The laws in existence are aimed against organised prostitution, child (under-age) prostitution and prostitution through the use of force or allurement. Thus, a girl above the age of 18 may, through an affidavit in front of a magistrate, voluntarily choose prostitution as a profession. The latest law, the Cruelty to Women Ordinance, 1983, merely re-emphasises the state’s intention to deal more severely with those involved in the immoral trafficking of women. It is, however, common knowledge that, as in other sectors, existing laws on prostitution are hardly implemented.

Prostitution in Dhaka city in the 19th and early 20th centuries

Prostitution is not a new phenomenon in Dhaka city. A close review of Dhaka city’s history will reveal a considerable presence of prostitution in the 19th and early 20th centuries. At that time, it was quite common for the upper classes in Dhaka city to frequent prostitutes and keep mistresses from among nautch and singing girls. However, Mamun (1989) maintains that at this time the patrons of prostitutes came from all major social classes − ordinary folks, middle class bhadroloks and landlords. According to the 1901 census, there were 2,164 prostitutes in Dhaka city, which then had a population of 90,542 (GOB, 1901). However, unofficial estimates put this figure much higher, and the best proof of this is provided by the travelogue of Ganiur Raza of Sylhet (quoted in Mamun, 1989). Before 1947, prostitutes were concentrated mostly in Badamtali area, very near , the palace of the Dhaka Nawabs (Hossain, N., 1980). On the other hand, according to an 1892 issue of “Dhaka Prokash”, all the best buildings on both sides of the main thoroughfares of Dhaka city were filled with prostitutes, and it, therefore, urged the authorities to remove the prostitutes somewhere outside the city boundaries (quoted in Mamun, 1989). One distinguishing feature of pre-1947 prostitution was its close association with the fine arts, particularly vocal music, classical dance and stage acting. Some of the prostitutes even became film actresses, even though film studios were at that time located in Kolkata. Thus, the business was not just confined to sex, as is the case today (Sen, Satyen, 1974). According to N. Hossain (1980), most of the prostitutes were Hindus. The ill treatment of Hindu widows by their families and society may explain this phenomenon to some extent. Given the prevailing communal atmosphere, Hindu prostitutes were not particularly keen to entertain Muslim customers. Also, prostitutes from the Muslim community would generally adopt Hindu names in order not to lose Hindu customers (Ahmed, Abul Mansoor, 1975; Mamun, 1989; Joardar, 1985). As noted earlier, the Partition of Bengal and India in 1947 drastically changed the religious Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 285 composition of the city population. Thus, as the majority of the population was now Muslims, so were the majority among the prostitutes. Also, with the formal abolition of statutory landlordism in 1951, and given the general lack of interest in the fine arts among the Bengali Muslims (who had by now also become the majority of the customers), old-style prostitution combining sex with music, dancing and acting was replaced by a pure and simple flesh trade.

Prostitution in Dhaka city during the Pakistan period

The only study carried out on the prostitutes of Dhaka city (and Narayangonj) during the Pakistan period (1947–1971) was by the of Social Welfare, in 1962. It was never published, and the findings of that survey are now lost. Fortunately, it was quoted considerably in an article by Ayesha Noman (1968). The following may be deduced from her article:

• Prostitution, in general, was on the increase in Dhaka city. • Private prostitution, particularly centred round hotels, as distinct from brothel prostitution, was gaining ground. • About 40 per cent of the prostitutes interviewed wanted to give up the profession, provided some suitable alternative arrangements were made for them. • The main causes of prostitution were allurement of women from their homes by procurers; such economic and social pressures as were experienced by destitute women and women of broken families, helpless widows or those women who had been rejected by their families after having been raped; abduction of women through organised gangs for forcing them into the profession; and finally daughters who inherited the profession from a prostitute mother, or who were adopted and brought up by prostitutes in the brothels.

Recent studies on prostitution in Dhaka city

In the 1980s, two studies on the prostitutes of Dhaka city were conducted. These were by Afsaruddin (1985) and Khan and Arefin (1989). The former study was concerned only with floating prostitutes, contacted through pimps and interviewed in the project office. There were two major limitations in this study. First, contacting prostitutes through pimps was hardly the way to understand their lives. A direct approach, though rather difficult, is methodologically far sounder. Second, the study should have concentrated more on the socio-economic background of the prostitutes than on their opinions. The latter study was concerned only with brothel prostitutes, who then constituted (a) the remnants of old style prostitution and (b) a small segment of the total prostitutes of Dhaka city. Despite the pretensions of building rapport, this study seemed to be methodologically deficient. For prostitutes, time was money and not to compensate them for the long time taken in interviewing them (as had been done in this study) could hardly help in the process of rapport building. In addition, the presence of the police, as was resorted to in this study, must have made it impossible to establish any rapport with the respondents. In addition to these studies, many stories and features on prostitution were published in various magazines and newspapers on prostitution from time to time. With some honourable exceptions, sensationalism rather than objective analysis seems to be their hallmark. In addition, they were generally narrow in scope and fragmentary in their approach. However, some of these provide useful information on the modus operandi and lifestyle of prostitutes in Dhaka city. 286 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Types of prostitutes in present-day Dhaka city, a comparison between 1985 and 2005

In 1985, there were four types of prostitutes in Dhaka city: brothel-based prostitutes; prostitutes in rented houses outside brothels; prostitutes centred on hotels, film industry and office areas; and streetwalking or floating prostitutes.

Brothel prostitutes in 1985, the majority of the brothel (or “red light area”) prostitutes were resident prostitutes who had either been born in that area or brought there willingly or under duress (the latter having been sold to the sardernis). They were mostly registered with the police as prostitutes after having given an affidavit before a magistrate. There were no dancing and singing girls in the brothels of Dhaka city in 1985 but a considerable number of them could still be found in Narayangonj. However, in 1985 Bombay (Mumbai) or Dhaka films, and not the classics, were the sources of such songs and dances. A small number of prostitutes operated in the brothels independently by renting rooms. They were free in their movement and could go out for the night to entertain clients in other places. In addition, a small number of so-called “housewives” (i.e. married women from low-income groups in the neighbourhood) and streetwalking prostitutes used rented rooms in brothels on a part-time basis. The rates for obtaining the services of brothel prostitutes ranged generally from low to medium. In 2005, we did not come across this type of prostitute. In 2005, the category of brothel prostitutes has ceased to exist since brothels were raided and closed down by administrative order in the late 1980s. However, this did not imply that there was any reduction in the prostitute population in either absolute number or as a percentage of the city population. As we mentioned earlier, our estimate for 1985, based on our discussion with journalists and Social Welfare Department officials, was 30,000 prostitutes in Dhaka city. For 2005, our estimate, based on the same sources, stood at about 100,000; in other words, there was a three-fold increase. Another visible development was the substantial increase in the number of floating prostitutes.

Prostitutes in rented houses outside brothels in 1985, the system used was based on maintaining several prostitutes either forcibly or through mutual understanding in a “family situation” in rented houses located in middle and upper class residential nighbourhoods. The “head” of the “family” (who could be male or female) brought clients to the house through either his/her own contacts or pimps. At times, the female head of the family or so-called “wife” of the male head of the household was herself a prostitute and independent operators could also use the premises of such “mini” brothels in exchange for a percentage of the earnings. Reliable clients, ready to pay the price, were also allowed to take out girls to arranged locations. This mode of operation often involved frequent change of residences as and when operations were found by neighbours and a police raid was imminent. Sometimes, neighbours and musclemen extorted money and demanded free sexual services in return for protection. In some cases, prostitutes lived in their own houses but for the purpose of business, they visited certain houses in the upper class areas, manned by apas (elder sisters) on call. Contacts were made by telephone and prior appointments were necessary. This phenomenon was caused by (a) demand from well-to-do and well known people for exclusive services in an anonymous situation (which was difficult to obtain with other kinds of prostitutes) and (b) closure of several brothels in 1985. Consequently, prostitution spread to many parts of the city, particularly to new Dhaka, where the community is not so coherent or cohesive, and the percentage of tenant neighbours was high, allowing for relative anonymity. Mohammadpur, Lalmatia, Kathal Bagan, Gulshan and Banani were notorious for this type of prostitution. In Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 287 general, the rates for obtaining the services of prostitutes of this kind were among the highest in Dhaka city. After the closedown of brothel-centred prostitution, prostitution based on rented houses increased phenomenally in Dhaka city. The prostitutes in rented houses in 2005 consisted of some from lower classes but mostly from the middle class (both urban and rural). About 80 per cent of these girls had at least primary school education while about 15 per cent had received SSC or HSC level education in either general education institutes or madrasas. As revealed by the case studies, fathers of some of these girls were working abroad, doing government jobs or serving as local government-elected functionaries. While poverty was an important consideration in taking up this profession, the lure of better living standards and a more attractive lifestyle was no less important. Finally, some belonging to this category were engaged in this business in luxurious apartments. Sometimes, they also visited clients in big hotels.

Prostitutes centred on hotels, the film industry and office areas hotel prostitution started in the 1960s when several new hotels came up in the new Dhaka area. In 1985, it became quite common to most hotels of Dhaka city, big or small. However, some hotels, particularly in the Eskaton- Moghbazar area, were notorious for this kind of prostitution. In most cases, these women were attached to one or more hotels where they operated through bell boys and gatekeepers, in the full knowledge of the management, and obviously all these people had a cut in the prostitutes’ earnings. But most hotel-centred prostitutes were not independent operators. They were their pimps’ slaves and they had to hand over a major part of their earnings to them. Sometimes, girls employed in hotels were used for prostitution. Their rates were higher than for brothel and streetwalking prostitutes, and in the case of prostitutes in five-star hotels, rates were even higher than those charged by prostitutes living in rented houses outside brothels. In 1985, in the film industry, almost all “extras” and “aspirants” were prostitutes, generally at the mercy and disposal of the big bosses of the industry (producers, directors, powerful actors, managers and other important functionaries). Their rates varied widely and were largely determined by their standing in the industry. Finally, there were the office area prostitutes who made contacts with potential customers in various offices of Dhaka city (particularly in Motijheel Commercial Area) pretending to be looking for jobs. Unlike hotel prostitutes, they were mostly independent operators and unlike streetwalkers, they concentrated on a specific group of customers. Their rates were generally higher than those for brothel and streetwalking prostitutes. In 2005, hotel-centred prostitution also increased manifold compared to 1985. In 1985, this kind of prostitution could be found in Kakrail, Motijheel and surrounding areas. However, in 2005, it spread also to hotels and guest houses of Kamalapur Railway Station, Malibagh, Mogh Bazaar, Mohakhali, Gulshan and various other places of Dhaka city. The fees of the prostitutes depended on the standard of the hotel and the beauty and smartness of the prostitute. Prostitution in the film industry also increased over the years, as the demand for pornographic films increased. In fact, even the so-called normal Bengali films became notorious for sexy scenes. In 1985, most of the office area prostitutes were from destitute rural families. In 2005, most office area prostitutes came from lower middle class families from urban and rural areas.

Streetwalking or floating prostitutes in 1985, this type of prostitution was quite common in Dhaka city. These women were not registered with the police as most brothel prostitutes were, and hence considered “illegal” by law enforcing agencies. They solicited clients by frequenting certain spots in the city, either, directly or through their pimps (bhauras or dalals). Generally, they operated during evening hours in rickshaws, with the rickshaw-pullers acting as the bhauras, 288 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 but they could also be operating on foot and on their own. Bhauras were paid by clients as well as by prostitutes. In 1985, the favourite spots for contacting clients were Ramna Park, Motijheel Commercial Area, most cinema halls, Sher-e-Bangla Nagar and near certain Chinese restaurants. Sometimes, streetwalking prostitutes frequented “messes” where bachelors or men whose family lived in villages resided. It was not uncommon for some of them to operate as part-maidservants, part-prostitutes in these “messes”. Floating prostitutes generally could not provide their own premises. They entertained their clients mostly either at the latter’s place or in certain hotels or brothels. They also used parks, lonely alleys behind office buildings, slum quarters (jhoopries) where they lived and office premises in commercial areas, with the connivance of the night guards (darwans). Their rates were generally low and fluctuating, and they were easy prey to police round-ups and harassment bymastans . With the decline of brothel prostitution, streetwalking had become the dominant mode of prostitution in Dhaka city, followed by hotel/film industry/office area prostitution and prostitution in rented houses outside brothels; least in importance was brothel prostitution. However, these categories were not mutually exclusive and often overlapped with one another. In addition, within each category, there were variations depending on age, physical beauty, place of operation and other factors. In 1985, the main business points for streetwalking or floating prostitutes were Ramna Park, surrounding areas and Motijheel in the evening hours. But in 2005, the business had become far more entrenched and functioned beyond the evening hours. In 2005, the main spots were Motijheel, Topkhana, Kakrail, Ramna Park, Chandrima Gardens, the area in front of the National Assembly, Banani and many parts of Mirpur. In 2005, many of the prostitutes were engaged in other work, for example, as garment workers and housemaids. For many reasons, such as poor salary, retrenchment from work and family pressure to send more money, they took to prostitution later on, either permanently or as part-timers.

Basic data on prostitutes, 1985−2005

General characteristics of the prostitutes in 1985, 40 per cent of the prostitutes were children (i.e. under the age of 18). In 2005, this percentage was 30. Why did this decline take place? The answer came from selected respondents. Young girls from extremely poor families were in great demand for trafficking across the international border to be sold out to the brothels of Kolkata, Mumbai and Delhi and this explains the apparent decline in the percentage of child prostitutes in Dhaka city. All prostitutes were Muslims by birth in both 1985 and 2005. In 1985, only two spoke Urdu at home. There was no one like that in 2005. In 1985, 64 per cent were unmarried when they came to this profession and 16 per cent said that they were presently married; in 2005, only 24 per cent reported being unmarried while only 2 per cent said they were presently married. In 1985, 20 per cent were divorced, abandoned, separated and widowed. In 2005, this percentage had shot up to 74, which was highly revealing.

District background in 1985, the district backgrounds of the respondents were as follows: Dhaka, including Dhaka city (30 per cent), Barisal, Khulna and Jessore (44 per cent); the remaining 26 per cent came from Faridpur, Bogra, Pabna, Comilla and Indian districts. In 2005, while the contribution of Dhaka came down to 12 per cent, that of Barisal, Khulna and Jessore remained quite high (40 per cent). In 2005, Faridpur, Bogra, Pabna and Comilla were the origin of 15 per cent of the prostitutes. In 2005, Rangpur and Jamalpur, considered as monga districts, were responsible for another 12 per cent. Other districts prominent in 2005 in this regard were Mymensingh (10 per cent), Kushtia (6 per cent) and Sylhet (2 per cent). In other words, the districts of origin for Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 289 prostitutes in Dhaka city had increased in number over the years.

Location in Dhaka city in 1985, the favourite locations of the prostitutes were Wari, Bashabo, Siddique Bazaar, Sadarghat, Dholaipar, Lalbagh, and Nawabpur in old Dhaka and Sayedabad, Tejtoripara, Mohammadpur, Mirpur, Khilgaon, Kathalbagan, Gulshan and Banani. In 2005, since brothel prostitution (both registered and unregistered), concentrated in old Dhaka, came to an end, and there was a proliferation in the number of prostitutes, it is obvious that it is now more concentrated in new Dhaka, including the DOHS area, Gulshan, Banani and Baridhara. In addition, given that streetwalkers and the floating prostitute population have grown in numbers over the years, parks and public places in new Dhaka, such as the Rajmoni cinema hall in Paltan, Ramna Park, Zia Uddayan and National Assembly premises have turned into the biggest hubs of prostitution in Dhaka city.

Education in 1985, 56 per cent had no formal education, 26 per cent had been educated up to the primary stage, 12 per cent up to the secondary stage and only 6 per cent had passed SSC/ HSC/BA. There was a lone graduate in the 1985 sample. There was also a correlation between education status and class background. Thus, in 1985, those with some formal education hailed from lower middle to upper middle class families, whereas the illiterate ones or those with only primary education were generally from urban working class or rural areas (irrespective of class). In 2005, 40 per cent had no formal education. Forty-two per cent had education at the primary level, 6 per cent up to the secondary level and 10 per cent had passed SSC or HSC. In other words, there was a rise in the education status of the prostitutes, in keeping with the general rise in female education in the country during the two decades. As in 1985, the level of education of prostitutes could be related to their class origin in 2005.

Father’s occupation and status in 1985, 48 per cent of the prostitutes hailed from middle and poor peasant and working class backgrounds, while 26 per cent were from urban lower middle class, 20 per cent were from urban upper middle class and the remaining 6 per cent were from rich peasant families. In 2005, 74 per cent came from poor peasant class, 9 per cent from lower middle peasant families and only 8 per cent hailed from middle and upper middle peasant families. In other words, the relationship of prostitution with rural poverty had become far more pronounced over time, since escape from the rural areas had been facilitated through better communications and employment in garment industries during these two decades.

Family structure in both the years, i.e. 1985 and 2005, many of the prostitutes hailed from families where they were among the youngest in the family in a large number of siblings, with more sisters than brothers. In both the years, it was more common among the prostitutes’ families that mothers had been abandoned by fathers or, if one of the parents were dead, that there was a stepmother or stepfather in the family. Thus, one could deduce that such a precarious state of the family in the cultural context of Bangladesh may have contributed to pushing many young women into prostitution.

Circumstances leading to prostitution

In both 1985 and 2005, the immediate and apparent reason for entering this profession was familiar − a key person (in the shape of a lover, woman next door , a pimp, a distant relative, the husband, a ruffian and an employer) either lured or forced the victim or kidnapped (at times raped) and 290 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 then sold or forced or introduced her into prostitution. In 1985, a section of the police, supposedly the upholders of law and order, generally played this role. The police apparently came to the aid of brothel owners in breaking the recalcitrance among unwilling conscripts into the profession through beating and rape. We did not encounter such cases in 2005. In the rural areas, sometimes, social rejection of the victims of rape and kidnapped women was so strong that no other alternative other than prostitution would be open to them. In both 1985 and 2005, the real cause lay in poverty. In both the years, most prostitutes hailed from poor and lower middle class families, whether urban or rural. Their poverty manifested itself in many ways. They were not only deprived of basic needs, such as food, shelter, health care and education, but also faced extreme cruelty, such as general negligence and parental violence or violence by older members of the family; unequal marriage; torture and abandonment of wives by husbands and in-laws if the dowry was not paid; husbands taking a second wife; and inability of parents to give daughters in marriage for lack of money. In fact, in 2005, 36 per cent of the prostitutes admitted that they came into this profession only to save themselves or their families from starvation. In both the years, certain non-economic factors, cutting across economic class, also played their part, such as the death of one of the parents, leading to either loss of parental protection of girls during adolescence or remarriage by the remaining parent (which in the cultural milieu of Bangladesh would generally imply further discrimination against the children); “natural” neglect suffered by the youngest in a family of a large number of children; and the lowly position of women in the society. In addition, the gender dimension of prostitution was very strong in both the years. Poverty and low status of women in the society reinforced one another. In fact, the circumstances leading women into prostitution have remained more or less the same since the 1968 study reported by Ayesha Noman. Given that prostitution has been on the increase over the years, it would seem that such circumstances pushing women into prostitution have become more pronounced. During the course of an interview, a relatively well-educated prostitute was asked if she would like to acquire computer skill so that she could get a proper white-collar job. She replied, “Even if I get such a job, what does it matter? The male boss will still ask me to undress.” This statement perhaps signifies the extent of the gender dimension of prostitution in Bangladesh. In 2005, the circumstances in the garment industries of Dhaka city (poor salaries plus the presence of persons within the industry inducing young girls into prostitution) were conducive to the increase prostitution. In the figures presented in Table 9.3 it can be seen that acceptance of prostitution of the daughter or sister or wife or mother by immediate family members has increased over the years. However, in

Table 9.3 Connection with immediate family members after entering prostitution, 1985−2005 (in percentage of the respondents)

Links with family 1985 2005 No connections 64 42 Lives with immediate family or 6 20 maintains connection with the family in their full knowledge Lives with/maintains connections 30 38 with immediate family members who are unaware Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 291 both the years, the percentage of those with no connection with the family remains high, because the dominant value system in the society had not changed radically, that is, the fear of ostracism by the society remains high, even if the immediate family is sympathetic to one of their “fallen” members.

Hazards faced in the occupation

Disease In 1985, all the respondents claimed to have been safe from sex-related diseases. However, on queries from selected respondents, at least 50 per cent of the prostitutes suffered from one or the other disease, some of which were obviously related to sex. Brothel prostitutes and streetwalkers were the most vulnerable to sex-related diseases. In 2005, 82 per cent claimed to be disease free, and 100 per cent said that they were clearly aware of the dangers of HIV/AIDS. Eighteen per cent reported traditional sexually transmitted diseases (STD) such as gonorrhoea and syphilis and other diseases. Selected respondents in 2005 confirmed the trends observed in 1985, namely underreporting of disease and the greater vulnerability of floating prostitutes to diseases, sexual or otherwise. In 2005, most prostitutes insisted on the use of condoms by the customers out of fear of HIV/AIDS, but on many occasions, the customers would insist on sex without condoms, and the prostitutes had no option but to oblige them. In addition, mastans, and members of the police and ansars who forcibly had free sex with them, did not bother to use condoms.

Pregnancy In 1985, two-thirds of the respondents did not face any pregnancy during their career as prostitutes, although some of them apparently did not practise any family planning method. Four respondents thought that they were sterile, while two believed that those who had frequent sex with many people did not conceive. Ten per cent of them wanted to terminate pregnancy if they conceived while four per cent wanted to have babies, if they became pregnant. In 1985, 18 per cent underwent abortion, while others were using various family planning methods. The 2005 picture was not very different, with 86 per cent not experiencing any pregnancy during sex work and 12 per cent taking recourse to abortion and one giving birth to a baby.

Police harassment in both 1985 and 2005, the story was the same. From time to time, the police arrested a large number of the streetwalking and hotel prostitutes. This meant generally several days of confinement in the thana or hajat, followed by trial by a magistrate and a short prison sentence. However, on most occasions, the police arrested them simply to extract money, have free sex and snatch their belongings. However, unlike 1985, in 2005 we did not come across any instance of police forcing women into prostitution. Perhaps this was not necessary any longer since poverty and other social factors were now far more active in forcing young women into prostitution, and the police and other law enforcers had simply to take full advantage of this “swell” situation. In both the years, the police would sometimes place them under the custody of the Social Welfare Department, which only meant giving bribes to yet another group of officials. In both 1985 and 2005, jail authorities confirmed that hajat or jail confinement had no preventive or corrective effect. On the contrary, during such confinement they came in close contact with dangerous criminals, and went back more hardened, combining prostitution with other crimes.

Others in both the years, the mastans posed a serious threat to the prostitutes. Forcible free sex, merciless beating and snatching their earnings and possessions were their usual behaviour. It seems that over the years, oppression by mastans has intensified, as the growing number of streetwalkers 292 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 became increasingly vulnerable. Another hazard was that on being found out in a locality, the women had to move on to some other area quite quickly. Hotel security officials and other staff also gave these women a lot of trouble when operating through a hotel. Given that brothel prostitution exists no more, the hazards associated with it are also gone, but this does not mean that there has been any overall improvement in the hazard situation. In 2005, we encountered beating up by the public and cutting of their hair as a new addition to the suffering the women already underwent in this profession. In short, everyone who had some power and came across them did them some harm. There was indeed no one in the community to stand up on their behalf and tell their tormentors, “Let him cast the first stone who has not sinned.”

Social background

Clients in both the years, clients varied according to the category of prostitutes. For the good- looking prostitutes living in posh areas and somewhat educated (i.e. the upper category), clients were obviously well-to-do people. Big businesspersons, powerful civil and military bureaucrats, important politicians and foreigners featured most prominently among such clients. Some top businesspersons maintained rest houses to entertain high-class executives and foreign guests and big bosses. In 1985, according to selected respondents, women were also brought from outside for this purpose, in particular from Bangkok. Similarly, clients of middle class prostitutes also belonged to similar professions. For the streetwalkers, in both the years, the majority of the clients were from the lower income groups, such as students, rickshaw-pullers, drivers, lower level officials, hawkers, petty businesspersons and those temporarily visiting Dhaka city. The unmarried and those whose wives were living in the villages were conspicuous among such clients. In general, most clients were relatively young, below the age of 40. In both the years, students, sports club members, bus and tempo drivers and mastans were identified as the worst customers among the locals. In 2005, the Arabs were identified as the worst customers among the foreigners. Enjoying sex without payment, gang rape and sadistic torture were some typical cruelties committed on the prostitutes.

Owners this category was quite prominent in 1985. Owners generally kidnapped girls or purchased them from third parties. This implied, among other things, their ability to perpetrate extreme violence on their victims. In one case, a breast was cut off as punishment for recalcitrance; merciless beating resulting in hospitalisation was not uncommon either. In many instances, these owners had the blessings and active support of a section of the law-enforcing agencies. In the words of a victim, “When the police, who maintain law and order, want me to be a prostitute, why should the society resent me?” In lieu of providing the basic needs, the owners took away almost all that the prostitutes earned. Sometimes, the women were stripped naked to search out money or valuables that might be hidden under their clothes. Generally, the more beautiful among the prostitutes were the targets of the owners. Even after breaking loose, some of these prostitutes were in the constant fear of being re-kidnapped by the ex-owners. Owners were generally ex-prostitutes (mashis or khalas) and musclemen with strong underworld connections. In 2005, this situation had changed to a considerable extent. Discussions with selected informants revealed the following. First, the abolition of brothel prostitution (registered or unregistered), following the Shab Meher incident in 1985 (see later) had some impact on owning prostitutes. Second, the growth of democracy, media freedom and urban NGOs in the country since 1991 also made it difficult for the master−slave relationship to thrive in the heart of the nation’s capital. Third, since trafficking of women and girls across the international border became a much Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 293 more “profitable trade” in recent years, and once out of Bangladesh territory, they would attract least media attention, it was here that the underworld concentrated its efforts. Finally, as pointed out earlier, in 2005, the number of streetwalkers had increased substantially, and they were free in 1985 as well as 2005. However, despite these developments, it could not be said that there were no owners of prostitutes in Dhaka city in 2005, as 12 per cent of the prostitutes interviewed in 2005 said that they were kidnapped, tortured and forced into this profession.

Keepers in both 1985 and 2005, the keepers were a more humane kind. They operated on a “joint-venture” basis. Keepers maintained two/three girls in comfortable houses in middle class and upper middle class neighbourhoods. The girls lived in a family atmosphere with the keeper, his wife and children, sharing household chores. The prostitutes here were more or less free agents and could move out if they wished. Sometimes the keeper was a female, who was also a prostitute. She provided the venue for sex and supplied girls to clients through telephone contacts. Some of the female keepers maintained fine houses in posh areas. In 2005, DOHS area became notorious for this type of prostitution because the owners of residences here were mostly retired officers of the armed forces. On the one hand, such renting gave the owners high income and on the other, there was no one to challenge the keepers in that highly secure area.

Pimps in 1985, there were two kinds of pimps in Dhaka city, namely the part-timers such as rickshaw-pullers carrying the freelancers and the whole-timers with many connections and contacts. The latter usually earned Taka 3,000–6,000 a month. They were mostly from lower middle class families. For a number of reasons there was a change in the pimp situation between 1985 and 2005. First, the inroads of the mobile telephone made a considerable difference, as many prostitutes now possess mobile telephones and can establish direct contact with clients without the aid of the pimps. Second, there was a proliferation of floating prostitutes and since for them, soliciting customers from a rickshaw was no longer an essential requirement and they did throng to several spots in the city quite freely (the occasional police raids being either to collect tolls or because of orders from above), the need for pimps had become minimal, and this came out clearly from our interviews with the prostitutes.

Income, expenditure and savings

In both 1985 and 2005, the net cash income of prostitutes depended on a number of factors, such as the type of prostitute and hence rate per client (i.e. upper range, middle range, freelance streetwalker and brothel dweller), number of working days per month (maximum 20 days, minimum 10 days), frequency of religious rites (for example, during the month of ramadan, income was rather low) and natural calamities (such as floods, rains and cyclones); degree of freedom enjoyed bythe prostitute (in case of captive/semi-free prostitutes, no cash income accrued to them despite good earnings); and nature of operation (whether earnings had to be shared with keepers and pimps). The gross monthly income of the various categories of prostitutes in Dhaka city for 1985 and 2005 were as shown in Table 9.4. In real terms, it meant that the gross income had increased over the years. In both the years, the main items of expenditure were house rent, food and medical care. Other important and essential expenditure relating to the profession was on cosmetics, clothes and jewellery. Some saved to support immediate family members such as children, parents, brothers and sisters. In 2005, 44 per cent had no savings, whereas 56 per cent had so far saved between Taka 1,000 and Taka 70, 000 over the years. However, most of them did not have bank accounts. 294 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 9.4 Monthly income of prostitutes (in Taka), 1985−2005

Type 1985 2005 Brothel 5,000 Non existent Street 2,000–5000 2,000–6,000; 6,000–8,000 Mid-range 5,000–10,000 10,000–20,000 Upper range 10,000+ 30,000+

Table 9.5 Standard of living and lifestyle, 1985−2005 (percentage of respondents)

Category 1985 2005 Better access to basic needs 70 85 since entering the profession No noticeable change 20 10 Better condition before 10 5

It is evident that over the two decades, prostitution was offering an alternative route to escape from poverty and hardship for a higher percentage of women, although in the long run, it was totally ruinous for them. In both the years, cinema-going, alone or in the company of clients or friends, was the most popular pastime with the prostitutes interviewed. They were generally not interested in blue films, but in 2005, many of them watched Indian feature films on the VCD. In both the years, the other popular pastimes were watching TV, visiting friends and reading film magazines. In both the years, they did their own cooking. Drinking hard liquor was not popular with them. If they did that (about 50 per cent), it was mostly to please their clients. However, over the years, some got hooked to it.

Values and norms

In both the years, we probed into the values and norms held by the prostitutes. These are presented in Table 9.6.

Table 9.6 Values and norms, 1985−2005 (percentage of respondents)

Category 1985 2005 Believed in religion 90 100 Believed that present profession 80 78 was sinful

Thus, there was hardly any difference between 1985 and 2005 in their belief in religion and the belief that their profession was sinful. In both the years, some of them offered prayers, fasted during the month of ramadan and visited holy shrines and pirs. Most of those who thought they were in a sinful profession argued that they were the victims of circumstances who could not turn a new leaf even if they wanted to, and that Allah in His infinite mercy would forgive them. In both the years, only a handful of them were, to some extent, socially conscious and felt for the plight of fellow prostitutes and other victims of social injustices. They simply could not relate Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 295 their lives to the overall social processes in operation, and hence they could not provide an overall solution to their problems. In both the years, a few thought that the overall solution could come only from the government. However, most respondents had no expectation from government or any other organisation.

Future expectations

In 1985, although most prostitutes knew that the prospects of marriage for them were bleak, the most popular expectation among them was still marriage. In 2005, such expectation was minimal. This was perhaps because in 2005, a much larger percentage had tasted marriage and many of them had been abandoned by their husbands or had to put up with co-wives even when they were living with their husbands. The next expectation in order of importance in 1985 was normal employment either in the garment industry or abroad. In 2005 also, similar expectations were shown by about 18 per cent of the prostitutes. However, as we learnt from interviews with prostitutes and confirmed by selected respondents in 2005, (a) it was now almost impossible for women of their educational status to find jobs abroad; (b) some of the garment girls were themselves part-time prostitutes since their income was low; and (c) the only other relatively easily available job was to become a maidservant but that was hardly safe because of the predatory men who employed them and the arduous nature of work in that profession. In 1985, other options they thought about were reunion with the immediate family, a good life even outside marriage, education of children, purchase of house, joining the jatra or film industry. In 2005, nobody among the prostitutes interviewed expected to join films or jatras, reunite with the immediate family and have a good life even outside marriage. However, this time, education of children, setting up small business enterprises, poultry, and cattle farms and returning to the village to pursue agriculture were on the minds of about 42 per cent of the respondents. The village-based expectations in 2005 could be related to their overwhelmingly rural origin. In 1985, only 8 per cent of the prostitutes had no expectations whatsoever. In 2005, this had increased to 40 per cent.

Government policies and actions on prostitution

There has been no further legislation on prostitution since 1985. The existing laws also remain unimplemented. A committee was set up in 1988 to examine the existing laws on prostitution, and to come up with recommendations for new laws and actions for eradicating prostitution in stages. Nothing came out of it. In 1987, the government proposed to conduct a countrywide survey on prostitution. This never took place. A preliminary survey in the same year came up with an absurdly low figure for prostitution in the country as a whole. In 1985, the ghastly murder of Shabmeher, a young brothel inmate of Narayanganj, by her owners was widely publicised by the media. In response, higher authorities instructed the police to carry out raids on all brothels of Dhaka and Narayanganj cities, apparently to recover child or underage prostitutes. In practice, the law and order authorities gave the brothels a thorough shake-up, resulting in the large-scale dispersal of prostitutes. With the passage of time, some returned to the brothels in order to carry on business as usual. However, this became increasingly difficult in view of the continued police raids. As a result, while brothel prostitution receded to the background, other forms of prostitution became prominent. Meanwhile, a combination of social and economic factors led to a further proliferation of prostitutes in Dhaka city over the two decades. In other words, the continued police raids on the brothels proved to be an exercise in futility. 296 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

There was also a proposal to set up a prostitute rehabilitation centre in the latter part of the 1980s, but nothing was done until 2005.

Summary of the main findings

There were four types of prostitutes in Dhaka city in 1985: brothel, rented house, hotel/cinema/office area and streetwalking or floating prostitutes. In 2005, brothel prostitutes no longer existed because brothels had been broken up through continuous police raids in the mid-1980s. However, other types of prostitution had increased and spread to many more areas of the city. Among the different types of prostitutes, the streetwalkers were the most numerous in both the years. The percentage of child prostitutes had apparently declined from 40 per cent in 1985 to 30 per cent in 2005 but this was due to the greater trafficking of young girls across the international border. Almost all the respondents were Bengali Muslims in both the years. Compared to 1985, most prostitutes in 2005 were divorcees, separated, widows and abandoned women, since divorce and abandonment had increased in the extremely poor families over the two decades. The districts of origin were far more widespread in 2005 than in 1985, mainly because of better communications. They were now further scattered in the city than in 1985 mainly due to a mindless crackdown on brothel prostitution. Their level of education had risen over the years, which was consistent with the spread of female education during this period. The class background of prostitutes further tilted towards poor and landless families over the two decades. In both the years, poverty was the main factor driving women and girls into this profession, but social push factors and severe gender discrimination also fuelled this process. In a small number of cases, the lure of a better life was responsible. In both the years, the immediate circumstances were similar − a key person in the shape of a lover, a next-door woman, a pimp, a distant relative, husband, ruffian and employer lured or forced them into prostitution. In 1985, the police were found helping this process but not in 2005, when such force was not required in the context of a growing supply of prostitutes. Sometimes, the social rejection of rape and kidnap in the village also forced young women into prostitution. In 2005, acceptance of prostitution by members of the immediate family was greater than in 1985. However, this was not so in the case of acceptance by the larger society. In both the years, the prostitutes had to face diseases, pregnancy, police harassment, bad behaviour from customers, owners, keepers, pimps and mastans. However, a few changes were also noted. First, the nature of the disease threat in 2005 was no longer confined to traditional sexually transmitted diseases (STD) (for example, gonorrhoea and syphilis) but the deadly HIV/AIDS. Second, exactions and harassment by mastans and police had become far more widespread. Third, the grip of the pimps had loosened considerably because of the use of mobile telephones. Finally, while “ownership” of women and girls declined over the years, it was now more directed to those trafficked across the international boundaries. Given the demand and supply situation, their real income had increased over the two decades, and the main items of expenditure were the same for both the years. The respondents themselves admitted in both years that they were economically better off, when comparing their lives before and after entering this profession. Most of them spent their income on not only themselves but also their immediate family members. In both the years, their main source of recreation was watching movies in the company of clients and friends. They were not much interested in hard liquor but sometimes drank to please their clients. In both the years, most believed in Allah and followed some of the important religious rites. The Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 297 percentage of respondents with no expectations for the future increased from 8 per cent in 1985 to 40 in 2005. The two decades saw an increase in the magnitude of prostitution as well as a change in its mode. Thus prostitutes have now nothing to do with the fine arts, and they are no more confined to a definite area (so-called “red light district”), but have spread all over the city, partly due to government action, partly due to the overall social conditions. At the same time, prostitution and crime became ever more closely connected. However, the basic causes propelling women into this profession − poverty, gender discrimination and other social factors − remained the same, although their intensity has no doubt increased over time. Clients, members of the law enforcement agencies and others involved in this trade generally subjected prostitutes to ruthless and inhuman exploitation. Government action to regulate, let alone eradicate prostitution, has been non-existent during the two decades. Indeed, a section of the law enforcement agencies in league with various elements involved in prostitution had been a part of the problem rather than the solution.

Concluding remarks

Obviously, despite the merciless exploitation, prostitutes were unable to be social change agents, since they had a very low level of consciousness. In addition, some of them with age might turn into pimps, keepers and owners to torment a new generation of prostitutes. The remaining ones were likely to drift into crime, begging and destitution. However, in the context of a radical social transformation, they could be rehabilitated through a programme of medical and psychiatric treatment, social acceptance, training in trades and gainful employment.

Crime and criminals in Dhaka city, 1985−2005

Introduction

Simply defined, crime is the breach of one or more rules or laws for which some governing authority or force may ultimately prescribe a punishment. A normative definition views crime as deviant behaviour that violates prevailing norms − cultural standards prescribing how humans ought to behave normally. This approach considers the complex realities surrounding the concept of crime and seeks to understand how changing social, political, psychological and economic conditions may affect the current definitions of crime and the form of legal, law enforcement and penal responses made by the society. Laws on crime may be divided into two types – “mala prohibita”, which vary from time to time, for example, laws on gambling; and “mala in se”, which are universally outlawed, such as murder, theft and rape. In neither 1985 nor 2005 could anyone give us an exact number of crimes that took place in Dhaka city every day. One important reason for this was that a large number of the crimes were either not reported or not accepted by the police, and even if accepted, these were not processed properly and were generally placed before the magistrate after a long delay and that too in a diluted form, resulting often in the release of the offenders. Magistrates claimed the poor and the weak generally filed complaints to them directly rather than going to the police. On the other hand, it also happened that if one party filed a complaint with the police, the other party filed a counter complaint with the magistrate, resulting in a considerable number of false cases and duplication. However, it was common knowledge that, particularly after independence, 298 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Table 9.7 Number of crimes in Dhaka city, 1985−2005 (according to the police records, but corrected through verification against police oral testimony)

Type of crime 1985 2005 Murder 60 (15)* 230 (19)* Rape 54 (13) 182 (15) Theft and burglary 4,416 (1,104) 2,771 (693) House robbery 49 (12) 203 (17) Hijacking 211 (53) 2,015 (168) Rioting 943 (236) 43 (4) Dacoity 21 (5) 61 (5) Torturing women 25 (6) 768 (64) Arms case 31 (8) 397 (33) Substance-related crimes 29 (7) 3,104 (259) Kidnapping 60 (15) 119 (10) Explosives 60 (15) 192 (16) Financial crimes 78 (20) 131 (11 Other crimes 4,461 (1,115) 6,710 (559) Total crime 10,526 (658) 16,926 (1,410) Note: The population of Dhaka city was about 4 million and 12 million in 1985 and 2005 respectively. *The figures in parentheses indicate the number per million of population. as the city grew in size and population, crime registered a sharp increase. Records of both police and magistrates acknowledged this rising trend, although the volume of crime reported is much lower than the actual rate of occurrence. Not only is there a serious problem regarding the inter- temporal trend in the volume of crime but also the change over time in the nature of crime, and its underpinnings. Newspaper and journal reports or stereotyped prescriptive articles are indeed highly inadequate in understanding these aspects of crime in Dhaka city. We hope that this section will fill in some of the existing gaps.

Crime in Dhaka city over time

According to Taylor (1849) and Heads (1867), major crimes in Dhaka city in the 19th century were theft, house-breaking, rioting and assault, while false evidence in the courts of law, arson and adultery were the most important minor crimes. A common form of theft was pickpocketing, sometimes combined with snatching in crowded public places. Such criminals were mostly Muslims addicted to gambling and liquor. Taylor also reports of the wide use of drugs (mostly opium), and its identification by magistrates as the major cause of serious crimes in the city, such as murders, assault and rioting. Most drug addicts were too Muslims. According to a study by Zainul Abedin (1970) in the 1960s, the number of crimes reported increased steadily but it does not tell us anything about the nature of crimes committed at that time. Tables 9.7 and 9.8 throw some light on the evolving crime situation in Dhaka city between 1985 and 2005. Except for rioting and theft, the absolute number of crimes had increased in Dhaka city for all other types of crime. However, when we consider the crime situation for every million population of Dhaka city for 1985 and 2005 we obtain the following trends. Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 299

Table 9.8 Most important crimes in Dhaka city, by thana, 1985−2005

Thana (Police Station) 1985 2005 Tejgaon Theft, kidnapping, substance Dacoity, hijacking and theft trafficking and hijacking Dhanmondi Hijacking, theft, substance trafficking Theft, hijacking and dacoity and rioting Motijheel Theft, hijacking, pickpocket and Theft, hijacking and murder cheating Cantonment False passports, gold smuggling, theft Theft, hijacking and murder and substance trafficking Mohammadpur Hijacking, cheating, black-marketing Theft, hijacking and murder and substance trafficking Gulshan Hijacking, theft, kidnapping, cheating Theft, hijacking and murder Ramna Hijacking, substance trafficking, theft Theft, murder and hijacking and murder Mirpur Hijacking, Mastani, substance Theft, hijacking and dacoity trafficking and theft Kotwali Theft, hijacking, rioting and substance Theft, murder and hijacking trafficking Lalbagh Rioting, land-related crimes, mastani Theft, murder and hijacking and substance trafficking Sutrapur Rioting, hijacking and theft Theft, hijacking and dacoity Sabujbagh Rioting, murder, hijacking and theft Theft, hijacking and murder Demra Rioting, theft, murder and hijacking Theft, murder and hijacking Khilgaon TNE Theft, murder and hijacking Shyampur TNE Theft, hijacking and murder Pallabi TNE Theft, murder and hijacking Kafrul TNE Theft, hijacking and dacoity Uttara TNE Theft, hijacking and dacoity Badda TNE Theft, murder and hijacking Airport TNE Theft, hijacking and murder Kamringirchar TNE Theft and murder Source: Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP). Note: TNE = Thana not in existence.

Murder, robbery, hijacking, torture on women, rape, arms cases and explosives, substance-related cases and the total number of crimes increased, while theft, rioting, kidnapping and financial crimes decreased. A static situation appeared to hold for dacoity. There was an unusual understatement in the above statistics, as was revealed during the process of verifying the data with the police. Both in 1985 and 2005, far fewer crimes than were committed were reported by members of the public because of their lack of confidence in the police and harassments and bribes demanded by them. In addition, the police were sometimes reluctant to record crimes because they were busy with more dangerous and sensational crimes or because recording a large number of crimes in areas under their charge would go against their record. Across the thanas, the emerging pattern of most important crimes seems to be that over the two decades, by 2005 three crimes had become the most important − theft, murder and hijacking (two of which were extremely violent in nature), in other words, a homogenisation of crime in space and time. So, it did not matter where one lived, in old or new Dhaka or in a civilian area or the 300 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 heavily guarded cantonment area, these three crimes had come to dominate Dhaka city everywhere. However, it may be noted that dacoity was at least somewhat associated with the far-flung location of the area of occurrence. In addition, the dominance of theft in every thana of Dhaka city in 2005 did not support the decline in theft in absolute number or per million population, as indicated in the police statistics on crime presented above. In 1984–1985, there were about 5,000 criminals in Dhaka city. The figure rose to 20,000 by the end of 1989. According to our estimate based on police and media sources, the figure was likely to be around 100,000 in 2005.

Background of criminals, 1985−2005 (based on case studies of selected criminals in Dhaka Central Jail)

Hijacking in 1985, the average age of hijackers was 22.6; all were Muslims and male. In 2005, the average age was 22.5 years with three below the age of 18. All except one were Muslims and all except two were male. In 1985, the educational achievement was between zero and VIII. In 2005, it was between zero and X. In 1985, only two were married. In 2005, only five were married. In 1985, the districts of origin were, in order of importance, Dhaka, Barisal, Noakhali and Mymensingh. In 2005, the districts of origin in order of importance were Dhaka, Barisal, Comilla, Gaibandha, Kushtia, Faridpur and Khulna. The average number of brothers and sisters in 1985 and 2005 was 5.9 and 5.8 respectively. In 1985, for five out of the nine respondents, the father was dead. In 2005, this was seven out of 13. In 1985, the socio-economic background was four poor, two lower middle class, two middle class and one from the rich class. In 2005, 11 out of 13 fathers were poor and the remaining two were from the lower middle class. In 1985, five were manual workers, while others were in petty government employment, clerical jobs and farming. In 2005, 11 out of 13 fathers were in manual employment and only two were not involved in manual work. In 1985, five were in urban manual work, two in petty trade and two in urban non-manual work. In 2005, only one was in non-manual work, 11 were manual labourers and one was unemployed. It is, therefore, safe to conclude that hijacking is associated with poor people with very little education and families with many brothers and sisters. The district of origin was perhaps spreading and children were getting more involved in it over the years, but it was still basically a male dominated profession.

Theft the average age of thieves was 22.5 in 1985. It came down to 20.8 in 2005, with half the thieves being children. In both years, all were Muslims and male and the overwhelming majority was illiterate, pursuing manual labour-based occupations and coming from poor families. In both the years, fathers were also from poor families with manual labour-based occupations. In both the years, they came from families with more than five brothers and sisters. In both the years, Dhaka followed by Barisal was the most common district background.

Substance trafficking The average age of substance traffickers in 1985 was 44, while it was 27 in 2005. All were Muslims. There was one female in the 1985 sample. In the 2005 sample, there were three. In both the years, the substance traffickers were illiterate or almost illiterate. In 1985, the two important districts of origin were Dhaka and Faridpur. In 2005, the districts of origin, in order of importance, were Dhaka, Faridpur, Comilla and Barisal. The average number of brothers and sisters was 5.5 in 1985 and 5.8 in 2005. Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 301

In both the years, the majority of the fathers of criminals were in manual labour occupations, while a small percentage was in petty business. They were all poor in both the years. In both the years, they were themselves either unemployed or employed in manual labour-based occupations. As confirmed by selected respondents, (a) the percentage of women and children in substance trafficking was on the increase; (b) while the majority of the substance peddlars were poor people (sometimes, under-privileged women and homeless street children from extremely poor families were used as carriers), the substance smugglers and leaders of the substance rackets were generally rich and powerful people aided by local politicians and mastans; and (c) the main sources of substance were India, Myanmar, Thailand and Pakistan. These were smuggled into Bangladesh through the various routes. Some of the substance also came from within the country (for example, cannabis from Rajshahi Division, Chittagong Hill Tracts, Jamalpur, Tangail, Mymensingh, Meherpur, Kushtia and Chuadanga, and some of the sedatives, hypnotics and tranquillisers were produced by the local pharmaceutical industries).

Murder the average age of murderers was 26 in 1985 and 36 in 2005. One hundred per cent were Muslims in both the years. In 1985, all were male. In 2005, three out of ten were female. In both the years, most were illiterate to semi-literate. In 1985, two were in urban manual work, two in small business, two were clerks, one was a homemaker, one unemployed and one in local politics; in 2005, five were urban manual workers, two were homemakers, and the remaining three in small business. The average number of brothers and sisters increased from 4.4 in 1985 to 5 in 2005. In 1985, fathers’ occupations were agriculture (four), business (two) and manual work (one); in 2005, fathers’ occupations were agriculture (five), business (three) and manual labour (two); the districts of origin in 1985 were Mymensingh (two), Noakhali (two), Barisal (two), Comilla (one) and Dhaka (one). In 2005, the districts of origin were Dhaka (five), Faridpur (two), Barisal (one), Jessore (one) and Rajshahi (one).

Fraud and cheating there were not many differences between 1985 and 2005 in the socio- economic background of criminals involved in fraud and cheating. In both the years, all of them were male and Muslims; most of them were relatively better educated than other categories of criminals. In both the years, they were slightly older, with both themselves and their fathers coming from middle to lower middle classes and occupations. In 1985, they were from Noakhali and Comilla. In 2005, they were from Comilla and Dhaka.

Kidnapping in the 1985 sample of kidnappers, all were Muslims. In 2005, all except one was Muslim. The average age increased from 22 in 1985 to 26.3 in 2005. In 1985, the districts of origin were Dhaka (five), Mymensing (one); in 2005, the districts of origin were Mymensingh (two), and one each from Pabna, Moulovi Bazar, Dhaka and Faridpur. Education in 1985 was 0–X; in 2005, it was VI–XII. The average numbers of brothers and sisters in 1985 was six and in 2005, it was 5.8. In 1985, their occupations were urban manual (three), small business (three), service abroad (one) and unemployed (one). In 2005, their occupations were three urban manual, one clerk, one business and one teacher; in 1985, fathers’ occupations were petty trade (three), urban manual (three) and agriculture (two); in 2005, it was agriculture (three), urban manual (two) and clerical (one).

Arms cases no data were collected for 1985 because at that time, it was not a major crime. By 2005, it had increased considerably. The following were the characteristics of those involved in arms cases in 2005. The average age was 27.2, but six out of 11 in the sample were below the age of 18. Four out of 11 were female. The occupations for women were workers (two) and homemakers 302 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

(two). Of the males, three were manual workers, three were in petty business and one was a student. The districts of origin, in order of importance, were Dhaka, Mymensingh, Comilla, Bhola and Rajshahi. Education was restricted between no education and class V. Fathers’ occupations were worker (five); petty business- (two); tuition (one); agriculture (two); and government official (one). The average number of brothers and sisters was 5.9.

Mastans of Dhaka city

Mastani is not a legal term. It covers a number of crimes, such as hijacking, extortion of money, rioting and terrorism through, for example, bombing, kidnapping, torture of opponents, grabbing of property, raping and teasing girls. Mastans generally had their gangs concentrated in one or several neighbourhoods. In 1985, it had assumed an acute form in Dhaka city. By 2003, it had intensified to such an extent that Operation Clean Heart had to be launched and later RAB had to be created and the strategy was not to take anyone to custody but to get rid of them through the so-called “heart attacks” and “cross-fires” (devices to cover up extra-judicial killings). In fact, the pressure for action against them mounted as even foreigners, including those working in international organisations, were targeted for extortion by the mastans. However, in the long run, these proved to be counter- productive and earned a bad reputation for Bangladesh for violating human rights. There are several differences between 1985 and 2005. First, although in both the years mastans were young, there were hardly any university students among the top mastans of 2005. Professional criminals had taken over this “occupation”. Second, there was now a hierarchy in this crime, consisting of godfathers, a principal mastan and a considerable number of assistants who actually carried out the instructions at the field level. The godfathers could be political leaders or police officers or other powerful people in the society. Third, in both 1985 and 2005, they led an underground life, but in 2005, many of them were living in Kolkata and other places in India, now that RAB was after their blood. Fourth, in both the years, they were given to wine, women (some of them having a number of wives) and substance use and had committed several murders and rapes and had been arrested and jailed several times over. However, in 2005, some of them (for example, Kala Jahangir) had turned into “mythical figures” for having broken all previous records of crime.

Crime trends in Dhaka city, 1985–2005 based on the seven versions of crime

Compared to the 1970s, the volume of crime, in general and of heinous and dangerous crimes, in particular, had increased in 1985 and this could not be explained by population growth alone. Similar was the trend between 1985 and 2005. In 1985, certain crimes were area specific, for example, bomb-making in Mirpur, Sutrapur and Kotwali Police Stations, violent neighbourhood and street fighting in Lalbagh, Sutrapur, Sabujbagh and Demra, hijacking in far-flung areas and around concentrations of floating people and substance trafficking in Mohammedpur. Crimes, such as theft, cheating, fraud, breach of trust and crimes against women were not restricted to any specific area. Mastani, which was once restricted to old Dhaka, was now to be found in new Dhaka as well. In 2005, crime had spread to all areas and no area could be said to be specialising in particular crimes. Perhaps the only crime that could be associated with far-flung thanas was dacoity. The most important four crimes of Dhaka city in 2005 were theft, murder, hijacking and dacoity. In 1985, poverty, unemployment and lack of education seemed to be the root cause of most crimes in Dhaka city. There were other factors at work, such as the general moral decay, frustration Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 303 among the youth, rapid population growth, lack of recreational facilities and basic civic amenities; but these were symptoms rather than a diagnosis of the situation. In 2005, these causes were no doubt very much valid but the general moral decay was perhaps not a symptom any longer but it seems to have emerged as a strong independent factor. Compared to 1985, the involvement of women and children in crime had increased in 2005. About 25 to 30 per cent of the convicted persons claimed to be innocent. First offenders and the innocent are generally converted into hardened criminals in the jail. In 1985, an important distinction was the crime out of greed by the rich, educated and the powerful versus the crime originating from sheer struggle for survival by the poor and unemployed multitudes. The former category included smuggling, mastani, trafficking in substance and persons, forgery, cheating and fraud. In these crimes, the stakes were high and the involvement of the poor was as carriers, operatives and implementers, whereas the actual ring leaders, masterminds and profiteers from such crimes were the rich and the powerful. In 2005, crime out of greed had increased enormously in terms of the money involved and the scale of operation. In addition, the masterminds of such crimes were now, much more than ever before, hand-in-glove with powerful politicians, the media and sections of the law and order administration. In 1985, the entire system of criminal justice (including police, magistracy, and jail administration) was a part of the problem rather than its solution. Similarly, there was a close relationship between a section of the power wielders and the underworld. These power wielders, in order to perpetuate their power, actively encouraged and patronised criminals in general and mastans, in particular. In lieu of services rendered in the shape of breaking up public meetings, processions and strikes of opposition groups, providing muscle power in confrontational actions, organising hired audiences for public occasions, collecting party funds, and most important in hijacking votes during the elections, these power wielders allowed these criminals a free hand to play havoc with the lives of ordinary helpless citizens. In short, Dhaka city politics in 1985 had been sufficiently criminalised. In 2005, the crime situation in Dhaka city had only worsened. In 2005, an additional dimension of the criminal justice system (in particular, the police) was that it had been thoroughly politicised and degraded by the two political parties elected to power in 1991, 1996 and 2001, through brutalising the recruitment, transfer, posting and promotion process. In addition, the politicians openly resorted to the cash nexus for favours they showed in these personnel matters. As a result, the quality of the criminal justice system further deteriorated and had a telling effect on controlling crime in Dhaka city. The use of criminals in politics had also increased substantially because of the frequent physical confrontation between the two major political parties. In 1985, the state had been pursuing a host of economic and social policies in a manner the consequences of which were, on the one hand, rapid increase in poverty, unemployment and inequality over time, and on the other, creation of an all-pervading “get-rich-quick” syndrome in the society. The latter was obviously the outcome of the unstinted support provided to the anti- productive rich by the state machinery in a world beginning to be dominated by the neo-liberal economic philosophy. Indeed, this was the time when the neo-liberals were emerging supreme in the world. Through the Bretonwoods institutions and bilateral organisations, the donors imposed policies such as privatisation, removal of subsidies, deregulation, trade liberalisation and such other neo-liberal solutions on countries like Bangladesh without considering their implications for their concrete realities and putting in place the necessary safety net measures. As a result, a few of the plunderers and rent-seekers became super rich, while the large majority of the poor people were further marginalised. 304 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Such an atmosphere was bound to breed crime. By 2005, absolute poverty declined considerably but for inequality, the reverse was the trend and the rate of decline in absolute poverty appeared to be low judging by the absolute number and percentage of people still under the poverty line; also, the “get-rich-quick” syndrome continued to hold the centre stage despite the emergence of democratic rule in 1991. In fact, during the nine years of rule under Ershad, corrupt businesspersons and retired army and civil officials close to the regime, rose as the new tycoons. The democratic rule since 1991 led to the rise of another large group of corrupt businesspersons, civil−military officials and politicians through various plunderous means and at the same time co-option of the earlier groups to their fold.

Summary of the main findings

There was a high under-reporting of crime figures in both the years. However, even on a per-capita basis, murder, robbery, hijacking, torture of women, rape, arms, substance and explosives-related crimes and the total number of crimes showed a clear increase between 1985 and 2005. Although highly doubtful, the official statistics suggest that rioting, theft and kidnapping had declined and dacoity remained at the same level over the two decades. In 1985, crimes were location-specific to a considerable extent. In 2005, except dacoity, which was associated with far-flung areas, theft, murder and hijacking had emerged as the main crimes in any part of Dhaka city. Poor, young and unemployed males with poor education and coming from poor families in both the years dominated some of the most important crimes of Dhaka city, such as hijacking, theft and substance trafficking. In other crimes like murder, kidnapping and arms case, the education, class and occupations varied. Fraud and cheating in both the years were crimes of the educated middle and lower middle classes. The role of the mastans had increased over the two decades, but there were some differences between 1985 and 2005. The ranks of the mastans were now younger but no longer restricted to university students; the “professionals” had taken over this segnment. Second, the crimes committed by the mastans were far more organised, linking crime with politics and the state machinery. Third, many of them were operating from outside Bangladesh through their lieutenants and field-level operatives. Finally, some of them in 2005 had turned into mythical figuresfor surpassing all previous records of crime. Crime out of greed, the link between crime and politics and the state machinery and involvement of women and children in crime showed a clear increase over the last two decades. In both the years, poverty, unemployment and lack of education were mainly responsible for involvement of the poor in crime, while for the middle class and the rich, it was greed. Deterioration in the value system and the prevailing economic system also created the environment for crime to increase. Compared to 1985, the criminal justice system in 2005 showed further deterioration in terms of efficiency, integrity and commitment to crime prevention.

Concluding remarks

In 1985, it appeared that Dhaka city was about to plunge into an abyss of uncontrollable crime and anarchy. In 2005, it seemed to have reached that point, despite certain “radical cosmetic solutions” from time to time, such as “Operation Clean Heart”, special tribunals and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) “cross-fire” actions. Without radical structural changes in the society in order to address Beggars, Prostitutes and Criminals of Dhaka City 305 the conditions that propel people into crime, and putting in place a proactive and pro-poor criminal administration system, the prospects for a crime-free Dhaka city are bleak. In the final analysis, cosmetic changes are likely to take the city nowhere in the long run. In both 1985 and 2005, the criminals of Dhaka city, despite their class background could not be change agents in the positive sense. In fact, they have emerged as a major problem, given their deep entanglement with the powers that be. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 10 Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City

Introduction

We have identified old Dhaka, Gulshan-Baridhara diplomatic enclave, the Cantonment, Peelkhana and Dhaka University as special areas and Biharis, Ahmadiyyas, Buddhists, Ismailis, dhangors and hijras (hermaphrodites) as special groups in Dhaka city. We could not study special groups and areas in 1985 because of our personnel and logistical limitations. However, since it would not be possible to understand the Dhaka society fully without a clear idea of these areas and groups, we decided to study these in 2005.

Special areas

Old Dhaka

Although old Dhaka, comprising thanas such as Lalbagh, Kotwali, Sutrapur and Hazaribagh, has been to some extent covered in the GHS, it is important to delineate its special characteristics in order to understand the cultural diversity of the city. First and foremost is the fact that it is in old Dhaka that most relics of the past, including those of the Mughal and British times, are located, such as Ahsan Manzil, Ruplal House, Armenian Church, Shakhari Patti, Boro Katra, Choto Katra, Khan Mohammed Mridha’s Mosque, Hussaini Dalan and . The main roads are narrow, the buildings are old and dilapidated and there are lanes and by-lanes all over the place like a maze. In order to understand life in old Dhaka, it should be compared with that of new Dhaka. There are indeed some interesting differences between the general lifestyles and culture prevailing in new and old Dhaka. Old Dhaka still uses a hybrid dialect of Urdu and Bengali (comparable to cockney in London’s East End), while in new Dhaka one hears either the standard spoken Bengali or the dialect of the district of origin. New Dhaka is more modern (Western) than old Dhaka in dress, observance of purdah (modesty in dress code as prescribed by Islam) and religious formalities. In old Dhaka, the favourite dress is white lungi with white punjabi/shirt for men and shalwar/kameez or sari with borkha (veil) for women. Women’s visibility in outdoor life is still at a minimum in old Dhaka. People are more straightforward, disciplined and well behaved in old Dhaka. They are also known for a fine sense of humour and community feeling. Joint families are to be found more in old than new Dhaka. New Dhaka is not known for any particular food, except for the many new restaurants serving foreign cuisine in various parts of the new city. On the contrary, old Dhaka is noted for traditional food items, such as bakr khani, dalpuri, shutli kabab, katchi biriani, hajir biriani, morogh pilau, lassi, tanduri roti, nihari and tihari, some of which have come down from Mughal days. Particularly during the month of ramadan, the Chawkbazaar area sells many innovative items of iftari, i.e. food items consumed when breaking the dawn-to-dusk fast. 308 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Old Dhaka has fewer links with rural Bengal. Indeed, it is here that one comes across families who have lived in Dhaka city for many generations. Kawali (Islamic devotional songs) used to be quite popular in old Dhaka until recently. There is a great craze for football and kite flying in old Dhaka. People still play carrom in the streets. Before independence, people of old Dhaka also had a great penchant for horse racing, which was subsequently banned. There is greater enthusiasm among the residents of old Dhaka for religious occasions, such as Eid, puja, shab-e- barat, ramadan and muharram, whereas the New Dhaka residents are more interested in secular functions, such as Rabindra and Nazrul jayantis (birthday celebrations), shaheed (Martyrs’) Day, pahela baisakh (first day in the Bengali year), Victory Day and boshonto utsab (spring festival). In old Dhaka, one would occasionally encounter horse carriages and old-style brass bands during wedding ceremonies. Old Dhaka denotes peaceful coexistence and amity between the Hindus and the Muslims. In recent times, there has rarely been any breach of peace on communal lines in old Dhaka. In fact, the greatest concentration of the Hindus is in old Dhaka. For example, in Shakhari Patty live the conch shell makers. Originally, this area was settled by the Hindus who migrated from South India and Vikrampur (Munshiganj) more than 300 years ago. The Mughal rulers donated this land to them to encourage this trade. However, over time this has been reduced to an inner-city slum, inhabited by a poor section of the Hindu community (see Kabir, Ehtesham, 2007). Old Dhaka is fast decaying for various reasons. First, in the absence of gentrification efforts from the private as well as the public sector, it is turning into an uninhabitable ghetto. Second, the effort to preserve old relics, buildings and cultural traditions is minimal. Third, many well-to-do people of old Dhaka are moving out to new Dhaka and many new residents are migrating from nearby districts to old Dhaka, diluting its traditional character.

Gulshan-Baridhara diplomatic enclave

Although foreign diplomats are not internal to either Dhaka city or Bangladesh, in the special circumstances of the country, they are of importance and hence deserve to be understood. Most bilateral and multilateral diplomats live in the most posh area in Dhaka city, co-habiting with the richest and the most powerful of the local citizens. Most of the plots in the diplomatic enclave are owned by the individual countries, and they were allowed to construct their embassies there according to their own specific needs. Some embassies also built their residential accommodation in the area allotted to them, but by and large, they live in rented houses not very far from their offices in the same area. Although these diplomats are not permanent residents of the city, they wield a disproportionately high degree of power, and hence a critical appreciation about them is crucial for understanding how the city and the country operate. This area was noted for high security measures, and after 9/11 and the invasion of Iraq by US- led forces, these were further tightened by the host country as well as the individual embassies. Obviously, security threats are highest for Western embassies, in general and the US and the UK, in particular. Also, the growth of extremist religious groups in Bangladesh in recent years has further heightened security concerns in this area. So, a passage through this area to another part of the city or a visit to an embassy or embassy official’s residence has become highly time-consuming because of several rounds of security checks and lack of parking area for cars. This contributes in no small measure to the horrendous traffic jams in Dhaka city. However, since the area is located in one side of the city, it is possible to minimise this difficulty by constructing appropriate diversion roads. Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 309

This area is noted for intelligence gathering and monitoring by certain agencies of both Bangladesh and foreign governments. From the perspectives of the Bangladesh government, the two most important locations are the embassies of India and Pakistan, depending on which political party is in power. For example, if BNP is in power, important Bangladeshi visitors to the Indian High Commission are likely to be monitored and reported to the authorities. On the other hand, if the AL is in power, the embassies of Pakistan and a few Arab countries could be under surveillance. This area is also noted for the best of the city services, such as in solid waste disposal, supply of water, electricity and gas and repair and maintenance of roads and drains because of the joint pressure by the diplomats and the local elite on the authorities concerned. In any case, many of them also maintain their alternative arrangements, for example, in case of power outages, which are quite frequent. Some of the best clubs, restaurants and shopping complexes are also located in this area because of the demand generated by the local elite and the diplomats. The diplomats located in Dhaka city, in addition to frequently meeting politicians, high civil and military officials, generally befriend the local elite as both next-door neighbours and in the course of their economic and commercial diplomacy. In fact, according to selected respondents, unholy alliances exist between the two, around business deals, post-retirement jobs and aid-based projects. The NGOs, who are generally considered as their own creatures, also interact closely with them. Therefore, these diplomats, despite their apparent concern for poverty alleviation in Bangladesh, are deeply influenced by the views, attitudes and aspirations and “friendships” of these privileged people rather than the common man. The diplomats who are sent to Bangladesh are perhaps generally mediocre because of the low importance the country enjoys as a Least Developed Country (LDC) in international organisations and foreign capitals. They are said to shed tears twice, that is once after they land or are about to land in Bangladesh and once when they are about to leave. When they arrive in Dhaka city, they are generally appalled by the underdeveloped facilities here. But they also cry when they receive their marching orders because of the relatively low prices, easy availability of helping hands, loss of hardship allowances and the end of their “high and mighty” stance they are able to take in a weak state, despite the advent of democracy. Indeed, diplomats in general, and Western diplomats in particular, enjoy disproportionately high power and authority in Bangladesh for a number of reasons. First, as aid providers, the donors call the shots. The Bangladesh elite and the state, who generally not only beg, but beg shamelessly from the development partners, are simply beholden to them. Second, Bangladesh government is always looking to these countries for foreign aid, private foreign investment and concessions in foreign trade from a position of weakness, and again these activities are inextricably linked to the bread and butter of the Bangladesh elite. Third, given the poor governance arrangements in the country, the local power wielders have created the scope for the foreign countries to meddle constantly in Bangladesh’s internal affairs, in gross violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations (VCDR), 1961. In particular, the inability of the government to stamp out terrorism by the extremist section of the Islamic parties and of the two principal political parties to reach consensus around basic issues has made the state vulnerable to such interference. Indeed, there are many ways that foreign diplomats interfere grossly in the internal affairs of the country violating all established international diplomatic norms. Pressure through the so- called civil society (basically NGOs, totally dependent on largesse from Western countries), open derogatory statements in the media, imposing fresh conditionalities and openly pontificating about what is good for Bangladesh and what Bangladesh must do (something that they would, for example, not dare to do with India) are some of the ways over and above the normal pressure 310 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 imposed through the official channels. Unfortunately, the inferiority complex-ridden, low-quality media personnel also catalyse this process by openly inviting the diplomats to comment on the country’s internal affairs.

The Cantonment

At present, the Dhaka cantonment area consists of about six square kilometres, six kilometres in length and one kilometre wide. Its population in 2001 stood at 117,464. It is decidedly the area with the lowest population density. Its affairs are managed by a Cantonment Board, consisting of civilian officials, i.e. members of the BCS (Administration) under the Chairmanship of the Chief of the General Staff. It started as military barracks in the British times by acquiring land from private owners. After partition of the sub-continent in 1947, the Government of Pakistan acquired more and (about 1.5 square km) and added several more army barracks and other military establishments at the same location. Around the same time, an air base was built, comprising an area of one square kilometre to the east and south of the old airport. The Dhaka Cantonment Board was created in 1952. After the independence of Bangladesh, the area further expanded and in addition to army and air force headquarters, the naval headquarters was also shifted to this location from Chittagong. So, the cantonment area is bounded in the north by the Drum Factory and Parjatan (Tourist) Corporation in the west and Kurmitola New Airport in the south. Within the cantonment area, there are one medical college, one engineering college, nine high schools, four schools cum intermediate colleges, a number of primary schools and kindergartens. There are three hospitals and two clinics, four cinemas, four community centres and clubs, two shopping complexes, branches of five banks, six residential colonies, two regimental lines and many individual houses. Other facilities available are one police station, one fire brigade, two golf clubs, a central library and a museum on the freedom struggle. The Cantonment Board builds and maintains roads, streets, drains and lighting facilities with the help of the Military Engineering Service. DWASA is responsible for supply of water and sewerage services, while DESA supplies electricity. The military officers living in the cantonment area are generally from lower middle class families from both rural and urban areas but by the time they retire, they mostly graduate to the upper middle class or even the rich. They either socialised with their own kind or businesspersons (and this was also true of their matrimonial alliances), their favourite post-retirement work being also business. They generally suffered from inferiority complex vis-à-vis civil service officials and intellectuals, which often translated into haughty and arrogant behaviour when they got the chance to wield power. The military training at home, peacekeeping work abroad, postings in the Hill Tracts, and Martial Law duties in the past and RAB duties at present helped to make them further self-conscious, arrogant and power-hungry. This was particularly because almost all the freedom fighters, the role model for supreme sacrifice for the motherland, were now gone from the armed forces and their idealism had long been replaced by opportunism and greed for money, power and privilege both in and outside the armed forces. However, it must be admitted that there were always some honourable exceptions to this general trend. The role of the armed forces in the power structure is discussed in Chapter 11.

An area of anachronism the Dhaka Cantonment represents anachronism because the idea of an exclusive area for the military (for office-cum-residence) dates back to colonial rule, and this continues to persist in Bangladesh and the sub-continent although in many developing and Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 311 developed countries modern solutions have been found and are being practised. This anachronism appears more acute when one finds that the Cantonment is no longer far removed from civilian areas but is located right inside the city. It may be noted here that despite its present location, the authorities in this area seemed to be concerned not about planning for the city as a whole, but only on how to maximise their own interests. In addition, it is an area that is causing severe difficulties to other parts of the city and the now-considerable civilian population living in the Cantonment area, particularly in Joar Shahara, Lalasarai, DOHS, Balughat, Kotchukhet and Ibrahimpur. Their movement is severely restricted on a regular basis. There are many urban and semi-urban civilian areas around the Cantonment. The people of these areas cannot travel to the city centre without crossing the Cantonment area but the Cantonment authorities allow them to cross the Cantonment only at specified times. It is also an area little concerned about environmental degradation. This is brought out especially by the following characteristics of its built-up space:

• It is disproportionately greater than the planned greenery. • It is based on maximum rather than minimum land acquisition. • It has meant filling up valuable water bodies, wetland and rice land and clearing forested areas, in other words, by destroying the existing ecology.

An area based on power and privilege this would become obvious not only from the pay and emoluments of armed forces personnel but also in their access to highly subsidised food and residential land, and the assurances they have in respect of spacious housing, high quality and exclusive education and medical services. They gave themselves these additional facilities during Ziaur Rahman’s rule and when they ruled the country through Martial Law and autocracy for about nine years between 1982 and 1991. Thereafter, the democratic governments that followed did not dare even to review these privileges in order to bring them at par with those of civilian officials of comparable status.

People’s perceptions about the Cantonment area We encountered three perceptions from civilians who are forced to use the Cantonment area. First, it is a place where highly privileged people live. Second, the army guards misbehave with the public. Third, this area is causing severe traffic problems to the rest of the city.

Peelkhana Enclave, headquarters of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR)

A much smaller area compared to the Cantonment, Peelkhana Enclave also represents a privileged area in the heart of the city, and it is also causing great difficulties to the civilian population living outside since movement through this area is severely restricted. Thus, entry into New Market, the Dhaka University Campus, several student hostels, Azimpur Graveyard and parts of old Dhaka from Rifle Square and beyond becomes extremely difficult. Either the BDR Headquarters should be removed elsewhere or traffic flow should be allowed through this area. Furthermore, since it is a semi-military restricted area, containing depots of arms and explosives, an accidental explosion cannot be ruled out, and in such a case, it would be disastrous for the densely populated areas all around Peelkhana. 312 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Dhaka University area

This area is in one sense the boundary between old and new Dhaka, occupying a large chunk of prime land in the heart of the city. It is populated mainly by teachers, staff and students. Dhaka University has had a glorious role in the intellectual development of Bangladesh. All the important political movements in the country originated here. The sacrifices made by the teachers and students of this university for just causes can hardly be over-estimated. And yet, the fact is that Dhaka University has changed, and definitely for the worse, in recent times. This area poses several difficulties for the city as whole. First, thoroughfare is not possible in this area because of the large student population, and several traffic accidents in the past resulted in severe rioting and destruction of property by the protesting students. So, the university authorities have imposed barriers at several points to control traffic. In addition, when violence erupts in the campus, with strikes and hartals as starters, it generally also spreads to the adjoining areas, further aggravating traffic jams. On the other hand, there are not enough diversion roads for the traffic to avoid the campus area. Unfortunately, any suggestion of shifting the campus to somewhere outside the city is likely to be heavily resisted. Second and more important than traffic jams, Dhaka University is also a hub of crime and violence in Dhaka city. As is well known, the nature of student politics has deteriorated over the years to the extent that most student leaders of the major student political parties cannot any longer be distinguished from extortionists and gangsters. The halls of residence have become a safe haven of criminals, who after committing crime take refuge in these places and the law and order authorities find it well nigh impossible to touch them since they enjoy the protection of the student leaders. In any case, even without protection, criminals generally sneak into the university campus after committing crimes in adjoining areas, because they are well aware that they would not be pursued into the university area, where the police enter only in certain desperate circumstances. The halls of residence are also storehouses of arms and explosives, which are used for causing both political violence and mugging, extortion and other crimes.

Special groups

Biharis

“Biharis” is the term given to a group of non-Bengali residents and citizens of former East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), most of whom originated from the Indian state of Bihar after the 1947 Partition of the sub-continent. In fact, about 1.3 million Biharis moved to East Pakistan at that time. There are several concentrations of Biharis in Bangladesh, namely Rangpur (Saidpur), Khulna (Khalishpur), Narayanganj (Adamjeenagar) and Dhaka city (Mirpur and Mohammedpur). On arrival in East Pakistan, the Biharis found work as small traders, clerks, civil servants, skilled railway and mill workers and doctors. The majority were hardworking and successful and many were appointed by the Pakistani authorities to replace the emigrating educated Hindus in administrative jobs and in the mills. The success of the Biharis, through official patronage, created a climate of hostility among the Bengali Muslims. The Urdu-speaking Biharis became increasingly unpopular, and were seen by the Bengalis as a symbol of Pakistani domination. In the December 1970 general elections, the Biharis of East Pakistan supported the pro-Pakistan Muslim League and the Pakistan People’s Party, rather than the Awami League, which led the Bengali nationalist movement. During the 1971 War of Liberation, the Biharis sided to a man with Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 313 the Pakistan army, who committed genocide on the Bengalis leading to a huge number of murders and rapes and colossal destruction of property. One wing of the razakars, an auxiliary force of the Pakistan army, was made up of almost entirely Biharis, and used for revenge attacks on the Bengali civilians. In December the Pakistani army capitulated, but this did not prevent the massacre of several hundreds of Bengali intellectuals, an act of violence for which the Bihari community was widely blamed. When Bangladesh came into existence, there was widespread retaliation against the Bihari population all over the country, including in Dhaka city. Murder, rape, confiscation of property and business, seizure of bank accounts, expulsion of their children from schools and firing them from jobs were the principal modes of revenge that the Bengalis adopted. By mid-1972, the number of Biharis in Bangladesh was approximately 750,000. Some 280,000 of these were living in camps in Dhaka city. Another 250,000 were living in Saidpur in the north- west, where conditions were better because they outnumbered the Bengalis from the very beginning. The remaining Biharis lived in Khulna and other places or had fled to India and Pakistan. Between 1974 and 1981, the Pakistan government repatriated about 160,000 Biharis to Pakistan. For various reasons, further repatriation could not take place, and the Biharis, describing themselves as “stranded Pakistanis”, continued to live in camps in Dhaka city and other places under conditions of extreme hardship, although the Government of Bangladesh, UNHCR and international NGOs cooperated to make the necessary provisions available to them and allowed them to go out of the camps in search of jobs or to set up business. In 2005, there were about 117,000 Biharis in Dhaka city within and outside the 31 camps, located in Mohammedpur and Mirpur. Between 1972 and 2005 several changes had taken place at the ground level. First, many Biharis learned to use Bengali at least in the work situation, and became integrated with the mainstream society through business, employment, education and marriage. Two advantages came in handy for the Biharis. Both communities being Muslims, inter- marriage between Biharis and Bengalis was not an insurmountable problem. Many of the Biharis were highly skilled and hence in great demand. For example, the sari factories of Mirpur were made possible by the skilled Bihari workforce. Second, most of the old generation among the Biharis died a natural death, and hence the urge to return to Pakistan also declined. There was still, of course, a section who, under Stranded Pakistanis General Repatriation Committee (SPGRC), wanted to return to Pakistan. Third, according to lawyers interviewed, children born to Biharis after 1972 could claim Bangladeshi citizenship. Finally, the attitudes of both Bengalis and Biharis underwent a considerable change with the passage of time: animosity and hatred came to be replaced by accommodation and rapprochement. It is expected that Biharis will be allowed voting rights in the near future, and this will pave the way for their further integration into the society. However, the Bihari community still face many problems and discriminations. Since they are not yet citizens, they are deprived of most government services. During the period 1990–2003, they received relief wheat from the government at the rate of 3 kg of wheat per month, per capita. This was stopped in 2004. From 1971, their children used to receive free books in the primary schools. This was discontinued in 2000. There is tremendous eagerness among the community to impart education to their children but because of poverty and discrimination, this is not possible. In particular, the girl children are most deprived educationally. Since the Biharis are not citizens, they cannot participate in elections and political life. No political leader has ever visited them to learn about their living conditions. This is also true of Ward Commissioners and local leaders. If they face some extraordinary difficulty, they try to contact the Deputy Commissioner or relevant Ministry official. 314 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Those in the camps live in inhuman conditions. In one small room, there are generally more than five persons huddled together. Toilet facilities are simply horrible. Supply of water in the camp is extremely inadequate. There is no place for children to play, and even dustbins for dumping solid waste are not available. In a word, these places are no better than the worst ghettos. The involvement of NGOs in rehabilitating them is also minimal. From 1972 to 1980, ICRC provided them with food items. In 1986, many of the camps were completely gutted by fire. At that time, ICRC, along with the Saudi, Kuwaiti and German embassies, came forward to help them in rebuilding the residential facilities. The Islamic Bank Foundation of Bangladesh helped them in rebuilding a school destroyed by fire. Since 2005, two NGOs, Surovi and Plan International, have been jointly managing the camp schools. Although some of them are highly skilled artisans (for example, embroidery and silk sari), the majority of the Biharis are employed in menial jobs, such as cobblers, barbers, rickshaw and baby taxi drivers, day labourers, guards, peons, driver’s helpers in buses and trucks, and electricians. So, they are mostly self-employed and even in the case of salaried employment this would only be with non-government organisations. Since they are not citizens, they have no access to government jobs. Even in NGO employment, they feel discriminated against. Only a few of them are engaged as teachers in camp schools, garment factory owners and small businesspersons. Since the rate of unemployment is quite high among the Biharis, a section of them get involved in various crimes, such as hijacking, theft and terrorist activities. The Bihari women have a lower status than men, and this is brought out by the widespread prevalence of early marriage, dowry and low employment and education of women in the Bihari society (for more detailed information, see Kazi Fahmida Farzana, 2008).

Ahmadiyyas

The Ahmadiyya movement originated towards the end of the 19th century in colonial India, in a place known as Qadian in the Punjab (which is why members of this sect are also known as Qadianis). The Ahmadiyyas consider themselves Muslims and claim to practise the Islam that was taught and practised by Hazrat Muhammed (PBUH) and his companions. However, the mainstream Muslims reject Mirza Ghulam Ahmed, the founder of the movement, as an apostate who vulgarised the teachings of Islam, and in particular denied the finality of the Holy Prophet’s mission. They also hold that this group was propped up by the colonial masters in order to divide the Muslim community in India. There are only about 100,000 Ahmadiyyas in Bangladesh in a population of about 150 million people. Their numbers did not increase much over the last one hundred years and can perhaps be largely explained by the natural population growth. They also have no differences with the mainstream Bengali Muslims in language and general way of life (for example, food and dress). They are concentrated in Dhaka city, Brahmanbaria and Rangpur. Their number in Dhaka city would perhaps not exceed 15,000 in 2005. They are located in various parts of the city, and have six mosques or prayer centres, the most important one being located in Baxi Bazaar. The religious life of the Ahmadiyyas revolves heavily round the prayer centres. Even during the Pakistan period, i.e. up to 1971 when it became an Islamic Republic, they did not face any persecution. In fact, many Ahmadiyyas occupied high positions in government. In independent Bangladesh, mainstream Muslims (i.e. Hanafi Sunnis who constitute almost 100 per cent of the Bengali Muslim population) either avoided them or confronted them but only with arguments. The Ahmadiyyas were not interested in politics. They were generally highly educated and a considerable number of them were IT professionals. Ahmadiyya women were generally Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 315 more educated than the mainstream Muslim women. Similarly, dowry, child marriage, unregistered marriage and polygamy were rare among them. There was not a single incident of repression of the Ahmadiyyas between 1972 and 1987. Since this community was a microscopic minority, they also found it difficult to find marriage partners within their community and in many cases they reconverted to mainstream Islam in order to get married. It was towards the end of 1987 that an extremist section of the mainstream Muslims started to raise voice against the Ahmadiyyas. Since 2001, however, the Ahmadiyyas have been facing a lot of human rights violations triggered by violent agitation from a radicalised and highly intolerant section of the mainstream Muslims. The following constitute these violations:

a. hate slogans by the agitators armed with bricks and sticks; b. physical violence against Ahmadiyyas; c. destruction of and damage to their places of worship and other property.

The government, pandering to the demands of these extremist elements, banned a number of Ahmadiyya publications in 2004. So far, government has stopped short of accepting their main demand, namely to declare the Ahmadiyyas as non-Muslims and to rename their places of worship as anything but Islamic mosques. The government has also failed to take any action against the extremist elements responsible for such acts. Most important, for not being able to protect a religious minority, Bangladesh authorities have been rightly accused of violating the country’s Constitution. Human rights organisations, such as Ain-o-Shalish Kendra, Odhikar, Sammilito Sangskritik Andolon and Nari Pakhya from within the country and Amnesty International from outside have stood by the community when it came under attack. As a result, the very tiny Ahmadiyya population now lives, both in Dhaka city and the country as a whole, in an atmosphere of extreme fear and uncertainty. They suffer economically because of discrimination in both public and private sector employment. There have also been cases of their migration from Bangladesh. The real reason for the hate campaign against the Ahmadiyyas is that the extremists would like to establish a particular brand of Islam in the country, and this attack on Ahmadiyyas is but a dress rehearsal for that larger movement. Otherwise, peaceful dialogue, persuasion and debate with this minority religious group would have been the methods chosen for bringing these people back to the fold. In fact, by resorting to these illegal and uncivilised methods, the extremist elements are not only giving Islam and Bangladesh a bad name but also raising curiosity and sympathy among the general people about the Ahmadiyya movement, which, otherwise, has had little impact on mainstream Muslims. Perhaps, the drastic actions taken against the Ahmadiyyas in Pakistan (declaring them as non-Muslims) inspired the extremists in Bangladesh to launch this hate campaign (for more information, see, Amnesty International, 2004).

Buddhists

According to the Budhist Religious Welfare Trust, the Buddhist population in Dhaka city in 2005 was only around 25,000. About 10 per cent of them were female. It is not possible to ascertain their ward-wise distribution. However, it is estimated that about 30 per cent of the Buddhists in Dhaka city are concentrated in Kamalapur and Bashabo areas. Others are to be found mostly in Mirpur, Shenpara Parbata, Sheorapra, Monipuripara, Mahakhali, Faridabad, Segunbagicha, Shamoli, Pirerbagh, Nagda, Kalachandpur, Mohammedpur and Dhanmondi. The vast majority of them live in rented accommodation. 316 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Buddhists came to Dhaka city from places like Chittagong, Hill Chittagong (Bandarban, Khagrachari and Rangamati), Comilla, Noakhali, Cox Bazaar, Patuakhali, Rangpur, Dinajpur and Bogra. Some of them came to study in different colleges and universities of Dhaka city while the others came in connection with business or some other profession. There were no Buddhists living in Dhaka city for several generations. Before independence, there were no more than 100 Buddhist families, with about 500 persons, in the city. Their numbers started increasing only after independence. The Buddhists in Dhaka city mainly belong to four tribes, namely Chakma, Marma, Tongchanga and Barua. Although they all profess , there are some differences between the Baruas, on the one hand and the other three tribes, on the other. That is why while the Baruas visit the Dharmarajik Buddhist Vihara in Kamalapur, the Chakmas, Marmas and Tongchongas generally offer religious services at Shakkomani Buddhist Vihara in Mirpur and the International Buddhist Vihara in Badda. There are five pagodas in Dhaka city. These are located in Kamalapur, Merul Badda, Nagda, Kalachandpur and Mirpur. Among these, the ones at Kamalapur, Merul Badda and Mirpur are established permanently, while the remaining two (Nagda and Kalachandpur) are located temporarily in rented premises. The Dharmarajik Buddhist Vihara was established before independence. The remaining four were established between 1976 and 2002. All the pagodas are managed by the Bangladesh Buddhist Federation, which has a 45-member executive committee, an 11-member Advisory Parishad and a 15-member Mahila Parishad. For the Buddhist Viharas of Kamalapur and Mirpur, there is an 11-member trustee board. It is responsible for the maintenance of all property of the Viharas (monasteries). These Viharas are maintained through donations of the Buddhists, foreign and Bangladesh governments and international NGOs. The Buddhist community in Bangladesh is ahead of other religious groups in education, family planning and literacy. Among those living in Dhaka city, more than 95 per cent are literate. Literacy in women is almost as high as among men. Among the literates, about 30 per cent have graduate and post-graduate degrees. Religious education for the Buddhists is pagoda-based, and this is imparted free of cost. There are secondary schools and kindergartens in Kamalapur and Mirpur Viharas. But these admit students from all religious denominations. Buddhists, like other communities, are employed in both government and private sector jobs, but they are to be found more in the private sector. Most Buddhists are in salaried employment. Owing to stiff competition on the job market since the 1980s, some of them have now turned to business. Most Buddhists of Dhaka city are not interested in politics. They are keener on becoming self-sufficient through a career. Also, they feel that as a minority group, they will not succeed in politics. That is why they are not seen in either local or national politics. However, they are fully conscious of their voting rights, although they know that being a small number they cannot make much of a difference through voting. The political parties approach them at the time of elections but do not pressurise them in any way. The Buddhist society also has never tried to build up any special relationship with any political party. The Buddhist community was a part of the Hindu−Buddhist−Christian Unity Parishad when it was formed in the 1990s in order to safeguard the legitimate interests of the minority religious groups. However, for quite some time now, they have, for all practical purposes, dissociated themselves from this parishad (council). Women enjoy a high position in the Buddhist society. The women are generally well educated, and many of them are gainfully employed. They play an important role in religious services as well. They do not suffer from insecurity due to social rigidities experienced by women of other religions. Dowry is looked down upon, although it cannot be said that it is non-existent among Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 317 them. Child marriage is rare in the Buddhist community. The marriages are not as yet registered. Since they do not have any personal law of their own, they follow that of the Hindus. However, divorce is allowed, although there is no provision for it in religion. Although they do not, in general, feel discriminated against, they maintain that in case of recruitment and promotion in government jobs, they have not got the best deal because of their religion. For example, in the police and the armed forces, most Buddhists officers cannot rise beyond the mid-level.

Ismailis

A group of people who contributed to the diversity of Dhaka city but who are now fast dwindling in numbers is the Ismailis. Generally well off, the Ismaili community, which is of Iranian origin, was at one time concentrated in the Purana Paltan area and had their Jamaat khana (mosque) in Nayya Paltan as the pivot of their social and spiritual life. Also known as Agha Khanis after the name of their supreme leader, they are a sect within the Shia Muslims who settled in various parts of the world, including Bangladesh. Basically given to trading and entrepreneurial activities, they were a well-knit community, helping one another in order to prosper both individually and collectively. After Bangladesh’s independence in 1971, the community did not feel at ease with the law and order situation and the wholesale nationalisation of commercial and industrial enterprises. Since the larger part of the Ismaili community was concentrated in Pakistan, this may also have contributed to their gradual migration from Bangladesh. Indeed, over the years, their number has become further reduced.

Dhangors (sweepers)

This group consisted of the extremely poor and low caste dhangor community, who were brought to Dhaka city from various parts of India during the colonial period to be engaged as cleaners (also called sweepers) for the Dhaka municipal authorities. At present about 350,000 sweepers inhabit Dhaka city. They speak either Telegu or Kanpuri (a form of Bhojpuri). A large number of them are housed in sweeper colonies, such as at Gonoktuli, Dayaganj, Agargaon PWD, Dhalpur, Mohammadpur and Sutrapur. Despite various political changes over the years, this community remained severely neglected, marginalised, oppressed and discriminated against because of their poverty, strong prejudices against the low caste and the nature of their work. For example, forcible occupation of their colonies by musclemen and drug pushers, lack of electricity, water and gas in their colonies, denial of education and medical facilities for their children and family members, frequent rape of female sweepers and lack of drains in their areas are among the many inhumane conditions they face on a daily basis. Also, the protection measures in the work situation remain minimal, although the nature of the waste to be handled became increasingly toxic and hazardous to health over the years. At present, they face stiff competition in the job market due to reduction of posts and entry into cleaning jobs by the poorest sections of the Bangladeshi Muslims. The dhangors are, therefore, another fast-dying community (for greater details, see Mazibur Rahman, 2006).

Hijras

Hijras, also known also as hermaphrodites, at present number about 100,000 in Dhaka city, the total number of hijras in the country being 1.5 million. The hijras in Dhaka city and the country 318 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 as whole live an extremely miserable life. Ignored in every walk of life, the society is simply blind to a third variety of gender, and as such the hijras are deprived of the rights to marry and vote, own a passport, a driving licence, open a bank account or apply for a job. Landlords are generally unwilling to rent their houses to them. Despite deprivations, hijras had a role in the society. The traditional livelihood of the hijra community was centred on blessing newborns for a fee. They also used to be hired for entertaining wedding parties, birth rituals and other celebrations. It was even believed that they could get rid of bad luck. Over the years, hijras have been fast losing their traditional occupation, making it hard for them to survive. Most now live an isolated life, having been abandoned even by their families. At present, they live in groups in various slums. As an alternative livelihood, hijras are increasingly taking up sex work. Their clients are generally people from the labouring classes, such as rickshaw- pullers, hawkers and day labourers. In the process, they are becoming vulnerable to diseases like syphilis and HIV/AIDS. Some of them are also becoming involved in various crimes (for more information, see Sultana Rahman, 2005).

Summary of the main findings

The five special areas in Dhaka city are old Dhaka, Gulshan-Baridhara, Dhaka Cantonment, Peelkhana and Dhaka University. Old Dhaka represents the cultural heritage of the city and unless careful gentrification programmes are taken up, it is likely to turn into an unlivable ghetto. Gulshan-Baridhara is home to the local elite and the diplomatic community and they wield power far disproportionate to their numbers because of their wealth and the power of the countries they represent. The Dhaka cantonment, surrounded on all sides by civilian areas, represents anachronism, privilege, power and increasing inconvenience to the rest of the city. Peelkhana also stands for a similar situation, though to a much lesser degree. Dhaka University, again located in the heart of the city, allows no thoroughfares for the adequate flow of traffic and of late has turned into a safe haven for criminals. The weakness of the state is at the crux of the matter in solving problems created by the powerful groups for Dhaka city and the country. The state can act like a tiger only when it is dealing with the poor, the women and other disadvantaged groups of people in the city but is generally given to surrender and cowardice when confronted by powerful groups, internal or external. The principal special groups of people in Dhaka city are the Biharis, Ahmadiyyas, Buddhists, Ismailis, dhangors and hijras. They are generally neglected, ignored, marginalised and sidelined and in some cases, even hated and persecuted. This has resulted in their fast disappearance from Dhaka city. Religious and linguistic intolerance, the mind-set of vengeance, increase in crime, wrong economic policies, “combative democracy” and the mentality of grabbing the property and occupations of those who have the least power to resist, in a situation of too many humans jam- packed in too small an area, are clearly associated with this trend. But these are only symptoms of a deeper malady. A steep decline in the quality of education and humanist values over the years in the prevailing economic atmosphere of “super profit at any cost” is perhaps where the main problem lies. Special Areas and Groups in Dhaka City 319

Concluding remarks

We may draw the following two conclusions. First, there are some special areas in the city whose characteristics have implications for traffic, power structure, diplomatic norms, distribution of resources, crime and violence and maintaining the old heritage of the city. Second, the diversity of the city’s population in terms of language, religion, gender and race, is fast disappearing and the increase in diversity due to migration to Dhaka city from various districts of Bangladesh may not compensate for this, since these two kinds of diversity are not comparable. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 11 The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City

Introduction

Power structure refers to the groups and classes of people that wield power, how it is wielded and to whose benefit. Power may be used to bring about desirable changes, but it may also imply resistance to the same and maintenance of the status quo or retrogression. On the other hand, change is defined in the broadest possible sense to include both reformist as well as revolutionary perspectives, and to cover not only political but also economic and social aspects, provided such change supports the short and long-term interests of the vast majority of the poor and women and other disadvantaged sections in the society. Obviously, this definition of change implies value judgment on our part, but this is unavoidable. In this chapter, we intend as far as possible to:

• delineate the most and least politically powerful groups of people in Dhaka city in relation to governance and desirable changes not only in Dhaka city but also in the country as a whole, since Dhaka happens to be the capital as well as the primate city of the country; • identify particular segments and groups of people who have the potential to bring about desirable changes in Dhaka city; • identify the major weaknesses of the existing governance arrangements for Dhaka city.

In fact, it goes without saying that these tasks are inextricably related to one another.

Major groups in Dhaka city in relation to power, 2005

The most powerful

The most powerful in Dhaka city include the following:

• leaders belonging to the mainstream political parties, such as the Awami League (AL), the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the Jatiyo Party (JP) and the Jamat-i-Islam (JI). Among them, the mightiest are the Ministers and MPs of the ruling coalition of BNP, Islami Oikka Jote, a faction of the JP and the JI; • leaders belonging to the affiliated front organisations of BNP and AL (i.e. student organisations, trade unions, peasant and women organisations, etc.); • senior military officials belonging to the Army, the Navy, the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) and the Air Force; • senior members of the civil bureaucracy, including those of the police and the judiciary; • owners and so-called owner-editors of TV channels and important dailies and weeklies; 322 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

• religious leaders, i.e. pirs and maulanas associated with ideologies such as moulobad and pirbad; • middle-class and upper middle-class intellectuals and professionals (journalists, teachers, doctors, lawyers, engineers, accountants and such other groups) directly associated with mainstream politics and trade unions as leaders in their respective fields; • top functionaries of various chambers of commerce and industry and business and trade associations, representing big traders, businesspersons and industrialists; • mastans, i.e. leaders of crime syndicates engaged in extortion, murder, hijacking and other such heinous crimes.

The least powerful

The least powerful people of Dhaka city comprise:

• poor and uneducated women in the informal sector, for example, maidservants and women household heads among the poor; • poor children, particularly street children (tokais) and child labourers; • poor and uneducated men in the informal sector, for example, most rickshaw-pullers and all hawkers and day labourers; • beggars, prostitutes and common criminals (i.e. other than mastans).

Groups with potential to be powerful

Some of the groups in Dhaka city who are at present powerless but have the potential to be powerful include the following:

• most garment workers; • some rickshaw-pullers; • NGO workers; • cadres of leftist political parties; • intellectuals not associated with mainstream political parties and their front organisations; • independent religious leaders and workers, not associated with the existing political parties and front organisations.

The most powerful groups

Since Bangladesh society is heavily male-dominated, it is obvious that males by far outnumber females in the group of powerful people of Dhaka city, although the two most powerful persons of Dhaka city and Bangladesh are females: the current Prime Minister and the former Prime Minister and now leader of the opposition. However, their power ultimately emanates from the political parties founded by two highly powerful male leaders, namely and Ziaur Rahman. The mainstream political parties are the Awami League (AL), the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), the Jamat-i-Islam (JI) and the Jatyo Party (JP). Awami League, a slightly left-of- the-centre party, is an old institution, dating back to the early days of Pakistan. It led the country to independence in 1971. It was in power from 1972 to 1975 and then from 1996 to 2001. Its The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 323 leadership passed from the father to the daughter after the brutal murder of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in 1975 by a group of army officers. Its distinguishing features are at present its grassroots-level penetration through cadres and its commitment to secularism. The BNP was founded by Ziaur Rahman in 1976 when he was the country’s military ruler. After his assassination in 1981 by some army officers, the party leadership passed to his widow, Khaleda Zia. Going by its manifesto, it may be termed as a slightly right-of-the-centre party and is at best committed to non-communalism but not secularism. It has been in power from 1976 to 1982, and then from 1991 to 1996 and from 2001 for a five-year term that ended in October 2006. Its distinguishing features are the charisma of Khaleda Zia, commitment to a private sector economy and the so-called Bangladeshi nationalism and resistance to the “hegemony” of India, the next-door neighbour. The Jamaat-i-Islam (JI) is a religion-based party, with a definite bias against women, and is known for interpreting Islam in a retrogressive manner. It collaborated with the Pakistan Army and was a part of the genocide committed on the people of Bangladesh in 1971. It was banned for a long time, but it has been allowed to operate since Ziaur Rahman’s rule. It formed an alliance with BNP before the 2001 elections, and won about 14 seats in a parliament of 300. Some of its extremist adherents abandoned the “over-ground” path to take up terrorist activities in the underground. The Jatyo Party (JP) is a party formed by Ershad, the military dictator, when he was in power between 1982 and 1991. It contains heterogeneous and opportunist elements derived from different political parties. Its support base dwindled sharply after Ershad was ousted from power in the wake of a mass uprising at the end of 1990. These political leaders of the mainstream parties may be divided into supreme leaders, Ministers, MPs, Mayor and Ward Commissioners of Dhaka city. The MPs and Ministers no doubt derive their power from the democratic elections of 1991, 1996 and 2001, which according to international observers, were credibly held. Similarly, there were several rounds of elections for the DCC following 1992, and these more or less reflected the popular will of the people. However, the influence of money, muscle and ideological manipulations was rampant during all these elections although the situation had somewhat improved compared with that during the Ershad regime. For AL, BNP and JP, the leaders at various levels and organisations have at least three sources of money. First is through primitive accumulation, i.e. outright theft and plunder, bribery, smuggling, black-marketing, currency racketeering, hoarding, under-invoicing of exports, and over-invoicing of imports, non-return of money borrowed from the banks, kick-backs from state purchases and foreign-financed projects, drug business, illegal occupation of government land and other property, “protection money”, recruitment, posting and transfer business (i.e. selling government positions to the highest bidders) and other such undesirable activities. The second source is foreign contacts (at the risk of over-simplification and based on popular hearsay, in the case of BNP, it was the ISI of Pakistan, for the AL, it was the RAW of India and in case of Jamat-i-Islam, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States). Finally, the third source is “donations” from would-be candidates and sympathetic businesspersons. Apart from money power, many of the political leaders and organisations also derive power from their connections with mastans, whom they nurture with many favours in return for carrying out “dirty work” at their behest. This “dirty work” could be anything between murder and kidnapping to intimidation of political opponents, fixing elections, disrupting meetings of the opposition political parties and bomb throwing during the hartal. Some of the political leaders have a high degree of charisma, they can hold the public spellbound by their charm and oratory, and this is a no mean source of power in the underdeveloped society of Bangladesh. 324 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

For JI, their main sources of money for the leaders and the organisation were the handsome donations from Saudi Arabia and other such Middle-Eastern countries, profits earned from the Islamic Bank, the Ibn-e-Sina Medical Foundation and such other organisations (where a part of the foreign donations was invested) and donations from party adherents and sympathisers in various occupations. They also nurture armed cadres. Another important source of power for JI and other religion-based political parties is their ability to use religious sentiments to their advantage in a country where about 88 per cent of the population are followers of Islam. The leaders belonging to the student and trade union front organisations of AL and BNP and the student front of JI are perhaps next in importance as far as political power in Dhaka city is concerned. They are needed badly as “storm troopers” when the mainstream political parties are in the opposition in order to unnerve the government in power through agitation politics, often of a violent nature, consisting of gherao, jalao, destruction of property and hartals. The student leaders are of crucial importance also during the elections, when massive political campaigns have to be launched. On the other hand, these front organisations turn invaluable even when the mainstream political parties are in power, in order to contain the machinations of not only the opposition, but dissidents within the rank and file. They are also next in line for nomination as MPs. Important trade union leaders are also given to changing political loyalties, liaising with corrupt public enterprise managers and threatening trade union actions with only one motive in mind, namely to make money and attain political power. Idealism prevailed among student leaders in the early phase, but over time that was severely eroded. For example, the Students League was in the forefront of the Bangladesh movement in 1970–1971, but with the AL coming to power in December 1971, idealism in the Students League gave in to a scramble for various rewards, such as lucrative jobs, business deals and ownership of abandoned property. In addition, at that time, the more radical among the Students League cadres broke away from the mainstream to pursue so-called “scientific socialism”. By the 1990s, the official Students League had lost all its independence and initiative and become theloyal camp followers of the party high command. In addition, at the latter stage, the inner conflicts within the Students League manifested themselves not in ideological differences but in terms of “districtism”, i.e. Gopalganj group, Barisal group and so on or the distribution of favours and ill- acquired wealth. Similar is the story of the Chhatra Dal, the student front of the BNP. This student party was most unwavering in the fight against the autocratic rule of Ershad (1982–1990) and indeed made many sacrifices in the process. However, with the downfall of the Ershad regime, many of the leaders of Chhatra Dal earned huge amounts of “protection money” from the businesspersons and political adherents and supporters of the fallen regime. Later on, this tendency made further inroads into the rank and file of Chhatra Dal, particularly during BNP’s reign from 1991 to 1996 and from 2001 to 2006. Indeed, since the BNP was in power for longer than the AL, it is quite obvious that the erosion of values was much greater in the Chhatra Dal than Students League, but in terms of “political clout” both are important because of their “use value” to the main two political parties both in power and opposition. Other common characteristics of the student leaders of Students League and Chhatra Dal are their involvement in womanising, drinking, gambling, substance addiction, mastani, claiming cuts from public contracts, “occupying” university halls of residence, possessing weapons and explosives and giving protection to criminals, and these traits became all the more visible when the parent political party came to power. Most of them were not even students, the average age of these The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 325 student leaders being well over the age of 35 years. Most student leaders in 2005 were married and had children. The Shibir, the student front of the JI, is much smaller compared to the Students League or the Chhatra Dal but far more organised. Besides systematic training in a perverse form of Islam (the Wahabi brand) and involvement in political agitation, they are encouraged and helped by the parent party (JI) to get into the state organs (i.e. civil services and the armed forces) and JI outfits (such as Islamic Bank and Ibne-Sina Medical Foundation). Many of them are also reported to be trained in “militancy” consisting of training in explosives, small arms and armed confrontation with opposing groups, in which they use such techniques as cutting the vital arteries of their opponents, so that they bleed to death. Some of the latter have not only left JI in favour of blatant Islamic terrorist organisations but are perhaps now using JI as a cover for such terrorist activities. All in all, the leaders of front organisations, in general and of the student organisations, in particular, are thus second only to the political leaders as a most powerful group in Dhaka city and the country as a whole. The armed forces derive power from a number of sources. First and foremost, they have a monopoly over the most sophisticated weapons available in Bangladesh, and the strict hierarchy of control and command gives them an additional strength vis-à-vis any civilian organisation, political or bureaucratic. In addition, the armed forces were able to resist naked politicisation that went on in civilian bureaucratic organisations in the matter of recruitment, training, postings, transfers and promotion over the years. Of course, this did not mean that they stood outside politicisation; what happened was that while basic entry qualifications as required in the armed forces were not compromised for political reasons, the forces were penetrated by students of various political persuasions. Within the army, the main motivation was on defending Bangladesh from the external enemy, and therefore, by implication the force was historically tilted towards the BNP, headed by Ziaur Rahman, the head of the armed forces before he became President and established BNP. Second, although those among them who fought the War of Liberation were now either dead or retired, the armed forces always claimed this as an extra source of their strength. Third, they were seen as the last symbol of sovereignty of the country, although for a long time they had not fought any war. Fourth, they ruled the country directly or indirectly when Ziaur Rahman and Ershad were in power. During this long period, they were also able to occupy a large number of civilian posts, and this trend continued even after 1991 when democracy was restored in Bangladesh. In addition, they were able to keep the armed forces and defence purchases outside civilian control by creating and maintaining the Armed Forces Division (AFD) in addition to the Defence Ministry on the pretext of protecting “national secrets”. So, some of them accumulated huge wealth through corruption in military contracts and purchases, but these were little known either to members of the public, nor were they subject to any external and independent scrutiny. It is possible that this irregular and illegal income amassed by them through corrupt means led to a proliferation of ex-armed forces officials in business and politics. Fifth, as permanent members of the state machinery, they represented continuity and institutional memory, a definite advantage over politicians, whose organisations were mostly in a state of flux. Finally, an enhanced UN-commissioned peace-keeping role for the armed forces was actively promoted by political governments in order to keep them happy and away from political power. This gave them an extra income in addition to the higher salaries and emoluments (compared to those of civilian officials) already enjoyed by them. Their involvement in international peacekeeping also gave foreign interests the opportunity to manipulate them. This came particularly handy to the foreign powers when elected politicians were unable to please them because acceding to these 326 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

“requests” would lead them to electoral disasters (for example, undue concessions in respect of oil, gas, coal explorations and extraction by the Western multinationals, management of Chittagong seaport and sending troops to Iraq). Thus, although the armed forces were no longer in formal political power after 1991, they nevertheless wielded a great deal of power in Dhaka city in several ways. First, they are on deputation to many organisations dealing with Dhaka city directly and indirectly, and they have somehow managed “prize postings”, such as Power Development Board (PDB), Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority (DESA), Dhaka City Corporation, Biman Bangladesh Airlines and construction unit of the Health Ministry. Second, they acquired huge lands in and around Dhaka city for defence officers’ housing and expansion of the cantonments. Third, they set up many organisations, including banks, not only under Sena Kallyan Sangstha (Armed Forces Welfare Trust) but also directly under them. As they proclaim in the neon lights of the Army headquarters, “We are in war, we are in peace, we are everywhere”. Fourth, they run and control the intelligence agencies, and through these they exercise a great deal of influence over the politicians. This was particularly important in the context of the highly combative democracy prevailing in the country, whereby the differences between the two main political parties through wrong and provocative information could be magnified with great ease, and then made use of. Fifth, because of their inherent power as discussed above, the politicians of both BNP and AL were more inclined to please the armed forces rather than discipline and control them for their lapses. For example, the intelligence agencies run by the armed forces are well known for failures in pre-empting a large number of disastrous events, such as the murders of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Ziaur Rahman, the grenade attack on the Leader of the Opposition in 2004 and the country-wide bombing operations by the Islamic terrorists, but no actions were taken against those responsible. Similarly, the armed forces were allowed to retain privileges and advantages acquired during the autocratic rule of Ershad. In retaining the above-mentioned privileges, the appeasement policy of both the political parties was responsible. Many political observers consider BNP as an organisation created by Ziaur Rahman from a position of power, with the help of the Director- General Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the all-powerful intelligence outfit of the armed forces. On the other hand, the AL wanted not to be branded as a “pro-Indian” political party and as such bestowed extra favours on an organisation that was to be the main bulwark against an Indian invasion, if and ever that took place. Finally, as mentioned above, they were able to exert pressure on the state machinery through retired armed services officers now in the commanding heights of politics and business. It was sometimes rumoured that the armed forces leadership was looking for an opportunity to seize power in one form or the other (direct martial law being out of fashion). There were several bases of such rumours. First, given that they had been out of direct power for a long time, public memory of their corruption and human rights violations had been by then wiped out. Second, what the public experienced at present on a daily basis was the misrule by the politicians and the failure of the two major political parties to unite on a minimum programme of mutual tolerance and resolution of some of the outstanding issues between them through dialogue and discussion. Third, the DGFI was reported to be widening the gap between the two political parties by not only feeding them with motivated information but also staging “incidents” through their covert agents. However, as discussed above, the most important factor was that the armed forces had expanded in number, strength and influence far disproportionate not only to actual need on the ground but also in relation to other organisations and institutions. Hence, such rumours could prove to be right in the near future. As it happened in the past, if the military struck back, it would be the same old rhetoric all over, “We have come to clean up the mess created by corrupt politicians, we will The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 327 stay in power for not a single extra day, we will restore democracy as soon as possible”. But in practice, the generals would go on prolonging their stay in power on one pretext or the other unless peoples’ wrath forced them back to the barracks. In addition, as it had also happened in the past, both corruption and mismanagement of the economy would ultimately surpass the levels under the elected politicians because the autocratic usurpers lacked the minimum of accountability and understanding of the economic reality of the country. Senior civil servants were also an important powerful group in Dhaka city. They are naturally concentrated there because it is the country’s capital. Such concentration is itself a source of power. Like members of the armed forces, they also represent continuity and institutional memory of the state machinery. They are also in the thick of directly running Dhaka city, in Dhaka City Corporation, WASA, DESA, DESCO, RAJUK, BTTB, Titas Gas, Dhaka Metropolitan Police and Dhaka Metropolitan Magistracy. In the secretariat, they were next only to the Ministers in decision- making regarding Dhaka city directly or indirectly. Highly politicised, corrupt and inefficient, most civil servants (their support is divided now between BNP, AL and JI) were generally hand-in-glove with the Ministers and politicians in power, and by rendering various “personal” services to the political masters, they also wield some power in Dhaka city, even though it was much less than that of the elected politicians and the military. There was now no government-owned newspaper or weekly. The state TV channel had a marginal existence. Newspaper and TV channel owners in Dhaka city were, by and large, extremely rich people with plenty of unearned wealth. For them, the media had to be owned not only to earn high profits but also to manipulate it for blackmailing, (i.e. in winning government contracts, obtaining nominations in the elections and “character assassination” of business and political rivals). The owners also used media to “re-orient” peoples’ perceptions about the economy, polity and society through particular slants in the news being delivered, creating a “make-believe world” through titillating entertainment programmes and promoting consumerism through advertisements. The ordinary journalists were used as cannon fodder in fulfilling these negative objectives, whereas the editors were mostly intellectual “spin doctors”, echoing their masters’ voice. Between media owners and editors (or sometimes owner-editors), they wielded considerable political power, given their present position. Top office-bearers of various chambers of commerce and industry and business and trade associations, representing traders, businesspersons and industrialists constituted another group of powerful people in Dhaka city. They not only had their individual money power but this was further strengthened by virtue of their being the representatives of the most moneyed people of Dhaka city. No wonder, the ruling political party always tried to manipulate the elections of these chambers of commerce and industries in its favour. These business leaders were able to exert a great deal of pressure on decision-makers because they were now well represented in many government- constituted committees dealing with various economic policies and their implementation. In addition, they had many informal channels of influencing decision-making, based on their links and the cash nexus. For example, it was mainly due to their pressure that since the late 1970s that government of the day has been forced to “whiten” black (i.e. illegally earned) money many times. The business leaders generally contributed to the coffers of the major political parties, and they were now most conspicuously represented, whether in the ranks of the MPs or Ward Commissioners. They had also mediated a number of times between the supreme political leaders before elections and during crisis moments for restoring amity, peace and a work atmosphere. Some of the more political ones among them also maintained mastans to further their own interests (including keeping their factory workers under tight control) and to counter their business and political opponents. 328 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

There was a contradiction between the two factions of the rich and the richest. Both these elements were to be found in the two major political parties. The nouveaux riches were mostly engaged in open plunder, whereas the old faction had got into some productive and service sector activities, although several decades ago, they were themselves openly engaged in various forms of “primitive” accumulation. By and large, the latter would like to enhance their productive and service sector activities and be a part of the beneficial changes in Dhaka city, but they could act only when they found themselves pressurised from various directions. They had not been able to form a political party of their own nor could they claim to be a strong pressure group within an established political party for beneficial changes. They were thus highly unlikely to be part of a sustained and steadfast struggle to change Dhaka city and the country. In fact, in the case of difficult circumstances, they might even jump ship and ally themselves with plunderers and authoritarian rulers. In short, the relatively productive among the richest were at best vacillating elements, which could not travel in the positive direction beyond a point. Religious leaders, i.e. pirs and maulanas, associated with moulobad (fundamentalism) and pirbad (obscurantism) derive their power from their ability for ideological manipulation of the common people, taking advantage of their simple beliefs and their ignorance of the true interpretation of Islam. However, their power is also well augmented by donations from both domestic and foreign sources. Middle class intellectuals and professionals (for example, journalists, teachers, doctors, accountants, lawyers and engineers) directly associated with mainstream political parties or trade unions as leaders also exerted some power because they represented important groups of people in the political mainstream. Also, they possessed some knowledge and information, an important source of power. Finally, they were in some demand from political leaders because they provided the political parties with a degree of legitimacy and window dressing. The so-called professionals among the most powerful were generally corrupt and less than mediocre in their respective professions, and hence could advance only through politicking, petty corruption, rank opportunism and exploiting sectarianism, articulated through their coterie organisations. As a result, a Hutu−Tutsi type of tribalism developed, polarising and dividing the traditional civil society, professionals and even NGOs into pro-and anti-government camps, leading to substitution of popular development agendas for patron−client politics. The best of the professionals had perhaps already left the country in order to seek their personal happiness and livelihood and a comfortable life somewhere outside Bangladesh. Mastans, i.e. leaders of the crime syndicates, engaged in extortion, murder, hijacking and kidnapping derived their power from their patronage by political leaders and law and order authorities, and in return for this patronage, they rendered unto them the required services as discussed above. Many mastans of yesterday have turned into noted political leaders, Ministers, MPs and respectable businesspersons by tying themselves to mainstream political parties and rendering “useful” services to important personalities. Leaving aside the mastans, who generally belonged to the lower middle class or lumpen sections of the poor, there are generally close links among the above powerful groups through birth, marriage and association as classmates, colleagues, and membership of the same elite club. The so-called power elite are small in size although it is a city with a population of 13 million people. This is because it is basically a city of poor and uneducated rural people, with limited opportunities for upward mobility. On the other hand, the power elite are well knit, because this is an additional source of power for them. The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 329

Many of these people had a fallback position in the form of village homes or shelters, bank balances and houses abroad and dual citizenships and residential permits for unlimited stay in developed countries. In times of difficulties, they could survive due to these advantages and launch a comeback in order to return to the power structure. However, the most powerful in Dhaka city also had their weaknesses. First, much of their so-called “empowerment” took place in the circumstances of filling a vacuum, first when Hindu zamindars, merchants and professionals left Bangladesh (then known as East Pakistan) en masse after the 1947 Partition. Second, during the Ayubian decade the West Pakistan-based ruling elite felt the need to dish out some concessions to the Bengalese in the wake of mass discontent in East Pakistan through what Hamza Alavi (1973) called “contacts and contracts”. Finally, after the creation of Bangladesh in 1971, the formation of the new state opened up a considerable amount of new opportunities. In other words, they were not the most competent and deserving of the lot, so much as those located in vantage points to fill up the vacuum quite effortlessly. Another feature of the power elite’s distorted growth was that they began mostly as “comprador of the comprador”, i.e. tied more to the businesspersons of India and Pakistan rather than those of Japan and the West during their early period of formation. In addition, the power elite of Dhaka city and Bangladesh were not rooted in production proper; rather, they were still heavily dependent on foreign aid, foreign trade, remittance from abroad, and private foreign investment and internally on anti-productive and rent-seeking activities. Under such circumstances, they were powerful only in the context of the poor, uneducated and helpless people of Bangladesh but exceedingly weak and subservient vis-à-vis powerful external forces. The following were the principal ways in which the most powerful in Dhaka city used their power:

• taking and implementing decisions and policies favourable to themselves (for example, in terms of their industries, businesses and economic activities), family, friends, relatives and functionaries of their own organisations, such as political parties, cadres in the civil service and armed forces; • imposing decisions and dictating terms on the less powerful; • threatening, blackmailing and pressurising lower-level functionaries into providing them with undue and illegal favours; • lobbying vigorously, bribing, and if necessary, prostrating themselves before those who mattered; • exchanging favours with other powerful people; • pre-empting and neutralising actions of opponents; • helping the ordinary people, only if their palms were greased with money and other incentives.

The main objective of the powerful of Dhaka city was greater access to wealth and power to benefit themselves, family, relatives, friends, members of their own organisation using any method, however unscrupulous, and in the shortest possible time. These powerful people were totally committed to the status quo. Many of them did not even have a long-time stake in either Dhaka city or Bangladesh. Their children were mostly studying and working abroad. They frequently went out of the country for medical treatment, shopping and pleasure. They had generators in their homes and workplaces, and they could always extract the best services from DESA, DESCO, BTTB, DCC, DWASA, RAJUK and DMP through either pressure or bribes. Many of them were 330 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 members of exclusive clubs, such as Gulshan Club, Dhaka Club, Uttara Club, RAWA Club and Officers’ Club. All in all, the most powerful of Dhaka city were simply not interested in any genuine change in the society, because that would undermine their existing wealth, power and hold over the society. However, for the sake of rhetoric (for example, during election campaigns or in public seminars) and ensuring the flow of foreign aid, they would be most willing to provide lip service to the idea of reform, but when it came to actually formulating new policies and implementing them, it was a different story altogether. Slogan mongering, “early promise, and later disappointment” were some of the distinguishing characteristics of the power elite pursuing governance reforms at any level. For example, so far neither the AL nor BNP has been persuaded to devolve greater powers and responsibilities to the elected urban and local government bodies. Their commitment to democracy was a sham. This was well demonstrated in the dictatorial and manipulative manner in which the office-bearers of the major political parties and various organisations affiliated to these were elected. They were now sharply divided into to two opposite camps, one led by the AL and the other led by the BNP. The mutual animosity and hatred was so deep at the personal level that they consumed whatever little desire there might have been among some of them for reforms. There were indeed some exceptions among them, but their numbers were too few to make any difference. For example, as gleaned from the press and reported by selected respondents, about 10 per cent of MPs on both sides of the house fence are presently opposed to what was going on, but they did not have the courage to challenge their respective party establishments. A distinction could perhaps be drawn among the most powerful people of Dhaka city in terms of “lesser evil” and “greater evil”. Old money, production orientation, and a minimum commitment to the greater interest of the country and enough charity to spare at least the “broken rice and the chaff” for the poor constituted the characteristics of the lesser evil. These tendencies appeared to be generally present among those individuals who had tasted power for a relatively longer period, and hence their power “hunger” was partly satiated. However, there was nothing much to expect out of them. In short, given their generally “here and now approach” and maximisation of gains at any cost, the most powerful people of Dhaka city exercised power, by and large, only in the negative sense and were thus part of the problem rather than the solution. They would carry out reforms only under heavy and sustained pressure. In a revolutionary perspective, the strategy would be simply to overthrow them and smash the state machinery, but within a reformist perspective, the general approach would be to find ways of neutralising, squeezing, “ring fencing”, blowing hot and cold and making life difficult for them over a considerably longer period of time.

The least powerful

The least powerful in Dhaka city had several sources of weakness. First, they had least access to income, land, shelter, education, information, political power, foreign backing, social networks and family support. Second, they were not generally organised, though they were numerous. This was because they were in competition with one another for employment, credit, customers, alms and relief and also trapped in vertical relationships with some patrons (i.e. mastans, matbars, local political leaders and Ward Commissioners), and these did not allow them to be mobilised horizontally. Indeed, the movement of the poor people from the village to Dhaka city did not liberate them from the clutch of patron−client relationship. Third, there was a gender dimension in The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 331 the intra-poor relations. The women among the poor faced extremely severe discrimination from the men. Fourth, due to continuous rural−urban migration, the peasant mentality and negative religious influence (for example, fatalism and other worldliness) stood on the way of their becoming mobilised. Fifth, the poor could not live in one place for long because of eviction by the owners, the powerful land grabbers and the government organisations taking up construction work in their plots of land. In such a state of flux, they could neither develop relations with the fellow poor nor could they be mobilised by NGOs and political activists. Finally, a segment of the poor had picked up debilitating urban characteristics through involvement in prostitution, begging, crime and addiction to alcohol and substance. Some mobilisation through trade unions had taken place among the rickshaw-pullers and hawkers but these had not progressed beyond ensuring their survival rights in the city. Forming an alliance with other working class groups and coming up with a common agenda of actions was still a far cry. In addition, these being either self-employed or wage-employed occupations of temporary nature in the informal sector, limited the extent to which trade unions could organise them. By and large, external agents, such as NGOs and trade unions were doing precious little to mobilise the least powerful. The number of the potential mobilisers was few. Most of them were critically dependent on external resources, their work consisted of extending credit operations or providing some physical facilities, their work style was becoming increasingly bureaucratic and their advocacy work revolved round seminars and workshops, which simply meant preaching to the converted. Conscientisation and mobilisation of the least powerful of Dhaka city were furthest from their agenda. Fifth, the least powerful generally had no fallback position in the rural areas from where they originated, and yet they continued to identify themselves with their rural origins because given the constant threat of eviction from mastans and the police, they never could feel at home in this inhospitable city. Finally, they were socially downgraded through the operation of the dominant ideology. It was almost a caste-like situation. For example, servants in a typical Dhaka city household are not allowed to sit on the sofa, and eat from the same utensils, are addressed as tui/ tumi (a derisive form of address reserved for the “lower category” of people), provided with food of inferior quality and often abused and beaten. The least powerful generally adopted the following coping mechanisms for survival:

• lowered basic needs to the barest minimum, always looking out for the cheapest alternatives; • suffered in silence and simply perished young; • resorted to escapism, husbands abandoning wives and children, running away from home; • inflicted destruction to oneself and one’s family, for example, taking to drugs (in particular, phensidyle), gambling and beating wives and children on the slightest pretext; • sought protection from powerful people (mastans, matbars and local political leaders) by becoming their camp followers; • took to lumpen professions, such as begging, prostitution, drug peddling and crime, when all other socially acceptable alternatives had been exhausted. In the process, they lost the basic qualities to become change agents.

In the work situation, they would slow down or take frequent leave out of sickness or ill health or in order to solve their numerous pressing personal problems. They might participate in processions and meetings where their grievances were being voiced, but only sporadically. In fact, many of them would allow themselves to be hired for such purposes by the mainstream political parties. 332 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Such coping mechanisms were obviously unable to remove their weaknesses. The women out of this group were in the most vulnerable condition, with “male predators” from within and outside their strata out to exploit them sexually and economically. Those among them who could not find a husband beyond a certain age were socially stigmatised, and this forced them into disastrous “marriage” relationships, ending in beatings, divorce and abandonment. Did the high media exposure in recent years make any difference to their lives and thinking processes? The answer seemed to be in the negative. They wanted to escape from their miserable reality and their favourites in the media were films and TV serials, centred around a make-believe world where the heroes and heroines, with heavy make-up, were always dancing and singing in their provocative skin-tight clothes, crime and violence were endemic, but criminals were ultimately punished by law-abiding forces, justice was always triumphant, and love always transcended class barriers. If at all, such exposure was only adding sex and violence to a perverted religiosity in their mental horizons. There were hardly any programmes in the media centring round their real-life problems and how they could overcome these. This was obviously not to be expected from the media moguls, who were, as described earlier, mostly thriving on black money and out to use the media for their own narrow and selfish interests and least of all for social reforms. Since 1991, the least powerful have attained some degree of importance as voters because of regularly held democratic elections, at the national and DCC levels. However, for a number of reasons these proved to be mostly illusory and un-empowering for them. First, the slum areas where they lived became the favourite grounds for false voter enlistment. Second, election campaigns meant free food, clothing, snacks, cigarettes, VCR/DVD shows and false promises from the platforms of the major political parties. Finally, on the night before the elections, they would be routinely “sold” to the highest bidder through the mediation of their matbars, mastans and Ward Commissioners, and that meant that for a few hundred Takas per voter, they would cast their vote in favour of the candidate with whom the final deal was struck. Until the next elections, neither the winning candidate nor the political party in power would even care to find out their problems, let alone try to solve them. In other words, the least powerful could not, in the present circumstances, create much pressure for reforms in the society directed at poverty reduction, human development and good governance. They had first to be conscientised and mobilised by catalytic agents before they could be counted as a force to be reckoned with. Unless conscientised and mobilised they would continue to be inert and passive, to be easily manipulated by the more powerful elements in the society.

Groups with potential to be powerful and work as change agents

Female garment workers

Women working in the garment industry were now fairly organised and over the first five years of the new century, they had flexed their muscles to some extent through militant actions, unnerving both the garment owners and law enforcing authorities. Two important strengths of the female garment workers were their strong work ethic and the fact that they worked together under one roof. Second, the garment industry, being wholly export-oriented and enjoying until recently liberal quota facilities in US, European, Japanese, Canadian and Australian markets, also came under regular international scrutiny on work conditions, and this exposed the ruthless exploitation of these workers by the factory owners. In fact, AFL-CIO played a crucial role in unionising the garment workers in Dhaka city and Bangladesh, so that they could extract a better deal from The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 333 the owners. Third, the appalling working conditions in the garment factories, with poorly built structures and little protection from fire, gave the garment workers enough reasons to wage their battles against the owners, particularly in the aftermath of disastrous accidents, leading to many deaths and injuries to the workers. Finally, some militant trade union leaders have made a difference in mobilising the garment workers in recent years. However, recent US government policies restricting entry of Bangladeshi garments to the US market had not been helpful to the garment workers. It might lead to stagnation or decline in that sector, followed by large-scale retrenchment, which in the absence of alternative job opportunities, could cause demobilisation of the garment workers and lead to their straying into lumpen occupations in the struggle for survival.

NGO workers

The NGO sector has been expanding over the years, and this trend was likely to continue for some more time. Since their work was target-group oriented, the NGO workers generally turn into natural advocates of poor men and women. Many NGO workers and leaders have a background in political activism. In recent years, NGOs had also been able to attract some well-educated young people to their fold. Therefore, these workers have the potential to be a powerful force in Dhaka city in a positive sense. However, there were also several constraints in their becoming movers and shakers in Dhaka society. First, there had been a recent trend towards politicisation of the NGOs on narrow political party lines (there was now a three-way split among them into AL, BNP and Middle-East supported NGOs affiliated to religious political parties and two rival federations of NGOs), and this was likely to inhibit their potential as change agents. Second, the leaders of NGOs were now acting mostly as entrepreneurs and bureaucrats rather than as activists and advocates and if the NGO workers were affected by this characteristic of their superiors, then there was much scope for skepticism. Third, NGOs have never been able to counter the criticism that they ultimately owed their allegiance to the foreign donors who funded them. Finally, many of the NGO workers tried to seek jobs abroad or within the country in order to have greater stability in their careers. Consequently, their impact on conscientising and mobilising the poor and women might not be appreciable. Much, however, depends on the overall political situation of the country and the world at large, whereby many of the NGO workers of today may turn into political activists tomorrow, just as political activists in the 1970s and the 1980s took to NGO work in the face of a political downturn and consequent frustration.

Intellectuals (including university and college students) not associated with mainstream political parties or their front organisations

Growing frustration and disillusionment with the corrupt and combative democracy being practised in the country since 1991 has manifested itself in the gradually increasing size of the segment of society that can be categorised as intellectuals not associated with mainstream political parties or their front organisations. This group, which includes university and college teachers and students, were generally socially and politically conscious, and constitute the main hope for spearheading the movement for reforms in Dhaka city and Bangladesh. In recent past, they had some success when they got together and pressed their point vigorously, for example, in preventing the cutting down of trees in Osmany Uddayan in 1999 or in removing illegal structures from the Buriganga 334 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

River in 2003. Their heroic leadership in the Language Movement of 1952 and the Bangladesh Independence Movement of 1971 could also be cited in this regard. However, there are some constraints to their becoming agents of reforms and change. First, some of them tended to take to either internal or external escapism rather than face a sea of troubles. Second, many of them opt for short cuts rather than protracted political struggle to bring about changes. Thus, many such intellectuals tend to fall for the easy and opportunistic “benevolent dictatorship” model, instead of patiently pursuing the democratic path. Third, they do not have a rallying point. Finally, some of them are rather bookish and lack practical experience.

Cadres of leftist political parties

Most cadres of leftist political parties are highly conscious politically, and at the same time thoroughly disillusioned with the doctrinaire positions taken by the parties in the past, which only brought failure. The vast majority of them is now wedded to the democratic path, and understand that the social reality of Dhaka city and Bangladesh cannot be changed by either borrowed quotations from foreign texts or preaching atheism. However, they have still not been able to close ranks and heal the wounds from splits they underwent in the past. They also lack a rallying point.

Religious workers outside the vested interest groups

These are imams, muazzins and religious teachers who have no links with moulobad (fundamentalism) and pirbad (obscurantism). In fact, these politically unattached religious workers are still the majority within the religious community of Dhaka city. The government imam training programme in recent years has made some impact in solidifying this group. Since they had the powerful religious media at their disposal, they could be effective change agents if properly motivated and armed with the Islamic version of liberation theology, at one time actively preached and propagated in Bangladesh by Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, a leader who combined the Islamic version of liberation theology with the struggle for the rights of the poor and disadvantaged. However, over the years, an artificial gap had been created between the so-called secularists and the so-called religionists, and this prevented this group from emerging as effective change agents in Dhaka city and Bangladesh. The other danger was their co-option particularly by moulobadi (fundamentalist) elements, backed as they were by foreign funds and a well-knit organisation. In the event there was no effort made to direct their energies towards a humane and inclusive interpretation of Islam, i.e. in favour of the poor and the women, and tolerant of other faiths, this possibility could not be ruled out.

Skilled educated poor men and women in the informal sector

Skilled educated poor men and women had independent means of livelihood, greater staying power and a higher level of consciousness. They had a positive attitude towards collective effort and mobilisation, as demonstrated in the NGO-organised target groups in Dhaka city. Besides being organised themselves, they could become the internal catalytic agents for mobilising the least powerful in Dhaka city. However, in the absence of their own conscientisation, they might suffer from an elitist illusion, and this could keep them apart from other sections of the poor men and women in Dhaka city. The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 335

Why not the formal sector poor?

Given their small number and occupational advantages, the formal sector poor were able to obtain for themselves many petty benefits through their opportunistic trade union activities, for example, supporting every party in power and changing sides whenever greater benefits were offered by the other side. Most of them owned small parcels of land in the countryside, which they farmed through sharecroppers. Some of them were also engaged as petty moneylenders. In the workplace, they were given to shirking, petty corruption and lumpen ways. Some of them had connections with the powerful of the city who in fact gave them the jobs because of past associations and blood ties. However, given the ever-deteriorating law and order and economic conditions, they were no longer able to cope with the pressures of life in Dhaka city. Hence, they were likely to join the movement for change, but only when it gathered momentum. Normally, they would act as a pressure group only for their own immediate gains.

Why not the small and medium traders, businesspersons and manufacturers?

Although small and medium traders, businesspersons and manufacturers were generally hard working and honest in their dealings and persecuted and exploited by various groups wielding power, they generally took a vacillating stand vis-à-vis change and reforms in Dhaka city and Bangladesh. Some of them harboured the illusion of making it to the top within the existing system, while others had a tendency to escape from the real world by restricting their concerns to themselves and their families. Some of them would prefer to leave the country rather than take up an activist position. Still others would expect the government to somehow create the enabling conditions, knowing full well that nothing of the sort would happen without the right kind of pressure. Like the formal sector poor, they would perhaps join the fight for change only after it took off. Under propitious conditions, they could also occupy the commanding heights of the economy, since whatever they had achieved so far was due to their own initiative and effort and had little to do with state patronage.

Why not the rich entrepreneurs of Dhaka city?

The major tendencies among the richest people of Dhaka city over the two decades have already been discussed in Chapter 6. Let us now try to find out how the rich entrepreneurs of Dhaka city, i.e. the layer below the richest, have behaved between 1985 and 2005. In 2005, the following was the overall picture with regard to the rich entrepreneurs of Dhaka city: More women in 2005 compared to 1985 came into the category of rich entrepreneurs although they were still only a handful compared to their male counterparts (for the earlier situation, please see Raka Rashid, 1989). They were confined to mostly gender-specific services or trading, such as beauty, health, boutique, tailoring, apparel, embroidery and decoration.

• The source of capital in 2005 was more or less as it was in 1985, i.e. savings from highly paid jobs abroad, profits of trading and business pursued earlier, liquefaction of inherited landed property, and other assets, bank loans and finally foreign funds (in the case of NGOs). The contribution of Bangladeshis working abroad to this capital appears to have increased over the two decades. 336 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

• More NGO leaders were getting into entrepreneurial activities (, BRAC and Proshika, in particular) in 2005 for its own sake and also to augment their resources to fund poverty alleviation programmes. • In 2005, a greater involvement was noted in telecommunications, commercial agriculture, private universities, hospitals, IT, garments, pharmaceuticals, food and beverages, housing and leather. • Trading activities of the rich entrepreneurs were “cleaner” in both the years. • In both 1985 and 2005, the rich entrepreneurs were far more educated, enlightened and professional than the common run of businesspersons; they were also well connected to the powerful. • As in 1985, they had greater idealism and a more modern outlook.

The rich entrepreneurs faced the following problems in 1985:

• procedural complexities and delays in obtaining credit; • high duty on import of raw materials; • widespread smuggling, which was driving out production from the home market; • graft at all stages whenever there had to be some transaction between government/semi- government organisation and the entrepreneur (for example, in obtaining credit, clearance for power, water connection and land telephone); • rent-seeking through licences, sanctions, arbitrary notifications and artificially created scarcities, given the ease with which the anti-productive rich close to the power-wielders were able manipulate the state’s policy decisions; • blocking of the real entrepreneurs by the import lobby through taking out permissions, licences and loans for setting up those very import-substituting industries in which they were importers, and then not going in for any investment; • undue pressure from self-seeking trade union leaders who generally lined up with the party in power.

Democratic rule and greater international connections through globalisation from 1991 to 2005 had both positive and negative effects. Thus, there were now more opportunities for entrepreneurial activities and greater ability to air grievances through the media, chambers of commerce and industry and the political opposition. However, at the same time, in addition to the above difficulties of 1985, forced subscriptions extracted by the political parties and their front organisations had reached an all-time record high in 2005. All told, the rich entrepreneurs had increased in size but had not yet constituted a critical mass. As Sahota et al. (1989) predicted almost two decades ago, “Industrial entrepreneurs in Bangladesh were not dumb workaholics. When they cannot earn a normal rate of return from investment in mortar and machinery, they find out where the rate of return is highest. Some of them may too join profiteering groups (i.e. traders, smugglers and rent-seekers) whenever they can. In the present environment of Bangladesh, it may even, be more feasible and less risky for them to do so. They may use their industry, in part, as smokescreen or means of getting import licences for necessary machinery and raw materials. That facility may serve as an instrument for them to import goods in excess of their quotas. That way, they may actually be multi-activity firms of producers, traders, smugglers and rent-seekers in one. In other words, often only acts not agents can be distinguished in principle”. Indeed, a most glaring example in this regard has been the garment industries, which The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 337 imported cloth duty-free far in excess of the permitted quota to be illegally sold in the internal market in collusion with customs officials. As in 1985, in 2005 also, although generally in favour of progressive change in the society in order to boost production, the productive rich were still weak, small and vacillating in character and hence no match for the anti-productive rich generally dominating the state machinery. Therefore, as selected respondents confirmed, even in 2005, despite some improvements over 1985, by themselves they were incapable of influencing the state’s policy decisions in favour of production, and ushering in genuine economic change in the society.

Power exercised by foreign interests in Dhaka city and Bangladesh

Over the years, Bangladesh remained a “soft” state, founded on a weak and fragile economy, constantly battling natural calamities and burdened with a huge population. It is, therefore, no wonder that foreign interests have been exercising their power in Dhaka city and Bangladesh directly and indirectly since its very inception. Between 1972 and 1975, India and Soviet Bloc countries had the upper hand owing to their supportive role during the Liberation War of 1971. Since 1975, the influence of the Western countries and Japan, led by the USA and multilateral agencies, increased manifold because they could provide considerable foreign assistance, act as trade partners for the commodities that Bangladesh was selling in the international market (i.e. jute, jute goods, tea, leather, garments, pharmaceuticals and shrimp) and had the surplus capital to invest. Over time, India, the big neighbour on three sides and Pakistan, the recent enemy, recouped most of their lost influence, and the Islamic countries, in general, and Saudi Arabia, in particular, made their presence felt in Bangladesh by doling out a small part of their oil revenue. There is obviously not much hard evidence to cite, but from the continuous accusations and counter accusations by the mainstream political parties against one another, and occasional reports in the popular press, it would perhaps be not wide of the mark to deduce that the most powerful people in Dhaka city and the country receive help from India, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in various forms. These could be any combination of cash, arms, advice, intelligence information support, shelter, hospitality, ideological solidarity and publicity. It is said (obviously at the risk of over-simplification) that while India backs the AL, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan help JI and the BNP respectively. Since India is a big power in the immediate neighbourhood, its influence is obviously felt much more. The Western interests operated at various levels, and these underwent changes over time. Thus, at the political level, the West was interested in containing communist influence in this region during the Cold War period (1946–1989). At that time, all groups who opposed communism, including fundamentalist JI, were favoured by the West. In the post-Cold War period, Western opposition to authoritarian rule and religious fundamentalism became prominent, provided it did not jeopardise its overall economic and security interests at a particular point in time. On the other hand, at the economic level, there were humanitarian considerations as well as super profit motives. The humanitarian approach was more genuinely articulated by the ordinary tax-paying citizens of the Western countries, in particular through bilateral aid agencies, UN bodies and international NGOs. This was particularly reflected in the aftermath of the Liberation War, when the people and government of Bangladesh were heavily burdened by the problems of a war-torn economy. It was also demonstrated during the time of various natural calamities, such as floods and cyclones. 338 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

However, over and above humanitarian considerations, there was always the neo-liberal capitalist motive of earning super profits through multinational corporations (MNCs) and making other gains, such as consultancy, transportation services and procurement tied to aid, unequal trade, high returns on private investment, high premium for technology transfer and repayment of official development loans. Thus, at present, foreign interests were showing up quite explicitly over the contracts with multinational corporations on exploration and extraction of considerable coal, gas and oil reserves of the country and management of the Chittagong Port. There was a fear in intellectual circles that while these contracts ensured super-profit for the multinationals, they did not adequately protect the legitimate economic and environmental interests of Bangladesh, and that therefore, Bangladesh might suffer the fate of Nigeria, rather than take off. These powerful multinationals exercised vast influence over the state machineries of the West and multilateral organisations, such as the IMF and the World Bank both directly and through the US Treasury Department. This was clearly brought out not only in their open espousal of multinational briefs by certain Western diplomats, but also in the nature of conditions imposed on foreign aid, foreign trade and private foreign investment-related activities in Bangladesh. Thus, for a long time, development partners led by the World Bank were sold on the idea of “structural adjustment”, which meant, among other things, no subsidies and wholesale deregulation and privatisation. It meant, in the context of Bangladesh and other developing countries, blanket support to foreign private interests in earning super-profits; anti-productive local rich intensifying rent-seeking and plunder; and an attack on the most vulnerable groups of people in the society, such as the poor, women and children, through a rise in the prices of essential commodities and marginalising safety net measures. In other words, Western support, despite formal commitment to poverty reduction (for example, the condition of preparing the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, PRSP, for aid eligibility), was ultimately directed towards maintaining the status quo – that is, retaining powerful people of Dhaka city and Bangladesh in their exalted positions, although this might not be as direct and blatant as in the case of the three countries discussed earlier. However, it must be noted that the power of the West to influence decision-making in Bangladesh remained far greater than that of any other country. At the political level, the West over the years had quite vociferously criticised Bangladesh authorities, mainly on four issues: failure to hold free, fair and neutral elections; violation of human rights; persistence of poor governance in the country and inability to contain Islamic terrorism. Thus, in 1996 when the BNP wanted to get away with holding a unilateral general election, the Western donor community intervened collectively in order to ensure the holding of a new general election in which the AL also participated and under a neutral caretaker government. Similarly, during both AL and BNP regimes, the Western countries, individually and collectively, condemned the Bangladesh government for its poor human rights record. Poor governance and corruption has also been a serious issue for the donors, and these featured in increasingly stronger terms and conditions on aid over the years. Finally, in 2004 and 2005, the Western countries expressed public concern over the rise of Islamic terrorism in the country and failure of the government to deal with it adequately. However, the development partners took no principled stand on these issues: there was a strong suspicion of a connection between the escalation in condemnation of Bangladesh on these issues from time to time and the failure of the elected governments to fulfil Western governments’ political and the MNC’s super-profit-related economic “requests” with respect to oil, coal, gas, Chittagong port and sending troops to Iraq. This becomes self-evident when the West’s treatment of Bangladesh The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 339 is compared to its relations with certain Muslim countries that are the West’s strategic partners, such as Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Gulf States, Morocco and Egypt. The Western countries have so far refrained from taking any drastic measures against the Bangladesh government. On the other hand, the Bangladesh government has either stomached these criticisms or tried to explain their conduct or made amends, rather than condemning these as acts of gross interference in the internal affairs of the country. One does not, of course, know how the donor community will behave with regard to the dominant political forces in the near future. For example, some analysts have thought that the West might, at an appropriate moment, try to teach the current government a lesson or two, in tandem with the armed forces, for the latter’s failure to accommodate their “requests”.

Weaknesses of the existing governance arrangements for Dhaka city

The activities of the most powerful people with regard to Dhaka city are duly reflected in its governance arrangements. The most important governance structure for Dhaka city is obviously the Dhaka City Corporation (DCC). It evolved into the present form through various pieces of legislation since the colonial days. It suffers from many shortcomings and anomalies, the major ones being as follows. First, the Mayor of Dhaka city is elected in presidential style in a country where the Prime Minister, the Chief Executive of the country, is elected in accordance with a parliamentary system of government. Since the Mayor is elected by all adults of Dhaka city, only very rich candidates enjoying the support of major political parties can contest and win the elections. Second, most powers for managing Dhaka city lie with the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives, central government organisations (such as DMP, DESA, DWASA and RAJUK) and not the DCC. Whatever power has been devolved to DCC is exercised mostly by the Mayor. Third, the Ward Commissioners are elected by the voters of respective Wards. However, there is very little power at the Ward level, and hence they are marginalised. The elected Women Commissioners have virtually no powers and few responsibilities. Fourth, there are three tiers in the DCC, namely Corporation, Zone and Ward but as indicated earlier, all power is concentrated at the Corporation level, or to be more precise, at the level of the Mayor. Fifth, those who have been elected so far as Ward Commissioners, irrespective of party affiliation, have been mostly businesspersons with criminal records. The same can be said of the reputation of all the Mayors in the recent past. The activities of DCC have been marred by tender hijacking, corruption both large and small and extremely poor service delivery. During the DCC elections, money and muscle power played an important role. NGOs working for Dhaka city are spread out into various activities, such as micro-credit, training and education, environment, advocacy, legal aid and children and women rights. However, they have so far made little mark as either advocates or service providers. The contribution of the for-profit private sector and other voluntary organisations, not based on foreign funds, iseven lower. A number of semi-government and government organisations are providing essential services to the citizens of Dhaka city − DWASA for water and sewerage, DESA and DESCO for electricity, RAJUK for city planning and DMP for law and order. They are all noted for corruption, poor service delivery and inefficiency. There is little coordination among these organisations in addressing the problems of Dhaka city. During the BNP government from 2001 to 2006, a central coordination committee, headed not by the Mayor but by a civil servant, was in operation. The committee ceased to exist after 2006. 340 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Also, there was no coordination at the levels of Zone and Ward (for details, please see Siddiqui et al., 2000). Thus, the governance of Dhaka city has been noted for high centralisation, a low level of coordination, and a high degree of corruption, poor service delivery and inefficiency by the organisations involved. It has been perhaps the worst governed megacity in South Asia.

Summary of the main findings

In 2005, the status quo-oriented most powerful people of Dhaka city and Bangladesh had so far encountered no serious internal or external difficulties in running the show, even with recourse to few or no reforms. They continued to hold sway over the Bangladesh state and its capital city and managed things as they pleased, although this meant increasing misery and poverty for the vast majority of the population, and fabulous privileges and good times for themselves through both legitimate and illegitimate means. The foreign influences, for their own selfish interests, were not interested in any genuine change in the power structure. They would either browbeat the local power structure into submission or simply play one faction of the powerful against the other in order to maintain their domination. Consistent with the power structure, the governance arrangements in Dhaka city were noted for corruption, poor service delivery and inefficiency which ultimately benefited the rich and the powerful and worked against the poor and the disadvantaged. The vast multitudes of the poor and women lacked any staying power and were virtually zombified by the fight for sheer survival. They were in competition with one another and at the same time locked in patron−client relationships vis-à-vis the matbars, mastans, Ward Commissioners and local political bosses. They lacked consciousness and were demobilised. They were generally at the lowest rungs of education and literacy and still driven by a rural ethos, consisting of fatalism, other-worldliness and a value system that was highly discriminatory to women. Within Dhaka city, they could not stay in one location for long because of eviction by the powerful. Some of them had acquired negative urban characteristics through involvement in prostitution and addiction to drugs and alcohol. They could be led into social change only by being mobilised and their consciousness raised by the agents of change. However, the number of potential change agents was pitifully low, with their own weaknesses and lacking a rallying point.

Concluding remarks

How long this status quo in the power structure will continue is another crucial question. It is possible that in the absence of pressure from below and given the bitter animosity between the two factions of the political power elite, the military elements in the state machinery could seize power at some point in time. In this effort they are likely to receive the backing of a narrow civilian base among the donor-funded civil society and professional groups, wanting a short-cut solution under an autocratic arrangement (rather than fighting it out within a democratic framework through mobilising the people). In this venture, some Western development partners might join in, at least temporarily, in order to extract deals they could not obtain under a democratic government but might find easier to get out of military rulers without any people’s support and legitimacy. The Power Structure and Change Agents in Dhaka City 341

However, the truth is that the so-called “benevolent dictators” can ensure no “short-cuts”, no “quick-fixes” and no leapfrogs in a developing society’s advancement. If they appeared on the scene, it meant only “Thief crying stop thief” and “Early promise and later disappointment”. A sustainable change can be brought about only through patient efforts in consciousness-raising and mobilisation of the poor and the women of Dhaka city, in order to challenge and reduce the authority of the most powerful people, and adopting and implementing a series of doable reforms over a sufficiently long period of time through a sustained democratic process, however flawed it might be in the beginning. This page has been left blank intentionally Chapter 12 Major Findings and Concluding Remarks

The major findings of this study are as follows.

Increased rural−urban migration and strengthened links with the village: what impact on the overall urban way of life?

Across various groups and classes, the process of migration from the rural areas to Dhaka city, which commenced at high rates in the aftermath of independence in 1971, became even more pronounced during the two decades between 1985 and 2005. This, together with strengthened links with the village, in terms of visits to, and ownership of property in, the village had a number of implications. First, urban ethos and culture remained markedly under-developed. As pointed out in Chapter 1, there were basically a number “parallel cultures” operating in Dhaka city, although with some interactions among them. Second, with one foot in the village and one foot in Dhaka city, migrants were perhaps enjoying increased material as well psychological satisfaction but this also meant having no serious identification with Dhaka city and its problems. In fact, “districtism” (i.e. identification with the district of origin) rather than a commitment to Dhaka city was still more important to these new urban inhabitants in terms of establishing marital relationships, social intercourse, creating power bases and the dialects spoken for everyday communications. Third, the continuous migration to Dhaka city from rural Bangladesh, along with the exodus of Hindus to India, Urdu-speakers to Pakistan and Anglo-Indians to Western countries over the years led to its homogenisation, destroying its rich linguistic, racial and religious diversity; now the linguistic diversity of the city is confined primarily to the various dialects of rural Bangladesh. This increase in homogeneity and the consequent loss of diversity are bound to lead to a mono- culture, something not only monotonous and incestuous but also contrary to the contemporary trends towards globalisation and multi-culturalism. Finally, as pointed out earlier, such a huge influx of people has led to a near collapse of the entire urban infrastructure of Dhaka city, and as such normal urban life was no longer possible for most citizens of Dhaka city.

Increased rural−urban migration: what implications for the rural sector?

Apparently, rural−urban migration not only ensured employment to a considerable percentage of the rural population, but also led to a speedier flow of information and ideas between Dhaka city and the rural areas. But how far these have been beneficial to the rural sector from the perspective of change is open to question because of their content and quality. Available studies do not point to a positive picture on this aspect (see, for example, Siddiqui et al., 2000). It is obvious that in the absence of any land reforms, rural−urban migration has strengthened absentee land ownership in the rural areas. This is not good news for land productivity, despite occasional visits by the migrants to the rural areas to supervise their property. Finally, as revealed by selected respondents, the relationship of dependence between the relatively better-off migrants and the relatively worse- 344 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 off villagers has increased in both family and public matters. This has tended to further weaken whatever local institutions existed in the rural areas since in addition to the existing village potentates there is now one more group to tell the villagers what to do.

Increased rural−urban migration: an escape from poverty for the migrating rural poor and an increase in real income for all classes, but what happens to urban environment and the overall quality of life?

For the rural poor, migration to Dhaka city has apparently acted as an escape from poverty. All the known pockets of rural poverty were now well connected to Dhaka city. This was revealed in (a) the changing district background of the different segments of the poor due to improvements in communications, (b) the increasing percentage of children among the various segments of the city poor and (c) the increasing percentage of abandoned, divorced and separated women from extremely poor rural families in urban occupations traditionally consigned to women (house servants, prostitutes and garment workers). However, the pertinent questions in this regard were (a) how long could this absorption of the poor in Dhaka city go on as a spontaneous poverty reduction process?; (b) what was its impact on the overall environment in Dhaka city?; and (c) could this continuous migration to Dhaka city taper off at some point in time on its own, and if not, could it be stopped by conscious actions? It seems that we have reached almost the end of the road as far as poverty reduction through migration to Dhaka city is concerned because of both internal and external economic crises, reinforcing one another. Both foreign and domestic investments are in bad shape. So are the indicators on principal commodity and human resources exports to the developed countries and foreign aid. Even if the global recession is over, it will take quite some time to pick up the pieces from the pre-recession period. Further migration to Dhaka city could go on only by severely impairing the housing, environment, physical infrastructure, health, sanitation, education, law and order and other essential services of the city. These are already on the brink of a collapse. Indeed, given Dhaka’s physical location and characteristics, there is not much scope for its physical expansion and most of the expansion that has taken place in recent years has been at the expense of the fragile wetland ecology of the surroundings. However, at no level of authority is there any serious concern about this impending disaster. Only very recently, a draft policy on urbanisation has been produced. By the time it is finalised, let alone implemented, undesirable events may overtake society’s planned options. The problem is that those poor people who migrate to Dhaka city still strongly feel that somehow their problems will be resolved by migration to the capital city. So, there is little probability that poor people’s migration to Dhaka will ever taper off on its own. But its cessation cannot be forcibly implemented either, given the weakness of the state. Even if it were a powerful state it still might not be able to accomplish it. The Chinese state tried to control such population movement through administrative means and failed badly. It was not merely escape from poverty for the rural poor. We also noted an increase in the real income (i.e. nominal income deflated by the price of rice) for all the classes and groups over the twenty years, including even beggars and prostitutes, placed at the lowest rung of the economic ladder. This increase in real income over the two decades was obviously a rather rough and ready appraisal of the real life situation for the following reasons. First, income increase for the non-poor was far more marked than for the poor, which meant increasing inequality in the urban society. Second, the quality of life for the urban poor had declined because, on the one hand, housing Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 345 conditions had deteriorated but the house rents had registered a steep increase, gobbling up a large chunk of their incomes. Third, law and order and basic services had sharply deteriorated over the years, with the officials, police,mastans , neighbourhood leaders and Ward Commissioners all riding roughshod over the poor in every walk of life, from voting in the elections to accessing the pettiest service and justice. It was like escaping the devil to drown in the deep blue sea. Indeed, the new tormentors who bound the urban poor in a new patron−client relationship were far more vicious than those they faced in the rural areas. Finally, the sharp increase in environmental degradation in areas where the poor lived between 1985 and 2005 was apparent even to the naked eye and hardly required any survey. In other words, while Dhaka city over the years provided the poor an escape route, the inter-temporal trend of social benefit−cost ratio hardly worked out in their favour. However, it seems to us that as long as this win−win situation in real income holds for everyone in Dhaka city, the people of Dhaka, including the poorest of the poor, are likely to endure this inequality; the deteriorating housing conditions; the price rises of essential commodities and services; the environmental degradation and the poor law and order and the myriad injustices of Dhaka city. The point is, can this win−win situation, that is, an increase in real income for all classes, continue for long? (a question supplementary to the one we raised earlier on escaping poverty). Or will these debilitating conditions of Dhaka city soon cross the tipping point and end up in a catastrophe for all, and the poor, in particular? We did not notice any spectacular social mobility across the class divide in Dhaka city during the two decades, as was noted, for example, in 1947 (the year Pakistan was established) and 1971 (the year Bangladesh became an independent country) when “vacuum filling” took place on a large scale. Improvements during the two decades were mostly confined within the boundaries of the class, in particular from the lower middle class to the upper middle class, through mostly business and higher education-based employment. The exceptions (i.e. those who turned into plutocrats overnight) were those involved in plunder and rent-seeking with the help of state power. On the other hand, as noted earlier, the gap between the poor and the non-poor, despite a rise in real income for all, was becoming more acute.

Increased rural−urban migration: the non-poor denuding rural resources and increasing pollution

If the continuous in-migration by the poor is posing a problem for Dhaka city, the same by the rural middle and rich classes hoping to enjoy better security, education, health care, job opportunities and entrepreneurial activities in Dhaka city is no less a problem. It could be argued that they are in a sense denuding the villages of physical and human resources only to accumulate the same in Dhaka city. The industrial policy in place had been unable to induce entrepreneurs to move out of Dhaka. In addition, the demand and consumption by the rich and the middle classes per capita in Dhaka city is much higher than that of the poor. Thus, for example, they are polluting Dhaka city much more than the poor on a per-capita basis. Finally, while the continuous rural–urban migration is providing physical mobility, it is mostly confined within the bounds of the existing class structure. Thus, with migration to Dhaka city, the rural rich have turned into urban rich and upper middle class and the rural middle classes into urban lower middle and middle classes and sometimes even urban formal sector poor. 346 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Changes in family norms: a breakdown of traditional norms among the poor but an effort to retain the same among the non-poor

Nuclearisation of the family made a significant advance in Dhaka city across the various classes over the two decades due to the pressures of urban living but it was most conspicuous among the poorest and least so among the rich. Conversely, looking after some members of the extended family was highest among the rich and lowest among the extremely poor families. In fact, in the latter families, parents and guardians were forcing children to become tokais. Abandonment of family, divorce of wives, dowry, expelling old and non-earning parents from the household had increased over the years, again in these very families. Similarly, acceptance of prostitution as a source of earning by family members over the years, if not the society at large, is another development among the extreme poor. On the other hand, divorce was still rare though slightly on the increase among the non-poor. These developments cannot be explained by material poverty alone. One has also to take into account the erosion of values due to lack of education and perverted norms picked up from their newfound urban life.

Increase in education across the board: a story of quantitative expansion and qualitative deterioration for most?

During the two decades, access to education spread across the board. However, the increase was more marked among the middle and rich classes than among the poor. Second, the main difference between the two was in the quality of education. The upper middle class, the rich and the richest received mostly good quality education through the English medium schools, private universities and the better of the public universities at home and elite schools and universities abroad. On the other hand, the poor and the lower middle and middle classes had the options to study in schools, colleges and universities whose quality of education (combining rigorous education with humanist values) had deteriorated steeply over the two decades (for the poor, entering even colleges and universities at home, whatever the quality, was mostly out of the question). This happened due to student violence on the campus, mass cheating in examinations, poor quality of teaching, the decreased emphasis on learning English and little attention on improving courses and curricula. The government followed the principle of “quantitative expansion but qualitative deterioration” driven by vested interest groups and cheap popularity. There was a great deal of emphasis on female education during this period through various measures, and this was reflected in the rise of female education in the country as a whole, but there were two problems. First, its quality was poor and second, it did not generally translate into employment. In other words, the education divide in Dhaka city had further sharpened, allowing little social mobility through education. It also implied that all important executive and professional jobs would continue to be occupied by the richer classes, while the poor would generally be consigned to low- paid menial jobs, such as those of rickshaw-pullers, garment workers, hawkers and maidservants. At the same time, the lower middle and middle classes would continue to concentrate between the lower end of white-collar jobs and the upper end of blue-collar jobs. Indeed, the low level of educational improvement, combined with its low quality, ensured that it contributed very little by way of raising their level of consciousness, skill and knowledge. Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 347

Increase in female education: but no end in sight for gender discrimination

Despite a substantial increase in female education particularly among the non-poor, female employment even among the middle classes hardly increased over the two decades. The increase in education-based employment was far short of the supply of educated persons, and as a result the traditional gender division of labour continued to prevail, consigning women to the role of homemakers. Indeed, the transition from homemakers to real jobs is likely to be a long-drawn process for women. Despite the greater visibility of women in the public space, they were still quite insecure in Dhaka city. The gender discrimination within the middle classes also showed up in property ownership and family decision-making. As we move down the class ladder, the gender discrimination revealed itself more severely, including through the operation of low age of marriage for girls, deprivation of education, widespread prevalence of dowry, domestic violence, sexual abuse and harassment at the work place and rape by the police and the mastans, in addition to those suffered by the educated women belonging to the middle and upper classes. Economic disadvantages of women due to lack of employment and limited property rights, perverse interpretation of religion and persistence of “rural ethos” due to the continuous rural−urban migration supported such gender discrimination.

Property ownership (movable and immovable) by the various classes and groups of people in Dhaka city and its implications: the usual story of rich becoming richer

The richest have acquired much more land in Dhaka city than the middle class has over the two decades. Old residents among the middle and lower middle class have more land and have greater access to land compared to their newcomer counterparts because too many newcomers have in recent years chasied too little land in Dhaka city. The poor owned no or very little land in Dhaka city in both the years and their position remained the same or further deteriorated over the two decades. However, neither had they turned into the “classical proletariat” (see for example, Engels’ The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844, 1999) because of their continued ownership of land (whatever might be its quantity) in the rural areas. The non-poor had also increased their possession of durable consumer goods (in particular, air conditioners, colour TVs, refrigerators, electric fans, VCRs, personal computers, mobile and land telephones and transports). Only ownership of musical instruments declined quite significantly because of increased rurality and religiosity and migration of Hindus to India. Over the years, the access of the poor to durable consumer goods had increased, but not to any appreciable degree.

Reproductive behaviour of various classes: an untenable situation fuelled by various economic and non-economic factors

Although there was overwhelming formal support for family planning among various classes and groups in 2005 and even greater than in 1985, the reality on the ground was quite different. Most residents of Dhaka city, rich, middle class or poor, had children in excess of the government recommended number of two, despite the decline in the number of children per ever-married HHH during the two decades. It was apparent to even the most causal observer that Dhaka city could no longer bear this extra burden of human beings due to this natural growth of population, over and 348 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 above the ever-increasing number of migrants, without destroying the environment and “carrying capacity” of the city. However, the natural growth of population in Dhaka city was not class or education neutral; higher population growth was associated with low income and low education. Also, for the extreme poor, abandonment of the strategy of providing information, education and communications (IEC) and door-to-door delivery of services by government and the NGOs in the slums, in favour of clinic-based services, has been an important factor influencing their reproductive behaviour. Third, a strong son-preference, deeply embedded in the social psyche, acted as a serious constraint for family planning in Dhaka city across the social divide. Fourth, for the poor, the low age of marriage for girls and a fatalistic interpretation of religion contributed to a larger number of children. Thus, the prevailing societal notion among the poor that it was a “shame” for women to marry at an older age was largely responsible for the low age of marriage among them. Similarly, it was quite common to come across responses from the poor like, “Children are the gift of Allah” or “Allah has given us children and He will look after them”. Fifth, among the poor, the lower middle class and the middle class, children were still seen as old age insurance, and this also contributed to their having a larger number of children. Sixth, we suspect that there is a correlation between low employment of educated women and the number of children, although we did not explore this relationship in depth during our study. Finally, the lower middle class with exclusive religious education or migrating from religiously conservative districts (of Sylhet and Chittagong Divisions) were generally opposed to family planning. In other words, there are factors which cut across the classes while some factors were applicable only to specific classes, thus making it a very complex situation.

Occupation and class: business and white collar jobs for the non-poor and informal sector manual labour for the poor

The general household surveys of 1985 and 2005 show that among the non-poor (i.e. lower middle class to rich), the most important occupations in both the years were business, and public and private sector jobs, but in 2005, the lead had been taken by business, since this is where most prospects for money-making are. House renting by mostly retired officials had also emerged as a significant occupation among the non-poor in 2005 in the face of an increasing demand for housing in the city. On the other hand, occupations involving manual labour were most common among the poor, and this trend continued to strengthen with rural−urban migration. However, despite the growth of the formal sector, it was the informal sector that provided most of the employment to the urban poor. The obvious policy implications of this finding are greater formal sector employment through the private sector and mainstreaming of the informal economy. However, the challenge lies in ensuring that these processes are physically dispersed enough to allow the required breathing space for Dhaka city.

Low reading culture: old habits persist

Among the non-poor, the percentage of HHH not reading any newspapers decreased slightly while the percentage of HHH not reading any magazine showed a considerable increase. The latter apparently was attributed to the unavailability of good quality magazines. However, it could also be argued that the non-poor failed to generate any demand for good quality magazines during the Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 349 two decades (for example, compared to Desh and Shanonda from the neighbouring state of West Bengal in India). Similarly, their ownership of books had slightly increased over the years, but in both the years, they were mostly textbooks and presents. All these added to a low reading culture among the non-poor of Dhaka city. Among both the formal and informal sector poor, few owned books or had the reading habit. However, compared with 1985, the habit of reading books, magazines and newspapers in 2005 had increased somewhat, particularly among class IV employees, police constables and ansars, salespersons, hospital workers and some rickshaw-pullers. Poor quality of education, “rural ethos” and availability of other leisure activities in the urban setting were mainly responsible for this low level of reading culture in Dhaka city.

Recreation and leisure activities of various classes: a slow transition from rurality to urbanity

The percentage of HHH among the non-poor spending most of their leisure with their families increased over the two decades. Television had emerged as the most important source of recreation in 2005. During the twenty years, watching movies in the cinemas increased only marginally, if at all. The same trend was noted in the case of watching stage drama. Attending marriage ceremonies and social functions and watching sports and games in the playgrounds and stadiums had registered an increase during this period. Among the richest, club-going, travel abroad for pleasure, organising exclusive garden/house parties and celebrating children’s marriages with pomp and show were among some of the ways they entertained themselves in both the years. In 2005, the recreation situation among the formal sector poor was as follows:

• Garment workers watched TV, went shopping and to the cinema. • Hospital workers spent time with their families, recited poems and listened to songs (modern and Nazrul songs). • Hotel workers spent time with friends, went to the cinema (Bangla “fighting” movies), watched TV and listened to songs (film songs, folk songs and Nazrul songs. • Salespersons watched TV (Bangla films, drama serials and cricket matches), and spent time with their families. • Security guards listened to songs (folk songs, Nazrul songs and modern songs) and spent time with friends. • Fourth-class employees spent time with their families; watched TV and listened to songs (folk songs, modern songs and Nazrul songs). • Police constables and ansar jawans watched various TV programmes.

The use of TV had increased over the two decades. In listening to songs and watching movies, the preference was more or less the same in both the years. In 1985, selected respondents reported gambling, substance addiction, drinking alcohol (mostly toddy in illegal bars) and visiting prostitutes among a considerable portion of the formal sector poor. In 2005, according to selected respondents, this trend had either increased or remained at the 1985 level. In 2005, some of the female garment workers were engaged in prostitution as a sideline because wages were too low to make ends meet. Among the informal sector poor, the sources of recreation somewhat expanded over the two decades. TV largely replaced cinema going. Social movies gained some ground over “fighting” 350 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 movies. Rural folk music remained in a strong position alongside TV, cinema and band songs. Among a small section of the informal sector poor, substance addiction, whore-mongering and gambling as recreation either remained at the same level or increased over the years. In both the years, the main source of recreation for the prostitutes was watching movies in the company of clients and friends. They were not interested much in hard liquor but sometimes drank to please their clients. Thus, affordability, new technology, rural ethos, urban influence, quality of education and gender decided the choice of leisure among various classes of people in Dhaka city.

Association with friends and relatives: mainly decided by social position

In both the years, the non-poor mostly associated themselves with those relatives and friends who were of their own status or at a higher level educationally and economically. This trend was consistent with their increase in education and real income over the two decades. There was also a horizontal mobility among the non-poor through inter-district marriages, but at a rather modest pace. On the other hand, sections of the formal sector poor were connected to the rich and the middle classes through kinship and association but a social distance was maintained between the two, in order to protect the “prestige” of the upper clssses. The informal sector poor had no or few social connections with the non-poor. They at best aspired to graduate to the level of or had some connections with the formal sector poor. The informal sector poor interacted socially mostly among themselves. Thus, one’s own social position mainly decided social interaction among various classes.

Membership of non-political organisations by the non-poor: a case of low social capital

In the GHS, which covered mainly the non-poor sections of Dhaka city, the trend over the two decades was that the involvement of the HHH in non-political organisations (such as cultural, social or educational ones) was low in both the years. It was only in the more affluent Zone 4 that an increase was noted over the two decades. This trend of low social capital was clearly confirmed by the information on this subject for middle class professionals and intellectuals for 2005. Their involvement in non-political organisations varied from 0 per cent (homemakers) to 44 per cent (singers and dancers). The richest had the highest involvement in such organisations (85 per cent). It seemed that income, quality of education, duration of stay in Dhaka city and acquired values all contributed to the development of social capital, and this was in low supply in Dhaka city.

Opinions of the poor, the middle classes and the rich on certain issues: a mixed pattern dictated by many factors

In the GHS, addressed mainly to the non-poor, the expression of support for family planning increased from 87 per cent in 1985 to 97 per cent in 2005. On the economic system, the preference for a mixed economy and a market economy increased substantially, while that for socialism and an Islamic economy declined quite markedly. Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 351

On the problems of Dhaka city, the shift was from concern about lack of physical infrastructure in 1985 to both lack of physical infrastructure and deteriorating law and order in 2005. In 2005, the insecurity of women was particularly highlighted. However, there was hardly any mention of poverty as a major problem in Dhaka city in either 1985 or 2005, a surprising display of wilful blindness. The GQS more or less confirmed the above trend among government officials. For the educated middle class, the support for family planning resembled that in GHS except for religious leaders and madrasa students, the majority of whom were clearly opposed to family planning. On the economic system, again, the opinions obtained from the educated middle class (except madrasa students and religious leaders) confirmed the trends obtained in the GHS, i.e. greater support for a mixed economy and a market economy and a declining support for socialism and an Islamic economy. The madrasa students and religious leaders were strongly wedded to the Islamic economic system. The trade union leaders mainly supported a welfare system. Among the formal sector poor, while their degree of support for family planning resembled that of the non-poor, on the economic system, it ranged between mixed economy and an Islamic system. However, like the non-poor, they showed little liking for socialism. On the problems of Dhaka city, they generally highlighted problems that affected their lives directly, such as high prices of essential commodities, poor housing, inadequate health and educational facilities for the poor, lack of access to water, electricity and gas, poor law and order, high corruption and crime and the menace of mosquitoes. Among the informal sector poor also, the support for family planning resembled that of the other classes as discussed above. However, on the preferred economic system, the liking for socialism in 1985 had been largely replaced by that for a social welfare-based economy. Next in importance was the Islamic system. The majority of females among the informal sector poor were unable to answer this question because of their low level of education and consciousness. On Dhaka city’s major problems, their opinions seemed to reflect their specific problems, such as rising food prices, poor housing and education, mosquitoes, lack of access to water, electricity and gas, poor law and order and police corruption. There were thus many factors influencing the opinions of the residents of Dhaka, such as socio-economic class, type and quality of education, religious values and actual benefits received and problems faced. Across the board, a wide gap existed between opinions expressed and actual behaviour on the ground in the case of family planning. As we noted earlier, the respondents had their own perception about the size of the planned family and were guided by various considerations.

Trade unionism, level of consciousness and potential to be change agents among the poor: limited transition from “class-in itself” to “class-for-itself” position

As brought out in Chapter 7, in both the years, the formal sector poor quite expectedly fell far behind the respondents of the GHS in terms of income, property, education, employment opportunities and also in the degree of access to basic human needs, such as food, shelter, clothing, education and heath care. However, between 1985 and 2005, they had also experienced a rise in real income. There was no evidence to suggest that the growing inequality in the society had turned them into change agents. On the contrary, data on both the years confirm that they were generally unorganised, had similar views to those of the middle and upper classes on important issues and some of them had been co-opted into the prevailing system. Additionally, a considerable percentage exhibited backward and perverse cultural traits and lifestyle, and lacked discipline and the work ethic. In 352 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 comparison with the informal sector poor, they were definitely more privileged, and indeed, they showed certain exploitative relationships with the informal sector poor, particularly in the rural areas. In 2005, the only group that had a wider and more realistic outlook among the formal sector poor was the garment workers. Subjected to both economic and gender exploitation, this group was becoming increasingly militant, as the Bangladesh garment sector faced increasing challenges in selling its products abroad. However, only a dedicated leadership and the ability to remain uncompromising in adversity and see beyond short-term strategies can turn them into change agents. In 1985, about 70 per cent of the formal sector poor did not belong to any trade union organisation. However, industrial and office workers rallied behind their union leaders, who generally lined up with the political party in power. Thus, in 1989 more than half of the unionised workers were members of the trade union organisation affiliated to the ruling party, i.e., JP, which had been formed only in 1986. The situation was similar when AL and BNP were in power. The usual method was to accord a warm reception to the people in power, demonstrating political allegiance and in return for this, some concessions would be obtained. This pattern of behaviour had been established since the birth of the country and contrasts quite significantly with the militant trade unionism of the 1960s. Several factors were responsible for this deterioration. First, backed by brute force, the ruling party took to breaking up and hijacking trade union organisations through its “worker fronts”. Second, many of the so-called progressive trade union leaders became “turncoats” and joined hands with the ruling party. Third, there was little effort by the so-called progressive trade union leaders to painstakingly educate and raise the consciousness of the ordinary workers. Finally, in a situation of a vast number of unemployed and informal sector self-employed people vis-à-vis the relatively small formal sector working class, it was indeed difficult to mobilise the latter through the trade union movement. Thus in 1985, the following trends were noted among the formal sector poor: (a) to get co-opted; (b) to be subservient to the powerful; and (c) to deteriorate morally. In 2005, we tried to delineate the trend among the formal sector poor with regard to trade unionism through selected respondents and focused group discussions, and we noted the following:

a. The trend of 1985 persisted in general, and the trade union movement was either non- existent or extremely weak for the groups we studied through the case study method. For certain segments, such as police constables and ansar jawans, trade union activity was not allowed since these forces were engaged in the sensitive law and order duties. b. The only exception in 2005 was the garment sector where a number of factors, despite resistance from employers and government, contributed to the development of a vigorous trade union movement. These were the large number of garment workers, highly exploitative working conditions prevailing in the garment sector, encouragement and pressure from foreign purchasers and trade union organisations and mobilising work carried out among them by left-wing trade unionists.

In terms of both political consciousness and trade union organisation, it was the rickshaw-pullers who stood out among the informal sector poor of Dhaka city. They had, indeed, made some progress over the two decades, although they still had a long way to go. In addition, some of their negative characteristics held them back from maximising their potential (for example, the self-employed nature of their occupation, and their inability to reject dowry). While the hawkers had not much political consciousness, the ground realities have led them to develop their trade unions. The tokais Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 353 had no organisation of their own but over the two decades they have learnt the lesson that they should not “sell” themselves cheap to the political parties. The domestic servants and poor female household heads were the least politically conscious among the informal sector poor. They also had no organisation of their own. Even their voting in the elections was influenced and dictated by others. To sum up, given their existing shortcomings (for example, poor education and gender discrimination among them), without patient mobilisation by dedicated external trade unionists, there was no way that the poor would transit from individual and here-and-now responses (a “class- in-itself position”) to collective and both long-and short-term actions (a “class-for-itself position”). This was also evident from their inability to mobilise themselves adequately over the two decades to change their own lot. Whatever positive changes happened to their lives were mainly due to the slow and tortuous operation of the market forces and had very little to do with human agency and a higher level of consciousness. In such a situation, they could not as yet be agents of change in the society.

The underclass: further deterioration, with little improvement in sight

The beggars in 2005 were, on average, older than those in 1985 mainly because in extremely poor families, grown-up children or other relatives were no longer willing to take care of old and income-less parents. During this period, the percentage of female beggars had increased but that of unmarried beggars declined, the latter mainly due to security reasons. An examination of their places of origin revealed that over the years, beggars from some more districts had come to Dhaka due to improved communications. In 1985, most beggars came immediately after independence due to war devastation and famine while in 2005 the majority had arrived in the city between 1991 and 2000 due to the deteriorating economic circumstances of extremely poor families. In both the years, the average number of children of ever-married beggars was slightly higher than three. Their location in Dhaka city had become further dispersed, and their housing conditions were extremely poor in both 1985 and 2005. In both years, river erosion and other natural calamities, combined with various economic and social push factors (for example, lack of employment, negligence of parents by their grown-up children and abandonment of wives by their husbands) drove them into begging. The prevailing religious tradition also facilitated their entry into this profession. Between 1985 and 2005, their ownership of landed property further declined. During the two decades under survey, the begging environment in Dhaka city turned increasingly hostile due to actions by police and mastans, and disunity in the ranks of beggars. Female beggars were harassed and sometimes raped by their male counterparts, the police and the mastans. Public hospitals did not want to treat beggars. They mostly led a friendless existence. The majority wanted the government to help them return to a family environment in the village. Most unmarried female beggars wanted to get married. However, they were mostly helpless and hopeless about their future. It is quite certain that begging as an occupation is going to stay with Dhaka city for a long time to come. The methods that government has so far adopted for controlling and eradicating begging have been neither sound and practical nor humane. Unless poverty, both urban and rural, and social conditions and cultural dimensions, which lead to and encourage begging, are addressed comprehensively, this phenomenon will go on increasing in different forms, particularly given the widely held belief that migrating to Dhaka city will somehow solve the problems of the extreme 354 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 poor. The beggars of Dhaka city are highly unlikely to be change agents, given their precarious economic condition and low level of consciousness. There were four types of prostitutes in Dhaka city in 1985, namely brothel, rented-house, hotel/ cinema/office area and streetwalking or floating prostitutes. In 2005, brothel prostitutes did not exist because brothels had been dismantled through continuous police raids in the mid-eighties. However, other types of prostitution increased and spread across many more areas of the city. Among the different types of prostitutes, the streetwalking/floating prostitutes from extremely poor families were the most numerous in both the years. The percentage of child prostitutes had declined from 40 per cent in 1985 to 30 per cent in 2005 only because more girls were being trafficked across the border and hence were not reflected in the domestic statistics. Almost all were Bengali Muslims in both the years. Compared to 1985, most prostitutes in 2005 were drawn from the ranks of divorced, separated, widowed and abandoned women. The districts of origin were far more widespread in 2005 than in 1985 mainly because of an improvement in communications. Prostitutes were now far more dispersed in the city than in 1985, since brothel prostitution had been abolished in Dhaka city. The level of education among them rose somewhat over the years, which was consistent with the spread of female education in the country during this period. A greater percentage of prostitutes now came from poor and landless families. In both the years, it was mainly poverty that drove women and girls into this profession. Social “push factors” and severe gender discrimination also played a role. In a small number of cases, the lure of a better life was responsible. In both years, the immediate circumstances were similar − a key person in the shape of lover, a woman living next door, a pimp, a distant relative, the husband, a ruffian, an employer and so on lured or forced them into prostitution. In 1985, we found the police helping the “owners” in this process, but not in 2005 when socio-economic forces were sufficient to accomplish this task. Sometimes, the social rejection of women consequent upon rape and kidnapping in the village also forced them into prostitution. In 2005, acceptance of prostitution by the immediate family was greater than in 1985. However, the larger society still rejected it, although it had no solutions to offer. In both the years, the prostitutes had to deal with the prospects of disease, pregnancy, police harassment, and bad behaviour from customers, owners, keepers, pimps and mastans. However, the following changes were noted. First, the disease threat in 2005 no longer came only from the traditional sexually transmitted diseases (STD) but the deadly HIV/AIDS virus. Second, exactions and harassment by mastans and police became more widespread, given the helplessness of the prostitutes. Third, the grip of the pimps loosened considerably because of the use of mobile telephone. Finally, while ownership of women for prostitution was still prevalent, it was now more in evidence in the case of women and girls being trafficked across the international boundaries. Over the last few decades, the numbers involved in prostitution increased, and at the same time, the mode of prostitution underwent changes. Thus, prostitutes now had nothing to do with the fine arts, and they were no more confined to a definite area (the so-called “red light district”), but had spread all over the city, partly due to government action, partly due to the overall social conditions. At the same time, prostitution and crime became ever more closely connected. However, the basic causes that propelled women and girls into this profession, namely poverty, gender discrimination and other social factors, remained the same, although their intensity had no doubt increased over time. Over the years, prostitutes continue to be subjected to ruthless and inhuman exploitation by clients, members of the law enforcing agencies, mastans and others involved with this trade. During the two decades under scrutiny, the government did nothing to address the factors leading to Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 355 prostitution. On the contrary, a section of the law-enforcing agencies in league with various elements involved in prostitution has continued to be a part of the problem rather than its solution. Obviously, despite merciless exploitation, prostitutes were unable to be social change agents, since they had a very low level of consciousness. Some of them with age might turn into pimps, keepers and owners to torment the new generation of prostitutes. The remaining ones are likely to drift into crime, begging and destitution. However, in the context of a radical social transformation, their rehabilitation through a programme of medical and psychological treatment, social acceptance, training in trades and gainful employment could be a distinct possibility. Violent crimes, such as murder, robbery, hijacking, torture of women, rape, arms, substanceand explosive-related crimes and the total number of crimes show a clear increase between 1985 and 2005 on a per-capita basis. In 1985, crimes were to a considerable extent location-specific. By 2005, except dacoity, which was associated with far-flung areas, theft, murder and hijacking emerged as the main crimes in the entire 22 thanas of Dhaka city. In both the years, poor, young and unemployed males with poor education and hailing from poor families were chiefly involved in some of the most important crimes of Dhaka city, such as hijacking, theft and substance trafficking. In others like murder, kidnapping and arms cases, education, class and occupations varied. Fraud and cheating in both the years appeared as the crimes of the middle and lower middle class. The role of the mastans had increased over the two decades, but there were some differences between 1985 and 2005. They were young but most of them were no longer university students. They had been replaced by professional gangsters. Second, the crimes committed by mastans were far more organised, linking crime with politics and the state machinery. Crimes motivated by greed, a link of crime with politics and the state machinery and the involvement of women and children in crime showed a clear increase over the two decades. In both the years, poverty, unemployment and lack of education were mainly responsible for the involvement of the poor in crime, while for the middle class and the rich, it was greed that propelled them into crimes. Deterioration in the value system and the adoption of neo-liberal economic policies also created an environment in which crime could flourish. Compared to 1985, the criminal justice system in 2005 showed a further deterioration in terms of efficiency, integrity and commitment to crime prevention. In 1985, it appeared that Dhaka city was about to plunge into an abyss of uncontrollable crime and anarchy. In 2005, one could realise to what greater depths of viciousness the city could lower itself, despite certain “radical cosmetic solutions” from time to time, such as special tribunals for speedy trial, “Operation Clean Heart” and Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) organised “cross-fire” operations. Without radical structural changes in the society in order to address the conditions that propel people into crime, and putting in place a proactive and pro-poor criminal administration system, the prospects for a crime-free Dhaka city are bleak. Cosmetic changes are likely to take the city nowhere. In both 1985 and 2005, the criminals of Dhaka city, despite their class background, could not be change agents in the positive sense. In fact, they have emerged as a major problem, given their deep entanglement with powerful political cliques. 356 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Relations between the non-poor and the poor: continued domination but no one to challenge the status quo

The relationships between the poor and the non-poor (for example, employers and house servants; garment workers and garment factory owners and managers; rickshaw-pullers, hawkers, beggars and prostitutes, on the one hand, and the police, on the other; and prostitutes and their clients) were those of domination and hence far from cordial. However, owing to some trade union actions, changes in the demand-and-supply situation, democratic rights of people as voters and greater media and NGO exposure of brutalities and injustices (for example, in cases of tokais, maid servants and prostitutes), the situation had improved somewhat over the two decades. Nevertheless, there was nothing to suggest that the poor and the disadvantaged had transited from a “class-in-itself” (unconscious and demobilised) to a “class-for-itself” (highly conscious of their collective rights as a class and as such prepared to undertake collective actions) situation during the two decades. The problem was that trade union actions did not go beyond the respective occupational turfs and there was no way to connect different groups of the poor people across the occupations for collective action. The trade union leaders often made underhand deals with the employers at the cost of the workers. There was also competition among the poor for jobs and livelihoods. Some of the occupations were extremely difficult to unionise. There were political parties and mastans acting as their matbars as in a village situation and thereby preventing horizontal mobilisation; and finally there was also the gender discrimination within them (witness the dowry system for instance). These factors did not allow them to come together and challenge the status quo.

Special areas and groups: a tale of privilege, persecution, discrimination and marginalisation

The five special areas in Dhaka city were old Dhaka, Gulshan-Baridhara, Cantonment, Peelkhana and Dhaka University. Old Dhaka represented the cultural heritage of the city and unless planned gentrification programmes were taken up, it was likely to turn into an unlivable ghetto with all cultural heritages disappearing in no time. Gulshan-Baridhara was home to the local elite and the diplomatic community, who wielded power far disproportionate to their numbers, the former because of their wealth and the latter because of the power of the countries they represented. The Dhaka Cantonment, surrounded on all sides by civilian areas, represented anachronism, enjoying special privileges and causing increasing inconvenience to the rest of the city. Peelkhana, the headquarters of the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) also represented a similar situation, though to a lesser degree. Dhaka University, again located in the heart of the city, allowed no thoroughfares for the adequate flow of traffic and had also turned into a safe haven for criminals. The principal special groups of people in Dhaka city were the Biharis, Ahmadiyas, Buddhists, Ismailis, dhangors and hijras. They were generally neglected, ignored, marginalised and sidelined, and in some cases, even hated and persecuted. This had resulted in the fast diminution of their numbers. Two conclusions may be drawn. First, there were some special areas in the city whose characteristics had implications for traffic, the power structure, the distribution of resources, crime and violence and for maintaining the old traditions of the city, and these need to be addressed. Second, the diversity of the city’s population was fast disappearing and this might not be compensated by the increase in diversity due to migration to Dhaka city from various districts of Bangladesh, since these two streams of diversities were not comparable. Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 357

Whither the non-poor of Dhaka city: self-seeking or leading change?

The majority of the middle classes, in general, and educated middle classes (i.e. intellectuals and professionals) of Dhaka city, in particular, had climbed the social ladder to a considerable extent, transiting from the rural to the urban and improving themselves economically and educationally in the course of almost one generation. It was not like the massive vacuum filling as had happened in the distant past, but an upward journey nevertheless. In general, they seemed, therefore, in no mood to look down (i.e. sympathise with the poor) or even sideways (i.e. cooperate among themselves). They were identified with the politics of the privileged, since their support or loyalty veered mainly around AL, BNP, Jamat and JP. They were also deeply divided among themselves on narrow political party lines. Their views and inclinations were mostly in favour of the status quo. Their present activities and future plans also pointed to that direction. Some of the segments were, in fact, a negative factor in any attempt to change the society, as revealed in their occupational characteristics and opinions (trade union leaders, political workers, journalists and civil officials). It would, therefore, be a mistake to expect any leadership or initiative from them in any attempt towards social transformation of Dhaka city. In 1985, it appeared that plunder by the richest of Dhaka city would continue without any respite. On the contrary, in 2005, Dhaka seemed to be caught up in a situation, where plunder and productive or service sector capital were now coexisting in an uneasy tension. Various factors contributed to the growth of a productive class among the Dhaka rich, namely greater education among the rich, difficulties associated with the flight of capital, international trade discipline, the desire to earn respectability in the society, new international division of entrepreneurial activities which allowed the local investors an increased space and the operation of democracy continuously for 15 years, however flawed it may have been. On the other hand, since the traditional areas where plunder and rent seeking took place were shrinking, these assumed further vicious forms over the years. It is difficult to predict the direction that will be taken by the richest people of Dhaka in the years to come. A positive direction will depend on the exercise of political will by the general people on the richest people of Dhaka city through the state machinery; and second, the course of the international economy would determine the path and speed of their next course. A neo- liberal path does not leave much scope for positive action because it does not distinguish between the productive rich and the unproductive rich and in effect, stifles the growth and manoeuvring capacity of the productive rich in a least developed country (LDC) like Bangladesh. Its wholesale privatisation and deregulation prescriptions benefit the rent-seeking and anti-productive rich. It has no strategy for ensuring the transition from anti-production to production. Thus, if the present climate of investment is dismantled through arbitrary and thoughtless actions, the direction taken by the richest, including its productive segment, will tilt towards flight of capital, token presence in production and reversion to rent-seeking and plunder; in other words, it will spell disaster for both Dhaka city and Bangladesh.

Power structure and governance arrangements: a mirror image of the dominant classes?

The most powerful people of Dhaka city and Bangladesh, who have a stake in the status quo, continued to have their sway over the Bangladesh state and its capital city and manage things as they pleased in both 1985 and 2005. This meant increasing misery and poverty for the vast majority of the population, and fabulous privileges and a sybaritic lifestyle for the powerful section through 358 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 legitimate or illegitimate means. It has been either one or the other faction of the political elite wielding power over the state and Dhaka city, but with no qualitative differences whatsoever. The foreign interests, for their own selfish reasons, were not interested in any genuine change in the power structure. Their strategy was simply to browbeat the powerful political elite from time to time into submission and play one faction of it against another in order to maintain their domination and pursue their selfish interests. The vast majority of the poor and women were co-opted by the system and lacked political consciousness. They were engaged in a desperate fight for sheer survival and could be induced to work for social change only if patiently mobilised and conscientised by the agents of change. The potential change agents from various groups and classes in Dhaka city were not many, and they lacked a rallying point. The moot challenges of the most recent times were indeed how to increase their number, unite, and utilise them to mobilise the general people of Dhaka city. In keeping with the character of the ruling elite, the main structure of governance for Dhaka city (i.e. Dhaka City Corporation, DCC) leaves much to be desired. Most power for managing Dhaka city lies with the central government. The remaining power is concentrated in the hands of the Mayor, elected directly by all adults of Dhaka city. There is little power at the Zonal and Ward levels, with the male Ward Commissioners marginalised and women Ward Commissioners wielding practically no power. The Ward Commissioners were elected, and irrespective of the party they belonged to, were generally businesspersons with criminal records. The elected Mayors since 1985 were noted for corruption, high-handedness and non-delivery of even the basic services. The civil society organisations operating in Dhaka city have failed to make any impact as either advocates or service providers. The semi-autonomous organisations, such as DESA, DWASA, RAJUK and DMP, enjoy little autonomy and are noted for corruption and inefficiency. There are no mechanisms for coordinating the private sector, civil society and government and semi- government organisations working for Dhaka city. The coordinating mechanism put in place at the central level during the last BNP government was headed not by the Mayor but by a civil servant. Also, there were no coordinating mechanisms at the levels of Zone and Ward. There was thus a crying need for (a) devolution of power and responsibilities between the government and the city corporation and at the same time within the DCC, (b) putting in place coordinating mechanisms at different levels and (c) reforms in the election system, so that money and muscle power could be minimised. Indeed, with the present character of the elite and governance arrangements, there is little chance of Dhaka city moving forward. How long this status quo would go on was another crucial question. It was possible that the absence of any pressure from below and the bitter animosity between the two factions of the political elite might provide the military elements in the state machinery with the opportunity to seize power at some point in time in the near future. In this venture, they might receive the help of their narrow civilian support base among the professional groups and the so-called “civil society intellectuals”, who might want a “quick fix” under an autocratic arrangement (rather than fighting it out within a democratic framework). Some Western development partners might join in, at least temporarily, despite their lip service to democracy and human rights. The truth was that there were no “quick fixes”, no short cuts and no leapfrogs in a developing society’s transition to a higher level of existence through greater growth, democracy, equity and human rights. The short cut to change through the so-called “benevolent dictators”, generally propped up by donors, was largely a myth. Whenever they appeared on the scene in Bangladesh, it has so far only meant “thief crying stop thief” and “early promise and later disappointment”, and their only backers were foreign interests and a handful of self-seekers within the country, all acting out of ulterior motives. Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 359

Post-2005 developments: further assaults on Dhaka city

We completed the first draft of this study in the beginning of 2007, but we were carefulnot to venture beyond 2005 because of data limitations. However, between 2005 and 2009, many tumultuous events took place in Bangladesh which affected the country and its capital city in no small measure. If we did not consider these, we would not be doing full justice to our study. This was the rationale for this postscript. On 11 January 2007, a caretaker government backed by the armed forces and supported by the international donor community came to power in Bangladesh in the face of deteriorating law and order and inability of the previous caretaker government to hold free, fair and neutral general elections in the country. However, what this interim band accomplished during the following two years was a totally different story. In the name of eradicating corruption, they unleashed a “witch hunt” and terrorised businesspersons, politicians and civil servants (but blatantly excluded armed forces officers from its purview). As we had predicted earlier, this led to massive violation of human rights and further instability in the political and administrative process. The exercise also turned out to be a case of “Thief crying stop thief”, and there were indeed no safeguards against massive corruption and grossly unlawful and inhuman acts committed by the caretaker government through sheer force. The military-backed and donor-supported caretaker government also proved thoroughly incompetent in the economic management of the country. As a result, Dhaka city felt several disastrous effects:

• The tendency among the rich in Dhaka city to transfer their wealth outside the boundaries of Bangladesh or “underground” became pronounced, and whatever tendency that they earlier had for investment in production-oriented activities received a serious jolt. Foreign investment also came to a halt. • Absolute poverty increased in Dhaka city, as unemployment rose, prices of food skyrocketed and government evicted a large number of poor people from the slums and roadside shops without providing them with any alternatives. • Law and order and the crime situation worsened in the city. • The rule of the caretaker government also badly affected the middle classes in Dhaka city in several ways. First, the supply of water, gas and electricity suffered serious shortages. Second, corruption went on increasing (i.e. it was driven underground and the rates of corruption rose further) despite the show of an all-out anti-corruption drive and this made ordinary people’s lives worse. Third, the soaring prices of essential commodities also affected them adversely.

However, the entire donor community continued to support such a government in Bangladesh, although they vociferously championed democracy and human rights elsewhere in the world. In addition, they were fully conscious that actions of the caretaker government went against the well- tested concept that an unelected and unaccountable government is least qualified to make others accountable through strong anti-corruption measures. So, the obvious question that was raised by the popular press was why this support of the donor community for the military-backed caretaker government − to restore normalcy in Bangladesh or to teach a section of the Bangladesh political elite a lesson for failing to comply with their “requests”? Such questions continued to reappear when some of these requests were ratified by both the military-backed caretaker and subsequent elected governments. 360 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

At the end of 2008, the caretaker government held general elections, and the AL came to power with a thumping majority. They were able to bring down the food prices, thanks also to the low food prices in the international market. However, the law and order took a new dip because of the forcible extraction of money from people by the Students League (the student front of the ruling party) cadres and severe infighting within this organisation. The mutiny among the BDR soldiers in Peelkhana in February 2009 which led to a huge bloodbath painfully illustrated, among other problems, why it was necessary to address the problems of such special areas (see Chapter 10) on an urgent basis. Finally, access to water, gas and electricity in Dhaka city hit rock bottom. Although this was a problem compounding over the two decades, the present government was now required to cope with the mounting discontent over these essential urban services. Dhaka city and Bangladesh were yet to feel the full impact of the worldwide recession. However, unmistakable signs of the recession were everywhere. We may sum up these as follows:

• In 2009, Bangladeshi wage earners abroad were returning home by the planeload. This might mean not only a slowdown in the further export of labour abroad but also a serious drop in foreign remittances in the long run, extremely important for Bangladesh. • Investment from abroad had virtually dropped to zero during the two years of donor and military-backed caretaker government. With recession taking over in the developed world, there was the likelihood of almost no FDI in Bangladesh in the foreseeable future. • The flow of foreign aid might also fall in the light of the unprecedented recession that would force many more developing countries to seek “bailout” from multilateral, regional and bilateral aid providers. • Recession had already hit Bangladesh’s external trade, with dwindling demand for its export products, such as garments, shrimp, leather, tea and jute, and the situation was only likely to worsen in the immediate future. • The worldwide recession thus did not bode well for either Dhaka city or Bangladesh. In fact, in a scenario of growing economic instability, the richest sections of Dhaka city and Bangladesh might increasingly settle for the easy option of migration and flight of capital abroad, thus making the situation further untenable. For the poor and the middle classes, it could mean, to begin with, further tightening of belts and a steep downward slide in the standard of living.

Bangladesh is prone to climate change effects much more than other countries because of its low elevation, location and tropical climate. In the short term, climate change for Bangladesh would manifest itself through unusually high temperatures and greater frequency of devastating tropical cyclones and floods (i.e. before the rise in sea level and loss of coastal land). Dhaka cityand Bangladesh were already battling such worsening disasters, with particularly severe effects on the poor, women and children.

Concluding remarks: between cautious hope and unmitigated disaster

In such a scenario, a change in the positive direction is essential for Dhaka city and Bangladesh for the sake of sheer survival. But how will this change come about? We may speculate two alternatives in this regard. The first is a conscious and planned response, the salient features of which are as follows: Major Findings and Concluding Remarks 361

1. There are no “quick fixes” for Dhaka city and Bangladesh. The solution will have to be phased in over a fairly long period of time, perhaps a decade. But if and when desirable changes are implemented in Dhaka city, these are likely to spread to the whole country rather quickly, given that it is highly accessible to the rest of the country. It is said that there is not a single village in the country that does not have its representatives in Dhaka city. 2. Without genuine political and financial devolution of powers to the local government units in both rural and urban areas, intensification of rural and small town development, necessary for reversing the current rural−urban migration, will not take place. Similarly, without all-out collaboration, cooperation and coordination among the central government, local government bodies, the NGOs and the for-profit private sector, it will not be possible to overcome the massive environmental degradation that Dhaka city has undergone in recent years. 3. All-out effort has to be put into drastically lowering the present rate of population growth. Family planning (motivation, services and follow-up) will have to be integrated with all development policies and programmes in both urban and rural areas, and the main focus should be on urban slums and conservative districts of Sylhet and Chittagong Divisions. 4. A hierarchical governance system will not work; Dhaka city’s governance will have to operate through a number of networks, consisting of the for-profit private sector organisations (PSOs), civil society organisations (CSOs), government and semi-government organisations under the coordination of the Mayor of Dhaka city but a Mayor elected on a parliamentary, rather than the existing presidential system. At the same time, there will have to be substantial changes in the electoral system in order to remove the influence of money and muscle power from the present voting system. 5. There are no right-wing, neo-liberal solutions for Dhaka city and Bangladesh. However, a thriving free market economy must also exist. The left-wing solutions will have to be dovetailed to a free market economy, so that plunder and rent-seeking may be minimised and a productive capitalism with strong safety-net measures may prevail. For example, the government should intervene in case of commodities and services essential to the poor, when private traders play havoc with the market through profiteering, hoarding and adulteration of food. This understanding is particularly important for development partners in general and the World Bank, in particular. 6. Only a liberation theology and high quality, value-based education spread across the board can clean up the ideological and educational mess that Dhaka city now finds itself in. The Bangladesh Diaspora can play an effective role in facilitating quality . 7. The mobilisation of the poor, women and other disadvantaged groups in the society, whatever time it takes, is pivotal in bringing about beneficial changes in Dhaka city in a sustainable manner, but this is inextricably linked with the spread of liberation theology and value-based quality education and continuation of democracy. 8. Democracy must prevail in Dhaka city and Bangladesh at all costs. In fact, the constitution should be amended in order to ensure capital punishment for those involved in declaring martial law and emergency rule in the future. 9. Beneficial changes in the immediate neighbourhood and the world at large will help Dhaka city and Bangladesh, and these should be identified and made use of. 10. With the present power structure and governance arrangements in Dhaka city and Bangladesh in place, nothing much can be achieved. However, if democracy persists in Bangladesh and the change agents of Dhaka city and the country are able to exert themselves over the 362 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

coming days, desirable changes are likely to come about in the existing power structure and governance arrangements, though it will be by no means a smooth transition.

The problem with the first alternative is that it is time consuming and hence the concern is that events might overtake this plan, even if implementable. The second option is business as usual with patchwork and piecemeal actions aiming to solve the here-and-now problems. This in real terms amounts to inaction. In such a scenario, the ongoing migration to Dhaka city, through its cumulative weight, along with the impact of the existing problems, including those of climate change, will eventually bring down the already shaky and collapsing systems of governance in Dhaka city in the not too distant future. This is likely to happen through either anarchy-based civil strife or spread of some deadly pandemic diseases or both. As in Surat (India), devastated by plague in the 1990s, people will flee from Dhaka city in large numbers to save themselves from the catastrophe that will befall it. In the second stage, a leadership will emerge either to fix it as in Surat, or fail to take it out of a state of anarchy for a long time as in Beirut, and then perhaps one day out of the fatigue of a prolonged anarchy, a new governance structure will emerge and stabilise the city and the country. The human costs of the second option are unimaginably high.

Limitations of the study

This study was able to establish the major inter-temporal social, economic, political and cultural trends in Dhaka city and explain these but fell short of theorising on the nature of change taking place in Third World urban societies. This could have been possible if there were enough comparable data and information on similar such cities and their external linkages. Perhaps this is a task for the future generation of urban sociologists. We also have not spelt out in detail what needs to be done in the light of our findings, except in a very general manner. However, we hope that this study will provide food for thought not only for students, teachers and researchers of Third World urban sociology but also to practitioners, i.e. policy-makers, implementers, activists and advocates and help them to flesh out the practicalities in much greater detail. Appendix I Various Classifications of Dhaka City and Adjoining Areas

Dhaka Statistical Metropolitan Area (DSMA). This consists of Dhaka City Corporation, Dhaka Cantonment Board, Tongi Pourasabha and Narayanganj Pourasabha.

Dhaka Metropolitan Area (DMA). This comprises all the 22 thanas of Dhaka city.

Dhaka Cantonment Board. Established in 1952, it covers the Cantonment thana.

Dhaka conurbation or Greater Dhaka. This consists of Dhaka city, Narayanganj, Tongi, Joydevpur and Savar.

Old and New Dhaka. At one time, the boundary was demarcated by the railway line which is now gone. However, the division is quite distinct in terms of building types, road width, traditional markets, predominance of canals and streamlets, load on physical infrastructure, traffic congestion, density of population and the particular dialect used.

Dhaka City Corporation (DCC). This consists of 90 Wards. Each Ward has several paras/ mahallas.

Jurisdiction of RAJUK South of Narayanganj to north of Tongi with the Sitalakhya and Balu rivers in the east and the Dhaleshwari and Turag rivers in the south and west, covering an area of 250 square miles.

Jurisdiction of Dhaka. WASA From the Buriganga river up to Tongi. This page has been left blank intentionally Appendix II General Household Survey Questionnaire

(To be filled in by the investigator)

Tabulation serial Number ...... Sample serial ...... Ward Number ...... Zone ...... Name of Household Head ...... Sub-zone ...... Name of Respondent ...... Mohalla/street ...... Name of the Investigator ...... Date ...... House Number ......

A. Socio-Economic Background of Household Head (HHH) Column No.

1. name of HHH ......

2. age ...... 2

3. male – 1 Female – 2 1

4. mother Tongue: bangla – 1 urdu – 2 english – 3 other (specify) – 9 5. religion 1 muslim (Sunni) – 1 muslim (Non-Sunni) – 2 hindu (Upper caste) – 3; Hindu (Lower caste) – 4 christian (Catholic) – 5; Christian (Protestant) – 6 buddhist – 7; any other (specify) – 9

6. address of Village (where applicable): Village ...... Upazila ...... District (old)......

7. educational Status of HHH 7.1 type of education: (code-i) 1 7.2 level of education: (code-ii) 1

8. Present Marital Status unmarried – 1 married – 2 Divorced – 3 Separated – 4 Widower – 5 Widow – 6 * Approximate year of marriage of HHH

9. Present main occupation and role of HHH

10. Present second main occupation of HHH 366 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

11. Previous occupations of HHH (Mention first occupation and five important subsequent occupations)

Serial Number Occupation Duration (approx) 1 2 3 4 5 6

12. how many years HHH has been living in Dhaka city (from birth/which year)? From birth – 1 not from birth – 2 if not from birth, which year (specify time)?

13. how many generations the family of HHH has been living in Dhaka city? (HHH is to be considered as one generation)

14. For what purpose HHH first came to live in Dhaka? (Not applicable to those living in Dhaka since birth)

15. how is HHH’s spare time spent (in percentage)? 1. With family ...... 2. With friends ...... 3. Any other (specify) ......

16. involvement of HHH in the following institutions/organisations/associations in any way if yes how?*

Serial Number Institutions/ President Secretary Vice- General Organisations/ Secretary President/ member Associations Treasurer/ Committee member 1 Educational institutions (for example, school committees) 2 Mosque Committee 3 Other Religious Institutions/ Associations 4 Cultural Organisations/ Associations Appendix II 367

5 Sports and Recreational Organisations/ Associations 6 Social Welfare Organisations/ Associations 7 Local Crime Resistance Association 8 Political Organisations (Specify name of the party) 9 Office/Factory Associations/Trade Unions 10 Any Other (Specify)

* (Presently involved = 1/ Previously involved = 2)

B. Relationship and linkage of HHH Column No.

17. number of living sons ...... 2

18. number of living daughters ...... 2

19. number of dependents of HHH (Other than spouse and children) ..... 2

20. Socio-economic background of HHH and all members of the household who generally live and eat in the same household e.g. house-tutor, Moulovi Saheb, Lodger, Maid/Female/ Servant etc. (Start with the HHH)

Serial Relationship Male – 1 Age Marital Education Occupation Monthly Number with HHH Female– 2 Status (Code – 2) income (Code – 3) (Code – 4) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 368 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

12. 13. 14. 15.

21. Socio-economic background of closest relatives of HHH

Relationship Age Dead – 0 Level of Occupation Father’s At present Living – 1 Education Home living in (Code – 2) District* Dhaka? No (Old/ – 0 Yes – 1 Greater) Mother Father Brother – 1 Brother – 2 Brother – 3 Brother – 4 Sister – 1 Sister – 2 Sister – 3 Sister – 4 Father-in-law * If father’s home district is in india, mention state.

22. Particulars of two closest known friends of HHH

Serial Number Level of Occupation Place of Status equal Number of Education Residence – 1 upper – 2 visits per Code – 2 (Area) lower – 3 month 1. 2.

23. Particulars of two closest relatives of HHH living in Dhaka city

Serial Number Level of Occupation Place of Status equal Number of Education Residence – 1 upper – 2 visits per Code – 2 (Area) lower – 3 month

24. Part-time/Full-time servants in the household Appendix II 369

Serial Number Male – 1 Age Part-time – 1 Monthly Home district Female – 2 Full-time – 2 income and other benefits 1. 2. 3.

Rural Linkages of HHH

25. number of visits to own village per year: ...... 1

26. reasons for such visits: 1 to meet relatives – 1 to look after property – 2 to both meet relatives and to look after property – 3 any other reasons (specify) – 9

C. Particulars of the house in Dhaka city

27. Flat/House house – 1 Flat – 2

28. tenure: own – 1 rented – 2 1

29. Structure Pucca – 1 Semi-Pucca – 2 Katcha – 3 1

30. Floor space of the house (square feet) ...... or ...... hand x ...... hand

31. number of bedrooms ......

32. number of other rooms ......

33. amenities available in the house: electricity – 1; Piped water – 2; Gas – 3; Telephone – 4 nothing – 5

34. Sanitary Condition: Water-flushed sanitary latrine – 1 Non-flushed sanitary latrine – 2 Service latrine – 3 Katcha latrine – 4

35. Drainage system in front of the house: Katcha drain – 1; Pucca drain – 2; Underground drain – 3 370 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

36. Facilities: Respondent’s household jointly share with other households

Serial Number Facilities Share with number of households 1. Tap Water 2. Bathroom 3. Latrine 4. Kitchen 5. Electric Meter 6. Gas Meter 7. Water Meter 8. Any other (Specify)

37. Place of residences of HHH in Dhaka city (from earliest to present)

Serial Number Place of Period of coming Owner of house Reasons for Residence (approximate leaving the area years) 1. 2. 3. 4. * code: Own – 1 Rented – 2 Relative – 3 Friend – 4 Hostel – 5 Mess – 6

D. Transportation

38. Distance of HHH’s working place from residence ...... 2 (in miles)

39. how does HHH travel to his/her working place from residence? 2 car – 1 mini Bus – 2 motorcycle – 3 Cycle – 4 tempo – 5 on foot – 6 rickshaw – 7 boat – 8 bus – 9 train – 10 launch – 11 auto-rickshaw – 12 Office bus – 13 Any other (specify) – 99

40. What type of transport is mainly used by other members of household (HH)? (Use code No. of question No. 39) 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 99 Appendix II 371

E. Opinion survey on various issues

41. compared to father the condition of HHH 1. economically improved – 1 remained the same – 2 Deteriorated – 3 2. educationally improved – 1 remained the same – 2 Deteriorated – 3 3. Socially improved – 1 remained the same – 2 Deteriorated – 3

Respondent’s opinion on nationally important issues

42. Do you think family planning is necessary? 1 no – 0 yes – 1 Partially necessary – 2 i don’t care – 3 no comments – 4 any other response (specify) – 9

43. What kind of economic system do you support? market economy – 1 Socialist economy – 2 mixed economy – 3 islamic economy – 4 any other response (specify) – 9

44. Subscription and reading habit regarding dailies/weeklies

Name Regular Subscriber Irregular Subscriber Usually read Bengali Dailies English Dailies Bengali Weeklies Any other (specify)

Neighbourhood environmental facilities and problems of the locality

45. how is your neighbourhood environment? 1 Good – 1 Fair – 2 bad – 3 Dangerous – 4 Don’t know – 5 any other (specify) – 9

46. Please specify important economic, political, environmental, social, cultural, etc. problems of your locality: Disposal of garbage is not good – 1 Polluted air – 2 Sewerage system is very bad – 3 Unhygienic latrine – 4 air pollution is acute – 5 Waterlogging at the time of rain – 6 Water comes from outside at the time of rain – 7 Disturbance by youth musclemen – 8 372 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

law and order is not good – 9 Selling of arms – 10 youths are drug addicted – 11 terrorism in drug business – 12 No playing field – 13 no club for the youths – 14 no facility of community centres/recreation – 15 no congenial atmosphere in the community centres – 16 any other answer (specify) – 17

47. Whether females suffer from security problems? yes – 1 no – 2 if yes, what kind of insecurity? Physical insecurity at night – 1 Sexual harassment at work places and educational institutions – 2 teasing by musclemen – 3 lack of hostel facilities for the low – income group females – 4 any other answer (specify) – 9

48. are there any recreational facilities for your family members? yes – 1 no – 2 if yes, what kinds of recreational facilities Watch TV – 1 Visit cinema hall – 2 Watch play in the playgrounds – 3 Participate in the marriage ceremonies/social occasions – 4 Watch drama in the theatres 5 Any other answer (specify) – 9

49. approximate monthly expenditures/savings of the household. (Taka) 1. house rent (including water, fuel, electricity and gas) 2. Food ...... 3. clothing, shoes, etc...... 4. medicine ...... 5. Gifts ...... 6. transportation ...... 7. education (including house tutor and books, excluding conveyance) ...... 8. Saving (including insurance premium, provident fund and share certificates)... any other expenditure (specify) 9...... 10...... 11...... Total Tk......

50. total amount of loan of the household (HH): ...... Appendix II 373

51. movable property

Serial Number Movable Property No. 1. Books 2. Musical instruments 3. VCR 4. Air – conditioner 5. Colour TV 6. Black and white TV 7. Refrigerator 8. Electric/gas oven 9. Washing machine 10. Music centre 11. Computer 12. 3-in-one 13. 2-in-one 14. Changer/ player 15. Tape recorder 16. Radio 17. Transistor 18. Sewing machine 19. Iron 20. Table fan/ceiling fan 21. Telephone 22. VCD

Immovable property: Property owned by HHH and wife/husband, sons and daughters living together (also mention particulars of inheritable property).

52. house/land in Dhaka city

Serial Number Land (Acres) Source of Proportion Particulars of house Locality ownership* (Structure/Storeyed) 1. 2. 3. *Purchase – 1 Inheritance – 2 Possibility of inheritance – 3 374 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

53. house/land in other city: Name of city Land (Acres) Source of Proportion Particulars Locality ownership* of house (Structure/ Storeyed) 1. 2. 3.

*Purchase – 1 inheritance – 2 Possibility of inheritance – 3

54. rural house: no – 0 yes – 1

55. land in village: (Approximate in acres) ......

56. mode of transport

Transport No. Personal – 1 Official – 2 Name/CC/Model 1. Car 2. Motorcycle 3. Cycle 4. Any other (specify)

G. Additional information and opinions of investigators

57. how is the road in front of your house? only walking path – 1 one rickshaw can move – 2 two rickshaws can move – 3 one rickshaw and one car can move – 4 two cars can move – 5 two trucks can move – 6

58. utilisation of land within the holding number

1. homestead ...... 6. Mini workshop/cottage industry ...... 2. mess ...... 7. Workshop/factory ...... 3. Shops ...... 8. Any other (specify) ...... 4. Office ...... 5. Godown ......

59. Degree of co-operation from respondents With eagerness – 1 Full co – operation – 2 Satisfactory – 3 With suspicion – 4 any other response (specify) – 5

60. a brief statement of the investigator on overall condition of household...... Appendix III Instructions for Investigators

a. A great deal of preparation is needed by an investigator before commencing interview. He/she must:

1. understand the objectives of the study and master the concepts and terms used in the questionnaire; 2. prepare an interview guide, which should contain all important questions to be put and methodology to be adopted; 3. prepare a list of respondents and areas to be visited (an alternative list should be carried in case respondents proposed to be interviewed are not available); 4. undergo proper training, and be informed about people and their customs in the area to be visited; 5. carry a letter of introduction or identity card; 6. seek co-operation of the leader of the community, and if necessary, interview him first. b. During the interview, the investigator must do the following:

1. create a friendly atmosphere with the respondent, showing neither superiority nor inferiority complex; 2. dress properly and not be talkative; 3. be conscientious and careful; 4. show no sign of approval or disapproval; 5. be a patient listener; 6. avoid unnecessary explanation or information, for example, personal experience, in order to stop wastage of time and introduction of bias; 7. avoid questions with double meaning; if respondent is not interested in replying to direct questions, the same should be put to him/her indirectly; 8. during the course of interview, take care not to embarrass the respondent with personal questions; 9. not close the interview abruptly, but profusely thank the respondent before parting; 10. fill in questionnaire with pencil and not pen. c. after the interview, the investigator must:

1. check and edit information gathered carefully; also crosscheck with other respondents where necessary; 2. note down his/her opinions at the end of the filled-in questionnaire; 3. check the filled-in questionnaire every day, so that nothing that may be done today is left for tomorrow. This page has been left blank intentionally Appendix IV Places of Interest in and Around Dhaka City

Lalbagh Fort: Situated in Labagh area. The building was constructed in 1678 by Prince Azam. The tomb of Pari Bibi, daughter of Shaista Khan, a grand niece of Nurjahan, is located inside this fort.

Bara Katra: Situated near Showari Ghat area. The building was constructed in 1664 by Abul Kashem during the Viceroyalty of Prince Shuja. The major part of the building is now in a dilapidated condition.

Chhoto Katra: Situated about a few yards to the east of . It was built by Shaista Khan in 1663. The building still stands in its former glory.

Zinzira Palace: Constructed by Ibrahim Khan in about 1620 on the south bank of the Buriganga River. The building, situated opposite Bara Katra, is now in a dilapidated condition.

Husaini Dalan: A large two-storeyed building in old Dhaka. The building was constructed by Mir Murad in 1642 for celebrating muharram.

Binat Bibi’s Mosque: Among a large number of mosques in the city of Dhaka, this is the oldest, and is situated at Narinda. According to the inscription on the central doorway, the mosque was built by Bakht Binat, daughter of Marhamat in 1457.

Hayat Bepari’s Mosque: Located to the south of Narinda Bridge and built by a merchant named Havat Bepari in 1664.

Bibi Meher’s Mosque: This lies to the southeast of Gulam Mohammad Gate. The mosque was built by Bibi Meher in 1814.

Sitara Begum’s Mosque: Situated in Singtola of old Dhaka. The mosque was built in 1819 by Sitara Begum to commemorate the death of her husband; it bears the post- Shaista Khan style of architecture.

Pari Bibi Mosque: One of the oldest mosques in old Dhaka. According to the inscription in the mosque, it was built after the name of Pari Bibi.

Tara (Star) Mosque: One of the oldest mosques and is situated at Begum Bazaar in old Dhaka. The mosque was decorated by stars made of ceramics.

Lalbagh Mosque: It is believed that this mosque was built by Prince Muhammad Azam. The exact date of its construction is not known. 378 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Temple of Lakshmi Narayan: Situated in Lakshmi Bazaar and built by Krishana Prasad, the grandson of Bhikan Lal Pande. The building is a good example of 18th-century work, a harmonious blend of Hindu and Muslim styles of architecture.

Temple of Jaikali: Situated in Thathari Bazaar and believed to be 200 to 250 years old. The image of Kali is installed inside the temple.

Dhakeswari Temple: Situated beside the staff quarters of Engineering University. The goddess Dhakeswari is regarded by the Hindus as the presiding deity of Dhaka. The temple was reconstructed by Raja Mansingh. The exact date of its construction is not known but its style suggests it to be of the 17th century.

Tejgaon Church: The oldest church in Dhaka. It was founded by St. Augustine Missionaries prior to 1599. However, some are of the opinion that it was built by the Portugese in 1677 AD.

Ahsan Manzil: Situated on the bank of the river Buriganga near Wiseghat. The palace was built by Sir Abdul Ghani in 1872. He named it Ahsan Manzil after his son Nawab Ahsunllah Bahadur. It was the residential palace of the Nawabs of Dhaka.

Curzon Hall: Situated just opposite the old High Court building and the newly constructed Bangladesh Shishu Academy. It was built during the time of Lord Curzon, the Viceroy of India in 1904, and was used as a town hall. At present, it forms a part of the Dhaka University Science building and is mainly used as an examination hall.

Baitul Mukarram: The biggest mosque of Bangladesh and is situated near the Dhaka Stadium. It is based on a unique architectural design.

Gulshan Central Mosque: Located at Gulshan-2 opposite Wonderland, this is a magnificent mosque based on modern architecture. There is a big open space in front of the mosque.

Gausul Azam Complex: Located at Mohakhali (popularly known as Wireless Gate) opposite the BRAC building. It is a magnificent complex with a big beautiful mosque and a madrasa with residential facilities. It blends Islamic architecture with modern architecture.

Jatiya Sangshad Bhaban: A massive National Assembly building of modern art and architecture, designed by the world-famous architect Louise Kahn. It is surrounded by wide open spacewhere gardens and artificial lakes have been created to enhance its scenic beauty. There are a number of small buildings adjacent to it, which provides temporary accommodation to the Members of Parliament (MPs) during the assembly session.

National Museum: Located opposite Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman Medical University. There is a large collection of curious objects of different ages in this museum. The National Museum building represents modern art and architecture.

Central Shahid Minar: Situated adjacent to Dhaka Medical College Hospital. The Minar was constructed on a raised platform with five slender columns to commemorate the martyrs who Appendix IV 379 sacrificed their lives for the cause of their mother tongue. People from all walks of life gather at the feet of the Minar on 21 February every year to pay homage to the martyrs.

Balda Garden: Located in Wari opposite the Christian cemetery. It was founded by Zamindar Narendra Narayan Roy in 1925. There is a unique collection of botanical specimens in this garden.

Ruplal House: A grand 19th-century building of old Dhaka, built by two Hindu merchant brothers, Ruplal Das and Raghunath Das, on the northern bank of the Buriganga in Farash Ganj, overlooking a riverfront promenade. Until recently, it was occupied by local spice and vegetable merchants and unauthorised squatters. It has recently been taken up for protection by the Department of Archaeology.

Bahadur Shah Park: Located in Sadarghat adjacent to Jagannath University and Kazi Nazrul Islam Government College. Earlier its name was Victoria Park. About 45 years ago, Victoria Park was renamed as Bahadur Shah Park, after Bahadur Shah, the last Mughal Emperor. Here the British executed a large number of Indian soldiers for the so-called Sepoy Mutiny of 1857. A monument at the site is dedicated to the fighters of the first freedom struggle against the British.

Mirpur Zoo and Botanical Garden: Located at a distance of about 16 km from the city centre. It contains different types of animals, birds and snakes. The botanical garden, which contains many species of indigenous and foreign trees, is situated adjacent to the zoo.

Suhrawardy Uddayan: Formerly known as the Race Course, this is one of the oldest gardens in the Dhaka city, situated opposite Ramna Park and . The Uddayan is full of tall trees and has a unique collection of botanical specimens. It is one of the largest outdoor recreational spaces for the city dwellers. The Bangladesh Supreme Court, National eiddgah, High Court mazar, Zia Shishu Academy, Kali Mondir, the mausoleum (mazar) of three national leaders (namely, Hosein Shaheed Suhrawardy, Sher-e-Bangla AK Fazlul Haque and Khawaja Nazim Uddin), the Police Control Room, Shaheed Zia Children’s Park, the Department of Roads and Highways, the Institution of Engineers, and the Bangladesh Shikha Chirantan are located within and near the boundary of the Uddayan.

Ramna Park: One of the oldest parks in new Dhaka and situated near Sheraton Hotel. It is the heart of the Dhaka city. The park is large and full of big trees with a unique collection of botanical specimens. It is the most used park in Dhaka city. Ramna Lake is in its centre. Ramna Batamul is an attractive venue for organising musical soirees.

Shaheed Zia Children’s Park (Shishu Park): Shishu Park is the only public sector children’s amusement park in Dhaka city. Established in 1979 on 15 acres of land, it is the first children’s amusement park in Bangladesh. It is situated at Shahbagh adjacent to Shaheed Shuhrawardy Uddiyan (erstwhile Race Course). The park was opened to the general public in 1980. Since 1983 it has been maintained by the Dhaka City Corporation (DCC). There are 12 attractive rides in the park. In 1992 donated a fighter jet.

Shyamoli Children’s Park (Shishu Mela): Situated at Shyamoli adjacent to Children (Shishu) Hospital. There are a lot of attractive rides in this park. 380 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Wonderland: Situated at Gulshan-2 opposite Gulshan Central Mosque. It was constructed in 1994. There are about 100 events and rides in the land, 15 big and 85 small.

Fantasy Kingdom: Situated at Ashulia, Savar, about 30 km from the city centre. It was constructed in 2002 by Bashundhara Group. There are 21 rides in the kingdom. There are a number of artificial small canals inside it.

Heritage Park: Situated at Ashulia, Savar, about 30 km from the city centre near Fantasy Kingdom. It was also constructed by the Bashundhara Group. There are about 15 rides in the park.

Nandon Park: Situated at Savar, about 40 km from the city centre. It was constructed in 2004. There are 21 rides in the park.

Bhasani Novo Theatre: Situated in Monipuri Para near the Military Museum. It was constructed in 2004 by the Public Works Department (PWD). There is a big planetarium in the theatre.

China−Bangladesh Friendship Conference Centre: Situated at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar adjacent to the Planning Commission. Construction of the centre was completed in early 2003. It has a number of attractive rooms and galleries. Conferences, exhibitions, symposiums, workshops, marriages and other ceremonies are held here.

China–Bangladesh Friendship Bridge: The only bridge on the Buriganga River. It connects the southern parts of the country with Dhaka city.

Zia Uddyan (erstwhile Chandrima Uddyan): Situated at Sher-e-Bangla Nagar (near the China- Bangladesh Friendship Conference Centre). It is a recreational place for the city dwellers. A lot of big trees and botanical specimens are to be there. It is located beside the mausoleum (mazar) of Shaheed President Ziaur Rahman.

Mausoleum of Shah Ali Bagdadi: Situated in Mirpur. The mausoleum was constructed in 1480 on the grave of Sufi Shah Ali Bagdadi. He was a celebrated Sufi and the son of Sultan Barbak Shah.

National Mausoleum Situated at Savar: Constructed in 1972 by the Public Works Department (PWD). The mausoleum, based on a modern architectural design having seven magnificent columns, is meant as the symbol of national unity and was built to pay tributes to the martyrs who sacrificed their lives during the War of Liberation of 1971.

Mirpur Shaheed Intellectual Mausoleum: Situated at Mirpur. It was constructed by the PWD, based on modern architecture. It was meant as a symbol of national unity and built to pay homage to the intellectual martyrs who were brutally murdered by the Pakistan army in collaboration with local war criminals on 14 December 1971 i.e. just two days before the Pakistan army surrendered to the joint command of Bangladeshi and Indian forces.

Rayer Bazar Baddhyabhumi (Killing Field): A graveyard situated at Rayer Bazar. It was constructed by the PWD, based on contemporary architecture. It was built as a symbol of national unity and to remind the nation of the brutal massacre of a huge number of freedom fighters and Appendix IV 381 innocent people by the Pakistani army in collaboration with the local war criminals during the 1971 War of Liberation.

Bangabandhu Museum: Located at Dhanmondi, Road Number 32. It was the residence of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman where he and members of his family (including women and children) were brutally murdered by a group of army personnel on 15 August 1975. This residence was declared a museum in 1996. It is run by a Board of Trustees.

Basundhara City: The largest megamall in Dhaka city, a place of attraction for the people in general and a meeting place for the young people, in particular.

Mukti Juddho (War of Liberation) Museum: The is a holding for collection, preservation and display of the objects, artefacts and other materials related to the 1971 War of Liberation. It was inaugurated on 22 March 1996 in Segunbagicha. It is a people’s museum established by community workers. The museum has six galleries. This page has been left blank intentionally Appendix V A List of Organisations Directly Concerned with Dhaka City

The management of Dhaka city is shared by a number of organisations. These are as follows:

1. Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), headed by a Police Commissioner, is responsible for law and order and traffic. It is under the direct control of the Inspector-General of Police and the Ministry of Home Affairs (established 1976).

2. Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), a specialised/elite battalion comprising selected members from the armed forces, the police and the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR). Headed by a Director- General, it is responsible for preventing serious crimes throughout the country, including Dhaka city. It is under the direct control of the Inspector-General of Police and the Ministry of Home Affairs (established 2004).

3. Dhaka Metropolitan Magistracy, headed by a Chief Metropolitan Magistrate, is responsible for administration of criminal justice in Dhaka city. It is under the direct control of the Ministry of Home Affairs (established 1976).

4. Dhaka City (Municipal) Corporation (DCC), headed by a Mayor, is responsible for major urban services such as public health and sanitation, maintenance of public infrastructure including roads and markets, water supply and education. It is under the control of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives. Formerly known as Dhaka Municipality, it was accorded the status of a Corporation in 1978. Dhaka Municipality was established in 1864. The Mayor is directly elected.

5. Dhaka Water and Sewerage Authority (DWASA), headed by a Chairman, is responsible for maintaining water supply and sewerage networks. It is under the Local Government Division of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives (established 1963).

6. Directorate of Public Health and Engineering (DPHE), headed by a Chief Engineer, is responsible for constructing and maintaining drainage works scheme covering about 100 square miles in and around Dhaka city. DPHE’s jurisdiction covers the whole of Bangladesh. It is under the Local Government Division of the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives.

7. Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakhiya (RAJUK) or Capital City Development Authority, formerly known as Dhaka Improvement Trust (DIT), is headed by a Chairman and is responsible for planning and land development within Dhaka city. It is under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works (DIT established 1956; converted to RAJUK in 1986). 384 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

8. Public Works Department (PWD), headed by a Chief Engineer, is responsible for constructing and maintaining public buildings throughout Bangladesh, including Dhaka city. It is under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works (established 1948).

9. National Housing Authority (erstwhile Housing and Settlement Directorate), headed by a Chairman, is responsible for development of government housing schemes throughout Bangladesh including the Dhaka city. It is under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

10. Urban Development Directorate (UDD), headed by a Director, is responsible for urban planning throughout Bangladesh including the Dhaka city. It is under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works (established 1965).

11. Department of Architecture (DoA), headed by a Chief Architect, is the lone department in the public sector providing basic architectural services for development projects and schemes undertaken by the ministries and departments. It provides services in designing government offices, courts, hospitals, training and educational institutes, auditoriums, cultural centres, monuments and memorials, housing, recreational and amusement facilities and restoring heritage and old buildings, cyclone shelters and circuit houses. It is under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works (established 1982).

12. Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority (DESA) headed by a Chairman (responsible for supply of electricity to parts of Dhaka city) is under the Bangladesh Power Development Board and Power Division of the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources.

13. Dhaka Electricity Supply Company (DESCO) Limited headed by a Managing Director. Responsible for supply of electricity to a part of Dhaka city, i.e. Mirpur, Pallabi, Gulshan, Banani, Uttara, Baridhara, Kafrul and Tongi, is under the Power Division of the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources. It is managed by a Board headed by an appointed Chairman (established 1997).

14. Town Defence Party (TDP) consists of volunteers, operating in only 12 Metropolitan thanas. Town Defence Party has dual responsibilities, namely assisting law enforcing agencies and participating in national development activities. At the time of an emergency, TDP is required to coordinate with Fire Services, Civil Defence, the police and the armed forces for various duties and responsibilities. TDP is under the Ministry of Home Affairs.

15. Dhaka Unit of the Department of Fire Services and Civil Defence is under the Ministry of Home Affairs.

16. Dhaka Unit of Bangladesh Road Transport Corporation (BRTC) operates bus services within Dhaka city. BRTC is under the Ministry of Communications (Roads and Road Transport Division). BRTC was set up in 1961.

17. Dhaka Transport Coordination Board (DTCB) is responsible for planning and coordination of transport infrastructure facilities and traffic management interventions across greater Dhaka. Through DTCB, the government has launched a Strategic Transport Plan for a safer Appendix V 385

and more efficient transportation system in Dhaka city. DTCB is under the Ministry of Communications (Roads and Road Transport Division).

18. National Institute of Local Government (NILG) is responsible for providing training, research and consultancy services to both urban and rural local government bodies in Bangladesh, including Dhaka City Corporation (established 1969)

19. Titas Gas Transmission and Distribution Company Limited is responsible for providing natural gas to different parts of Bangladesh, including Dhaka city. It is under Petro-Bangla, a corporation responsible to the Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources.

20. Local Government Engineering Department (LGED), headed by a Chief Engineer, is responsible for providing technical support to the rural and the urban local government institutions and also planning and implementing infrastructure development projects in the rural and urban areas. It is under the Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Cooperatives (established 1992).

21. Department of Social Services, headed by a Director General, is responsible for human resource development, poverty reduction and social security measures through different programmes, implementing social protection, social promotion programmes to address the problems of orphans, destitute children and women, poor, distressed elderly population, and persons with disability or social handicaps and other disadvantaged segments of the population through a development rather than a charity approach. It is under the Ministry of Social Welfare (established 1961).

22. Department of Environment, headed by a Director-General, is responsible for helping to secure a clean and healthy environment through the fair and consistent application of environmental rules and regulations; guiding, training, and promoting awareness of environmental issues due to deforestation, deteriorating water quality, natural disasters, land degradation, salinity, unplanned urbanisation, discharge of untreated sewage, industrial wastes; and promoting sustainable actions on critical environmental problems. It is under the Ministry of Environment and Forest (established 1989).

23. Bangladesh Telecommunications Company Limited (BTCL) erstwhile Bangladesh Telephone and Telegraph Board (BTTB), headed by a Managing Director, is responsible for providing telephone services to all parts of Bangladesh, including Dhaka city. It is under the Ministry of Post and Telecommunications. It is managed by a Board headed by an appointed Chairman (established 2008).

Apart from these organisations, almost every Ministry has some normal development activities for Dhaka city. As such, Dhaka city is receiving various kinds of services from many different organisations. There are several problems associated with the present delivery arrangement. First, there is a serious lack of coordination among different organisations working for Dhaka city. This is most glaring in the manner in which city roads are dug at different places and at different points in time for laying water pipes, gas lines, telephone lines, electricity cables and sewerage lines. Second, there is a duplication of efforts among organisations in the way services are provided. Thus, there is an overlap of functions between RAJUK and DCC, DCC and DPHE, and between 386 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

DPHE and WASA. These problems, needless to mention, lead to public inconvenience and wastage of scarce resources. Third, services provided by these organisations are highly inadequate and of extremely poor quality. In addition to government efforts, a number of non-government organisations (NGOs) are also working for Dhaka city in various ways. Some of the more important NGOs are as follows:

• Grameen Bank headed by the Nobel Laureate Professor M. Yunus; besides managing a number of foundations, it runs the largest micro-credit operation in the world. • Proshika Manabik Unnayan Kendra provides services relating to education, human resource development and poverty alleviation to the poor and the disadvantaged. • NGO Forum provides capacity building training and services related to sanitation and safe drinking water. • Association of Social Advancement is working on education, health and hygiene promotion and micro-credit. • Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee is working on education, poverty alleviation and self-employment for the poor. • Dhaka Ahsania Mission provides education and health services. • CARE-Bangladesh is working particularly with HIV/AIDS patients and injective drug users. • Gono Shyastha Kendra works mainly in the health sector. • Save the Children provides various services to the children and advocates for them nationally as well as internationally. • Padakkhep and Hasab deal particularly with sex workers. • Apan is working with drug users. • Durjoy Nari Sangstha is working for women empowerment. • Ashar Alo Society mainly deals with education of the disadvantaged and rehabilitation of drug users and sex workers. • Swanivar Bangladesh is working mainly on mother and child welfare. • Mukta Akash Bangladesh is working mainly for the HIV/AIDS patients. • Bangladesh National Women Lawyers Association (provides legal support for the poorer people. • Concern World Wide deals mainly with behavioural change among the HIV/AIDS patients, sex workers and drug users. • Manusher Jonno is working in the areas of education, women and human resource development. • Shakti Foundation implements programmes for social and economic empowerment of poor women through creating strong economic and social resource bases. Appendix VI Glossary of Abbreviations and Local Terms

ADb asian Development Bank adda Gossiping Adhunik Bangla Gan modern Bengali songs Agha Khanis another name for Ismailis Aggyan Party crime gang in Dhaka city which renders its victims unconscious before it robs them Ahmadiyya a sect claiming to be Muslims but not recognised by mainstream muslims as Muslims AFD armed Forces Division AFL-cio american Federation of Labour and Congress of Industrial organisations akika the Islamic version of Christening al awami League, a left-of-centre political party alia madrasa reformed madrasa alpona Floral design on the ground as decoration ansar the members of a para-police organisation set up in the 1950s apa elder sister; “madam” in the world of prostitution aratdari a wholesale dealer with warehousing facility ASa association of Social Advancement (an NGO) ayah babysitter; nanny bagan bari Garden house bakr khani a special kind of dry bread baksheesh tips Bang-Ching Chinese food influenced by bengali Academy bandi Female slave bastee Slum/squatter settlement bazaar marketplace BBS bangladesh Bureau of Statistics BCS bangladesh Civil Service BDR Bangladesh Rifles, a para-military force BDS bachelor of Dental Surgery Benarasee sari a high-quality sari worn generally on ceremonial occasions BFa bachelor of Fine Arts BGmea bangladesh Garment Manufacturers’ and Exporters’ Association bhadrolok literal translation: gentle folks; in reality, it denotes the educated middle class bhandari male slave bhari an indigenous measure of gold bhatiali a kind of folk song popular in eastern districts 388 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 bhaoiya a kind of folk song popular in northern districts bhaura Pimp BIDS bangladesh Institute of Development Studies bigha one-third of an acre biri indigenous cigarette biriani A North Indian (Mughal) dish made out of fine rice, meat, butter oil and spices BMA bangladesh Medical Association BMET bureau of Manpower Employment and Training BNP bangladesh Nationalist Party, a right-of-the-centre political party Bollywood Another name for the Mumbai film industry borkha Veil covering the whole body Boshonto Utsab Spring festival brac bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (an NGO) BRTC bangladesh Road Transport Corporation B/WTV black and white TV BTCL bangladesh Telecommunications Company Limited bttb bangladesh Telephone and Telegraph Board BWtc bangladesh Water Transport Corporation CBD central Business District Cataris a business group in the Dhaka city of yesteryear C&b construction and building chakor Servant challisha after-death feast among the Muslims chanda Subscription chandabazi the practice of forcibly extracting subscriptions by mastans and student organisations chowki bedstead CIPFA city Public Finance Associates cmi census of Manufacturing Industries CSO civil Society Organisation CSP civil Service of Pakistan CSS centre for Social Studies CTV coloured TV CUS centre for Urban Studies DAB Doctors Association of Bangladesh, affiliated to BNP dai midwife dalal Pimp dalpuri an old Dhaka food item D&c Dilatation and curettage (medical term) dakhil a stage in the madrasa education system darwan night guard/gate-keeper dashi Female slave Dcc Dhaka City Corporation DESa Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority DESco Dhaka Electricity Supply Company DFi Development Financing Institution Appendix VI 389

DGFI Director-General of Forces Intelligence dhangor a community of cleaners/sweepers DHS Diploma in Health Science Dit Dhaka Improvement Trust (now called RAJUK) Dm Dependent members Dma Dhaka Metropolitan Area Dmc Dhaka Municipal Corporation DMP Dhaka Metropolitan Police DMPa Dhaka Metropolitan Police Authority DOHS Defence Officers’ Housing Society Dowra Hadis/Hadith a course on Hadis/Hadith, the sayings and practices of the holy Prophet DPhe Department of Public Health Engineering Dr Dependency ratio DSma Dhaka Statistical Metropolitan Area Dtcb Dhaka Transport Coordination Board DUTP Dhaka Urban Transport Project DWASa Dhaka Water and Sewerage Authority Eid muslim festival of thanksgiving Eidgah the ground where Eid prayers are offered Eid-ul-Adha Festival of sacrifice Eid-ul-Fitr a celebration of the end of Ramadan, the Islamic holy month of fasting EPZ export Processing Zone ERD external Resources Division fakir holy man fazil a degree/diploma in Islamic education FGD Focus group discussion FDI Foreign direct investment Fir First Information Report FP Family planning FRS Fellow of the Royal Society gazal light classical song gali lane ganja hemp GHS General Household Survey Ghat landing place on the river gherao to lay siege ghore phera returning home giti Song GOEB Government of Gob Government of Bengal goonda Hoodlum/hooligan/ruffian/bully GPO General Post Office GPrb Government of the Peoples’ Republic of Bangladesh GSk Gono Shyastha Kendra GQS Government Quarters Survey 390 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 gulam male slave guru teacher hafezi a madrasa diploma Hadith Sayings and practices of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) hajat a place for temporary detention of the accused till completion of trial hajir biriani a rice and meat preparation in old Dhaka Half-Pant Party crime gang putting on shorts during its operations Halua Party crime gang using a sweet preparation to make victims unconscious hartal General strike HBFC house Building Finance Corporation hh household hhh head of household hijra the third gender between male and female; hermaphrodites HSC Higher Secondary Certificate hundi transfer of money across the international border through illegal channels hookah traditional smoking pipe icrc international Committee of the Red Cross idgah See Eidgah above iec information, education and communications iftari Food items taken when breaking fast during the month of Ramadan imam one who leads the prayers in the mosque IMF international Monetary Fund IPGmr institute of Post-Graduate Medicine and Research ISi inter-Service Intelligence (the top intelligence agency of Pakistan) Islamic Chatro Shibir islamic Student Camp, the student wing of Jamat-i-Islam Islamic Oikko Jote an Islamic political party Islamic Shashon Tontro Andolon an Islamic political party ISWrc institute of Social Welfare and Research Centre jalao To set fire to Jamat Khana mosque or prayer centre of the Ismaili community Jamdani sari a special kind of hand-woven sari jatra Folk drama popular in the rural areas Jatyo Samajtantrik Dal national Socialist Party, a left-wing political party jawan lowest ranking soldier jayanti birthday celebration jhoopries Shacks Ji Jamat-i-Islam; also known as Jamat (a right-wing Islamic political party) jihad holy war jotedar large landowner below the zamindar joutuk Dowry JP Jatiyo Party (a right-wing political party led by former military dictator ershad) kabiraj a doctor practising herbal medicine kajerlok Persons for doing household chores Kala Jahangir the most notorious underworld don in recent times Appendix VI 391 kamil a degree/diploma in Islamic education katcha non-metalled/non-cemented katchi biriani a rice and meat preparation in old Dhaka Kawali a type of Islamic devotional song khala aunt (literally); also female keeper of prostitutes Khanka Sharif mausoleum of a holy man (sage) khas Government khutba Sermon after Friday congregational prayers kowmi madrasa madrasa not recognised by the government Krishak Srmaik Janata a small political party kuttis original residents of Dhaka city kupi a rudimentary lamp lassi a yogurt drink, popular in old Dhaka LDc least Developed Country LDt land Development Tax LGED local Government Engineering Department lmc lower middle class lungi male informal dress for the lower part of the body in Bangladesh madrasa School for Islamic religious training mahalla an urban residential neighbourhood mahfil A religious gathering Maulana Someone well versed in religion maund local unit of weight (about 40 kg) mashi aunt (literally); also female keeper of prostitutes maramari Rioting/fighting mastan hoodlum, engaged in hijacking, extortion, etc. matbar local factional leader mazar mausoleum mc middle class MD managing director MFa multi-Fibre Agreement minar minarette minti carrier of goods; coolie MLSS members of Lower Subordinate Staff (class IV or lowest category of government employees) mnc multi-national corporation Molom Party organised criminals who rub in poisonous ointment to blind victims and then rob them monga Scarcity at certain times of the year in the northern districts Morogh Pilau a rice and chicken dish preparation in old Dhaka Moulovi a learned Muslim moulobad Fundamentalism MP member of Parliament muazzin one who calls for prayers muslin Finest cotton cloth in Pre-British Bengal mouza revenue village 392 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 muharram an occasion for the Muslims to mourn the brutal murder of the Holy Prophet’s grandsons mufti a title in Islamic religious learning NAP national Awami Party nautch Dancing girls Nazrul giti Songs of Kazi Nazrul Islam Nazrul Jayanti commemorative function on the birthday of Poet Nazrul Islam nbr national Board of Revenue ncb nationalised Commercial Bank NGo non-government organisation niabat a Mughal administrative unit nihari an old Dhaka traditional dish NILG national Institute of Local Government nr no response OC Officer-in-charge of a police station (thana) “Operation Clean Heart” Deployment of army during the last BNP rule to clean up Dhaka city and the country of top criminals through extra-judicial killings “Operation cross- fire” Started during BNP rule but still continuing, this was again used for extra-judicial killing of top criminals and terrorists on the plea of encounters Pahela Baisakh First day of the Bengali Year pala narrative opera pan-biri betel-leaf and indigenous cigarettes pani para healing water pap-punnya Sin-virtue para neighbourhood Pathokoli the name given to street children (tokais) by Ershad as President Pbuh Peace be upon him; used against the name of Prophet Muhammad PDB Power Development Board PGP Present Government Party pir Saint; holy man pirbad obscurantism; the concept that one needs a pir (a via media) to reach God Plc Public limited company polligiti Folk songs pourasabha municipality Prlc Private limited company PRSP Poverty reduction strategy paper PS Police station, also known as thana PSo Private sector organisation PSu Primary sampling unit pucca metalled/cemented puja Deity worship by Hindus punjabi a type of shirt (mostly worn by males) purdah Veil; also modesty in dress code, as prescribed in Islam PWD Public Works Department R & h roads and High Ways Department Appendix VI 393

RAJuk rajdhani Unnayan Katripakha (Capital City Development Authoriy), formerly known as DIT – Dhaka Improvement Trust rasul Prophet rab rapid Action Battalion Rabindra Jayanti commemorative function to celebrate the birthday of Poet Rabindranath tagore Rabindra Shangeet Songs of Rabindranath Tagore Ramadan the Islamic month when Muslims observe fasting from dawn to dusk RAW research and Analytical Wing (the top Indian intelligence agency) RAWA Retired Armed Forces Officers’ Welfare Association razakar A force created by the Pakistan army from among loyal locals to fight against the Bangladesh liberation forces in 1971 rickshaw tricyle pedalled by human power, carrying passengers or goods rickshaw chalok rickshaw-pullers rickshaw sramik rickshaw workers. roza Fasting by Muslims in the month of Ramadan; see Ramadan rt radio transistor Saarc South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation salwar-kameez See Shalwar-kameez samity credit association; organisation sarderni Female mistress of prostitutes sari Women’s dress in Bangladesh Sena Kallyan Sangstha armed Forces Welfare Trust Shab-e-Barat a Muslim religious occasion shaheed martyr shaheed minar mausoleum for the martyrs Shalishkar adjudicator in petty disputes shalwar-kameez a kind of ladies’ dress in South Asia Sharbat party organised crime gangs using poisonous drink to make victims unconscious Shilpa Kala Academy academy of Fine Arts Shishu Academy children’s Academy shutli kabab an old Dhaka form of kebab SIDa Swedish International Development Agency SPGrc Stranded Pakistanis General Repatriation Committee sradh hindu death rite SSC Secondary School Certificate SSl Systematic Sampling List STD Sexually transmitted disease subah Province Swadhinata Chikitshok Parishad Pro-Independence Doctors’ Council, affiliated to the AL Tablig Jamat A particular approach to Islam where self-purification through prayers is emphasised tadbir lobbying Taka bangladesh currency (70 Taka = one USD in 2005) 394 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Tanduri Roti a kind of bread Taqdir Fate teshil revenue collection unit tempo three-wheeled motor vehicle carrying ten to twelve passengers thana Police station tihari a traditional old Dhaka dish tokai Street children. The word, coined by Ronobi, a famous cartoonist of bangladesh, means one who collects (from the street) Tola 180 grains (a unit of weight generally used for measuring gold and precious stones) tr tape recorder tui/tumi a derisive form of address reserved for the lower category of people UCEP under Privileged Children’s Education Programme UDD urban Development Directorate un united Nations UNCHS united Nations Centre for Human Settlement UNDP united Nations Development Programme unhcr united Nations High Commissioner for Refugees UNESCAP united Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific Union Parishad the lowest level rural local government body ustad teacher VCDr Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Rules Vested property lands and buildings seized from the Hindus with relatives in india after the 1965 India–Pakistan War VVIP Very, very important person VGF Vulnerable Group Feeding vihara monastery WAPDa Water and Power Development Authority WASa Water and Sewerage Authority zamindar Statutory landlord at the apex of the rural society during colonial times zarda pot homemade bomb Bibliography

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accountants 180–2 case studies 22 Ahmadiyyas 314–15 central business district (CBD) 11–12 Ahsan Manzil 378 Central Shahid Minar 378–9 air-conditioning 70 centralisation 19 air pollution 16–17 chambers of commerce 327 AL (Awami League) 322–3 chanda 205 amenities 63, 65, 66, 360 Chandrima Uddyan 380 ansars 230–2 change agents 23, 332–7 armed forces 325–7, 359 Chhatra Dal 324 arms cases 301–2 Chhoto Katra 377 artists 167–70 child prostitutes 354 Awami League 322–3 children 92–4, 126, 134, 136, 139, 185, 237, 249–53, 348 Bahadur Shah Park 379 China–Bangladesh Friendship Bridge 380 Baitul Mukarram 378 China–Bangladesh Friendship Conference Centre Balda Garden 379 380 Bangabandhu Museum 381 Chinese restaurants 18 Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) 323, 324 civil servants 145–7, 327 Bangladesh Telecommunications Company Limited civil society organisations 358 (BTCL) 385 civil strife 362 bankers 180–2 class and occupation 348 Bara Katra 377 classifications of Dhaka and adjoining areas 36 3 Basundhara City 381 climate change 360 beggars 30, 276–83, 353–4 commerce 10–12 Bengali drama serials 18 commission agency 204, 205 Bhasani Novo Theatre 380 computers 73 Bibi Meher’s Mosque 377 corruption 359 Biharis 312–14 crime 17, 19–20 Binat Bibi’s Mosque 377 criminals 32–3, 297–305, 355 BNP (Bangladesh Nationalist Party) 323, 324 culture 14 book ownership 75–6, 108, 349 Curzon Hall 378 bribery 203 cycles 74–5 brick kilns 16 brothels 286 dancers 140–2 BRTC (Dhaka Unit of Bangladesh Road Transport DCC (Dhaka City Corporation) 339, 383 Corporation) 384 defaulting on loans 204, 205 Buddhists 315–17 democracy 361–2 business leaders 327 denationalisation 203–4 businesspersons 335 dengue fever 15–16 Department of Architecture (DoA) 384 cadres of leftist political parties 334 Department of Environment 385 cantonment 310–11 Department of Social Services 385 Capital City Development Authority 383 devolution of power 361 car ownership 74–5 Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) 339, 383 caretaker government 359–60 Dhaka Electricity Supply Authority (DESA) 384 402 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

Dhaka Electricity Supply Company (DESCO) 384 middle class entrepreneurs 177–80 Dhaka Metropolitan Magistracy 383 Muslim religious leaders 125–8 Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) 383 negative characteristics 189 Dhaka Transport Coordination Board (DTCB) 385 NGO executives 170–2 Dhaka Unit of Bangladesh Road Transport non-madrasa students 130–2 Corporation (BRTC ) 384 non-political organisations 187 Dhaka Unit of the Department of Fire Services and occupational problems 187 Civil Defence 384 painters 167–70 Dhaka University 312 political workers 135–7 Dhaka Water and Sewerage Authority (DWASA) politics 184, 187–9 383 private sector executives 142–5 Dhakeswari Temple 378 scientists 162–5 dhangors 317 singers 140–2 diplomats 308–10 summary of findings 182–9 0 Directorate of Public Health and Engineering teachers 150–4 (DPHE) 383 trade union leaders 132–5 doctors 165–7 uneducated homemakers 159–62 domestic servants 256–64 writers 172–5 dowry 244, 272 education 18, 183, 233, 270, 346–7, 361 drama serials 18 and family size 94, 117 durable consumer goods 69–76, 97, 108–9, 121, and income 117 347 and land ownership 89–91 electric fans 72 educated homemakers 156–9 electric ovens 71 educated middle class electricity supply 17 1985 study findings 124 engineers 148–50 accountants 180–2 entrepreneurs 177–80, 335–6 artists 167–70 environment 16–17, 87–8, 111 bankers 180–2 expansion of Dhaka 5 children 185 civil servants 145–7 fads 18–19 dancers 140–2 family norms 346 districts of origin 183 fans 72 doctors 165–7 Fantasy Kingdom 380 economic condition 186 female education 347 economics 187 female garment workers 211–17, 332–3 educated homemakers 156–9 FGD (Focus Group Discussion) 22 education 183 fieldwork limitations 3 4 engineers 148–50 film actors 175– 7 entrepreneurs 177–80 film industry 28 7 family planning 127, 130, 132, 134, 137, 139, floods 19 142, 144, 147, 150, 153, 156, 159, 162, 164, Focus Group Discussion 22 167, 169, 172, 174, 177, 180, 182, 185 food markets 11 film actors 175– 7 foreign aid 360 future perspectives 186 foreign interests 337–9 gender situation 186 formal sector poor 335, 351–2 homemakers 156–62 ansars 230–2 housing 185 economic systems 237–8 lawyers 154–6 family planning 213, 219, 221, 224, 226, 229, leisure 183–4 231, 237 madrasa students 128–30 female garment workers 211–17 methodology 28 fourth-class employees 227–9 Index 403

garment workers 211–17 rural–urban migration 54–60 hospital workers 217–19 sampling 25–6 hotel workers 220–2 servants 67–9 methodology 29 summary of findings 95– 9 police 230–2 toilet facilities 63–4, 67 salespersons 222–5 transportation 54 security guards 225–7 underground drainage 64, 66 summary of findings 232– 9 women, insecurity of 89 fourth-class employees 227–9 glossary 387–94 fraud 301 governance 20, 339–40, 358, 361, 362 government, caretaker 359–60 garbage 16 government land 7, 205 garment workers 211–17, 332–3, 352 Government Quarters Survey (GQS) gas ovens 71 age of household heads 101 gas supply 17 books 108 Gausul Azam Complex 378 comparison with General Household Survey gender and occupation 94–5 119 General Household Survey (GHS) durable consumer goods 108–9 age of household heads 35–6 economic system 121 amenities 63, 65, 66 education 106, 117 children 40–1, 93–4 entrance roads 111 comparison with Government Quarters Survey environment 111 119 expenditure of household heads 109–10 data collection and collation 24–7 family planning 112–13, 118, 120, 121–2 dependents 41–4 female household heads 118–19 durable consumer goods 69–76 friends 114–15 economic systems 86–7 gender 101–2 education 93, 94 housing 110 education status of household heads 44 income 109, 116–17 entrance roads 64, 67 land ownership 105, 107 environment 87–8 language 102–4 family planning 85–6, 94–5 leisure 115–16 friends 78–9 loans 111 gender 94–5 marital status 101–2 gender of household heads 36–7 methodology 27 home ownership in village 58–9 occupations 106–7 housing 59–62, 66–7 opinions of household heads 112–13 income and expenditure 49–53, 93–4 reading habits 115 land ownership 56–8, 89–91, 91–2 relatives 114–15 language 37 religion 102–4 leisure and recreation 83–5 servants 114 marital status 39–40 summary of findings 120– 2 methodology 21–7 transport 108–9 occupation 44–7, 94–5 transportation 116 opinions of household heads 85–9 urban links 105 organisations, involvement in 81–2 village visits 105 origins of household heads 38–9 women, insecurity of 113 questionnaire 365–74 Gulshan-Baridhara 308–10 reading habits 82–3 Gulshan Central Mosque 378 relatives 77–81 religion 37–8, 91–2 hawkers 253–6 residential land use 62–3 Hayat Bepari’s Mosque 377 404 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005 health 15–16 religion 37–8, 89–91, 92, 102–4 health care 18 residential land use 62–3 Heritage Park 380 rural–urban migration 54–60 hermaphrodites 317–18 toilet facilities 63–4, 67 HHH see household heads transportation 54, 116 hijacking 300 underground drainage 64, 66 hijras 317–18 village visits 105 history of Dhaka 3–5 women, insecurity of 89, 113 holding tax 21–2, 24–7 household sampling 25–6 home ownership 58–9 housing 17, 59–62, 66–7, 110, 185, 234–5, 271 homemakers 156–62 hospital workers 217–19 India 337 hotel prostitution 287 industrialisation 5 hotel workers 220–2 industries 9–10 household heads informal sector 15 age of 35–6, 101 informal sector poor amenities 63, 65, 66 domestic servants 256–64 children 40–1, 93–4 family planning 248–9, 253, 256, 264, 267, 268 dependent members 41–4 hawkers 253–6 economic systems 86–7 methodology 30 education 44, 93, 94, 106, 117 poor female household heads 265–8 entrance roads 64, 67, 111 rickshaw pullers 241–9 environment 87–8, 111 skilled educated poor 334 expenditure 109–10 street children 249–53 family planning 85–6, 112–13 summary of findings 268–7 2 female 118–19 tokai 249–53 friends 114–15 information collection gender 101–2 beggars 30 and occupation 94–5 criminals 32–3 gender of 36–7 educated middle class 28 GQS/GHS comparison 119 fieldwork limitations 3 4 home ownership in village 58–9 formal sector poor 29 housing 59–62, 66–7, 110 General Household Survey 23–7 income 93–4, 109, 116–17 Government Quarters Survey 27 inter-district mobility 81 informal sector poor 30 land ownership 107 methodologies overview 21–3 and education 89–91 power structure 33 and religion 91–2 prostitutes 30–2 in village 56–8, 105 richest people 28–9 language of 37, 102–4 special groups and areas 33 leisure 115–16 infrastructure 17–18, 351 leisure and recreation 83–5 intellectuals 328, 333–4 see also educated middle links with Dhaka 105 class loans 111 investigators instructions 375 marital status 39–40, 101–2 investment 359, 360 occupation 44–7, 94–5, 106–7 irons 72 opinions 85–9, 112–13 Ismailis 317 organisations, involvement in 81–2 origins of 38–9 Jaikali Temple 378 poor female 265–8 Jamaat-i-Islam (JI) 323, 324, 325 reading habits 82–3, 115 Jatiya Sangshad Bhaban 378 relatives 114–15 Jatyo Party (JP) 323 Index 405

JI (Jamaat-i-Islam) 323, 324, 325 Old Dhaka 307–8 journalists 137–40 ovens 71 JP (Jatyo Party) 323 painters 167–70 kidnapping 301 Pakistan 337 pandemic disease 362 Lakshmi Narayan Temple 378 Pari Bibi Mosque 377 Lalbagh Fort 377 patronage 198 Lalbagh Mosque 377 Peelkhana Enclave 311 land acquisition 205 personal computers 73 land prices 8–9 philanthropy 198 land transfers 9 pimps 293 land use 7–8 places of interest 377–81 language 102–4, 233 plutocrats see richest people law and order 351, 360 police 230–2 lawyers 154–6 political parties 322–4 liberation theology 361 political violence 19–20 loans 111, 204, 205 political workers 135–7 Local Government Engineering Department politics 184, 271 (LGED) 385 poor female household heads 265–8 poor people 29–30 madrasa students 128–30 population growth 348, 361 manufacturers 335 population of Dhaka 3–6 mastans 246, 302, 323, 328 poverty 14–15 media 20, 197, 327 power structure 33, 321–32, 357–8 middle class 28, 177–80, 328 private sector executives 142–5 Mirpur Shaheed Intellectual Mausoleum 380 professionals 328 Mirpur Zoo and Botanical Garden 379 prostitutes 30–2, 283–97, 354–5 mobile telephones 73–4 Public Works Department (PWD) 384 mosques 12–13 mosquitoes 15–16 quality of life 344–5 motorcycles 74–5 questionnaire for General Household Survey movies 18 365–74 Mukti Juddho Museum 381 multinational corporations 338 Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakhiya (RAJUK) 383 murder 301 Ramna Park 379 musical instruments 70 Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) 383 Muslim religious leaders 125–8 Rayer Bazar Baddhyabhumi 380–1 muslin 9 recession 360 refrigerators 71 Nandon Parkj 380 religious leaders 328 National Housing Authority 384 religious workers 334 National Institute of Local Government (NILG) researchers, recruitment and training 24–6 385 residential land use 62–3 National Mausoleum 380 rich entrepreneurs 335–6 National Museum 378 richest people 328, 357 nationalisation 203 accumulation methods 202–6 NGOs 170–2, 333, 339, 386 cars 201 noise 16 class 193, 194, 195–6 non-madrasa students 130–2 classification 206– 8 education 193, 194 objective of the study 2 enterprises owned 201–2 406 Social Formation in Dhaka, 1985–2005

family background 193–5 Students League 324, 360 future perspectives 208–9 Suhrawardy Uddayan 379 income 200 sweepers 317 leisure 198–200 media 197 tanneries 16 methodology 28–9 Tara (Star) Mosque 377 occupations 193, 195 teachers 150–4 organisations and clubs 197–8 Tejgaon Church 378 patronage 198 telephones 73–4 philanthropy 198 television 70–1 power 196–7 theatre 18–19 primitive accumulation methods 202–6 theft 300 rural links 196 Titas Gas Transmission and Distribution Company summary of findings 21 0 Limited 385 urban houses 201 toilet facilities 63–4, 67 rickshaw pullers 241–9, 331, 352–3 tokai 249–53 rickshaws 13 Town Defence Party (TDP) 384 roads 17 town planning 16 Ruplal House 379 trade 10–12 rural–urban migration 54–60, 343–5 trade associations 327 rusticity 13 trade union leaders 132–5, 324 trade unions 235–6, 331, 351–3, 356 salespersons 222–5 traders, small and medium 335 sampling 25–6 traffic jams 1 3 sanitation 16, 17–18 trafficking 300– 1 Saudi Arabia 337 transport 74–5, 108–9, 116, 201 scientists 162–5 secondary sources 22–3 underclass 353–5 security guards 225–7 underground drainage 64, 66 servants 67–9, 114, 256–64 uneducated homemakers 159–62 sewing machines 72 University of Dhaka 124, 312 Shah Ali Bagdadi Mausoleum 380 Urban Development Directorate (UDD) 384 Shaheed Zia Children’s Park 379 urban environment 344–5 Shibir 325 urban links 234, 270 Shishu Mela 379 urban sprawl 9 Shishu Park 379 shopping centres 16 video technology 73 Shyamoli Children’s Park 379 violence 19–20 singers 140–2 violent crime 355 Sitara Begum’s Mosque 377 smuggling 204 War of Liberation Museum 381 social cohesion 20 water pollution 16 social formation, meaning of 2 water supply 17 social mobility 357 women 19 spatial structure of Dhaka 6 insecurity of 89, 113, 351 special areas 33, 307–12, 318, 356 Wonderland 380 special groups 33, 312–18, 356 writers 172–5 squalor 18 street children 249–53 Zia Uddyan 380 streetwalking 287–8 Zinzira Palace 377 student politics 17, 324–5 zone classification 24– 7