African Regional Economic Integration the Emergence, Evolution, and Impact of Institutional Innovation
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Sovereignty and the 'United States of Africa'
Sovereignty and the ‘United States of Africa’ Insights from the EU George Mukundi Wachira ISS Paper 144 • June 2007 Price: R15.00 Introduction to cede some of their sovereignty to bring about an effective union and institutions that have the powers to The transformation of the Organisation of African execute common competencies. Thus the realisation Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU) has heralded of a continental government or governing framework is new hope and aspirations for unity and integration for premised on the willingness by states to give up some the continent. However, one of the greatest hurdles of their sovereignty – as experiences in other parts of to such unity has been African states’ grip onto their the world portray. sovereign powers (Naldi in Evans & Murray 2002:1). This is despite the fact that since the World War II, While there may be other models1 from which Africa international law has increasingly transformed the could seek inspiration in its pursuit for a United traditional concept of sovereignty. International and States of Africa, the European Union (EU) model is intergovernmental bodies such as the AU, the UN, the examined for comparative purposes in this paper. World Trade Organisation (WTO) and This is done in a bid to illustrate how sub-regional economic bodies have also states have and are willing to cede urged states to give up some of their some of their sovereignty to effectively sovereignty if they are to realise their achieve common competencies through full economic and political potential. The -
Strengthening Popular Participation in the African Union a Guide to AU Structures and Processes
STRENGTHENING POPULAR PARTICIPATION IN THE AFRICAN UNION A Guide to AU Structures and Processes AfriMAP An Open Society Institute Network Publication In memory of Tajudeen Abdul Raheem Pan-Africanist 1961–2009 First published in 2009 by the Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and Oxfam Copyright © 2009 Open Society Initiative for Southern Africa (OSISA) and Oxfam ISBN 978-1-920355-24-1 2nd impression 2010 All rights reserved. Redistribution of the material presented in this work is encouraged, provided that the original text is not altered, that the original source is properly and fully acknowledged and that the objective of the redistribution is not for commercial gain. Please contact [email protected] if you wish to reproduce, redistribute or transmit, in any form or by any means, this work or any portion thereof. Produced by COMPRESS.dsl www.compressdsl.com Contents Acknowledgements v Acronyms vi INTRODUCTION: THE PURPOSE OF THIS GUIDE 1 PART 1 AU ORGANS & INSTITUTIONS 3 > Assembly of Heads of State and Government 6 > Chairperson of the African Union 8 > Executive Council of Ministers 10 > Permanent Representatives Committee (PRC) 12 > Commission of the African Union 14 > Peace and Security Council (PSC) 18 > Pan-African Parliament (PAP) 21 > African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) 22 > African Committee of Experts on the Rights and Welfare of the Child 24 > African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (to become the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) 25 > Economic, Social and Cultural Council (ECOSOCC) -
Trade Liberalization, Investment and Economic Integration in African Regional Economic Communities Towards the African Common Market
U N I T E D N A T IONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT TRADE LIBERALIZATION, INVESTMENT AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN AFRICAN REGIONAL ECONOMIC COMMUNITIES TOWARDS THE AFRICAN COMMON MARKET African Union a United and Strong Africa U N I T E D N A T IONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT TRADE LIBERALIZATION, INVESTMENT AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN AFRICAN REGIONAL ECONOMIC COMMUNITIES TOWARDS THE AFRICAN COMMON MARKET African Union a United and Strong Africa Geneva 2012 TRADE LIBERALIZATION, INVESTMENT AND ECONOMIC INTEGRATION IN AFRICAN ii REGIONAL ECONOMIC COMMUNITIES TOWARDS THE AFRICAN COMMON MARKET NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Symbols of the United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. Material in this publication maybe freely quoted or reprinted, but acknowledgement is requested. A copy of the publications containing the quotation or reprint should be sent to the UNCTAD Secretariat at: Palais des Nations, CH 1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland. UNCTAD/DITC/TNCD/2011/2 UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No.: E.12.II.D.4 ISBN 978-92-1-112844-4 elSBN 978-92-1-055378-0 © 2012 United Nations All rights reserved worldwide Printed in Switzerland FOREWORD iii FOREWORD Achieving regional economic cooperation and integration in Africa that is people-centred and development- oriented is a key challenge, and opportunity, facing African countries in the post global financial and economic crisis period. -
African Continental Free Trade Area: Advancing Pan-African Integration. Some Considerations
UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT AFRICAN CONTINENTAL FREE TRADE AREA: Advancing Pan-African Integration Some Considerations UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT AFRICAN CONTINENTAL FREE TRADE AREA: Advancing Pan-African Integration Some Considerations New York and Geneva, 2016 Note The material contained in this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted but acknowledgement is requested, together with a reference to the document number. A copy of the publication containing the quotation or reprint should be sent to the UNCTAD Secretariat, at: Palais de Nations, 1211, Geneva 10, Switzerland. The designations employed and the presentation of the material do not imply the expression of any position whatsoever on the part of the United Nations Secretariat concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city area, or its authorities, or concerning the delimitations of its frontiers and boundaries, or regarding its economic system or degree of development. The views expressed in this publication reflect solely the views of the author. This is an unedited publication. Acknowledgements This study was prepared for UNCTAD by Mr. Osvaldo Agatiello under the framework of a Development Account Project 1213 AR on "Strengthening Capacities of African Countries in Boosting Intra-African Trade". It was supervised by Mr. Bonapas Onguglo, Senior Economic Affairs Officer, UNCTAD, and Mr. Ahmed Mutkhar, Economic Affairs Officer, UNCTAD. It was also reviewed by Mr. Joseph Kodzo Banini, consultant with UNCTAD. UNCTAD/WEB/DITC/2016/5 Copyright©United Nations, 2016 All rights reserved Acronyms and Abbreviations ............................................................................................................................... I INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................................................... 1 Chapter 1 Challenges and Opportunities for African Continental Integration and Trade Development ......... -
African States and the Quest for an African Union Government
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Directory of Open Access Journals Journal of Alternative Perspective s in the Social Sciences ( 2009) Vol 1, No 3,645-671 In Search of Greater Unity: African States and the Quest for an African Union Government Sharkdam Wapmuk, Nigerian Institute of International Affairs, Lagos, Nigeria Abstract The paper examines the notion of an African union government. It argues that the proposal for a ‘union government’ has often divided African leaders into different ideological groups. That not withstanding, Africa leaders have had to bury their differences and embrace African unity in the fight against colonialism and racist rule. Under the OAU, these constituted the rallying point for African leaders until the last vestiges of colonialism and racist rule were crushed in South Africa in 1994. More than 40 years after the idea of unification of Africa was first suggested by Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana; the Libyan leader, President Muammar Ghaddafi re-tabled the proposal. However, the machinations being employed by the Libyan leader to actualise his vision of a union government in Africa under a single president necessitate a deeper exploration of the idea. The paper observed that the challenges to achieving a union government are numerous at this time. In addition to problem of lack of integration at national levels and poor funding of the AU; Africa is presently faced with several problems bordering on violent conflicts, poverty and underdevelopment, economic development, diseases such as HIV-AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, and bad governance amongst others. -
Last Words: Before Africa Can Unite?
9 | Last words: before Africa can unite? In 1963, just as the Organization of African Unity was being founded by Africa’s newly independent states, President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana published his book Africa Must Unite. Nkru- mah, the leader of the first sub-Saharan African country to gain independence from its former colonial power, called for the speedy political union of the whole continent: ‘Seek ye first the political kingdom, and all else shall be added unto you.’ Nkrumah’s vision did not carry the day. Though Ghana was supported during the negotiations to establish the OAU by the North African countries Algeria, Egypt, Libya and Morocco, as well as Guinea and Mali (collectively known as the ‘Casablanca Group’), it was decided that colonial borders would be respected.1 Other leaders of newly independent African states did not see the merit of giving up their hard-won powers to a continental federation, preferring the ‘step by step’ approach to African unity proposed by President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania (and the much larger ‘Monrovia Group’ of states). In the years following 1963, African states largely concentrated on their own internal problems and on the effort to free the remaining colonies or white-minority regimes from European rule. The project to build Africa-wide political structures and an African citizenship was put on hold. Already established regional political unions collapsed; including Nkrumah’s own Ghana– Mali–Guinea union, and the East African federation of Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. Nevertheless, the pan-African ideal kept its powerful appeal across the African continent. -
A Measured US Strategy for the New Africa
A Measured US Strategy for the New Africa J. Peter Pham Foreword by James L. Jones, Jr. Cover art: Detail from Battle of Adwa, 1896 Unsigned Ethiopian artist, 1906 Paint on canvas Gift of the Honorable Hoffman Philip, first minister resident and consul general in Ethiopia Department of Anthropology, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution E261845 Used with permission The Battle of Adwa was fought on March 1, 1896, between Ethiopia and Italy near the town of Adwa, in the Tigray Region of Ethiopia. It was the climactic battle of the First Italo-Ethiopian War. This painting chronicles the ferocity of the battle, in which Ethiopians defeated the Italian invaders. In the upper right, Ethiopian Emperor Menelik II commands his forces. In the lower left is Queen Taitu. The victory of Ethiopian forces in this critical battle ensured that the country, alone of pre-colonial African states, retained its independence amid the “scramble for Africa” in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. A Measured US Strategy for the New Africa Atlantic Council Strategy Paper No. 7 © 2016 The Atlantic Council of the United States. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Atlantic Council, except in the case of brief quotations in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. Please direct inquiries to: Atlantic Council 1030 15th Street, NW, 12th Floor Washington, DC 20005 ISBN: 978-1-61977-452-0 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. -
Pan-Africanism: a Quest for Liberation and the Pursuit of a United Africa
genealogy Article Pan-Africanism: A Quest for Liberation and the Pursuit of a United Africa Mark Malisa 1,* and Phillippa Nhengeze 2 1 Department of Educational Research and Administration, University of West Florida, 11000 University Pkwy, Pensacola, FL 32514, USA 2 Department of Economics, Africa University, Mutare, Zimbabwe; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 23 July 2018; Accepted: 7 August 2018; Published: 14 August 2018 Abstract: Our paper examines the place of Pan-Africanism as an educational, political, and cultural movement which had a lasting impact on the on the relationship between liberation and people of African descent, in the continent of Africa and the Diaspora. We also show its evolution, beginning with formerly enslaved Africans in the Americas, to the colonial borders of the 1884 Berlin Conference, and conclude with the independence movements in Africa. For formerly enslaved Africans, Pan-Africanism was an idea that helped them see their commonalities as victims of racism. That is, they realized that they were enslaved because they came from the same continent and shared the same racial heritage. They associated the continent of Africa with freedom. The partitioning of Africa at the Berlin Conference (colonialism) created pseudo-nation states out of what was initially seen as an undivided continent. Pan-Africanism provided an ideology for rallying Africans at home and abroad against colonialism, and the creation of colonial nation-states did not erase the idea of a united Africa. As different African nations gained political independence, they took it upon themselves to support those countries fighting for their independence. The belief, then, was that as long as one African nation was not free, the continent could not be viewed as free. -
Appendix 1A. the African Union: the Vision, Programmes, Policies and Challenges
Appendix 1A. The African Union: the vision, programmes, policies and challenges JINMI ADISA I. Introduction The establishment of the African Union (AU) was the culmination of several crucial decisions by African states leading to the replacement of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) by a new organization. In September 1999, the Fourth Extraordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU adopted the Sirte Declaration, which resolved to establish the African Union (AU) as the suc- cessor organization to the OAU.1 In the Constitutive Act of the African Union of July 2000,2 the heads of state and government of the members of the OAU agreed to establish the Union. The Fifth Extraordinary OAU/African Economic Community (AEC) Summit, held in March 2001,3 specified the legal requirements for the entry into force of the Constitutive Act: 30 days after the deposit of the 36th instrument of ratification (that is, ratification by two-thirds of the OAU member states), the act would enter into force. On 26 April 2001, Nigeria, as the 36th state, deposited its instrument of ratification and the Constitutive Act entered into force on 26 May. The African Union was officially inaugurated at the 38th, and last, Assembly of the Heads of State and Government of the OAU, meeting in Durban, South Africa, on 9–10 July 2002.4 The headquarters of the African Union are in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. As of 1 April 2003, 53 states were members of the AU.5 The establishment of the AU was greeted with a certain scepticism by some ele- ments of the international community, particularly in the West. -
Report of the First Conference of Intellectuals, Dakar, Senegal
AFRICAN UNION UNION AFRICAINE UNIÃO AFRICANA Addis Ababa, ETHIOPIA P. O. Box 3243 Telephone 517 700 Fax: 517844 FIRST CONFERENCE OF INTELLECTUALS OF AFRICA AND THE DIASPORA 6 – 9 October 2004 DAKAR, SENEGAL Rapt/Rpt/CAID (I) REPORT OF THE FIRST CONFERENCE OF INTELLECTUALS OF AFRICA AND THE DIASPORA Rapt/Rpt/CAID (I) Page 1 REPORT OF THE FIRST CONFERENCE OF INTELLECTUALS OF AFRICA AND THE DIASPORA I. INTRODUCTION 1. The First Conference of Intellectuals of Africa and of the Diaspora organized by the African Union in collaboration with the Republic of Senegal was held at the Hotel Le Méridien, in Dakar, Senegal, from 6 to 9 October 2004. The Conference was a follow up to, and a logical extension of, the first Meeting of African Intellectuals and Personalities of Culture which took place in Dakar, Senegal, in 1996. 2. Around seven hundred (700) intellectuals and men and women of culture from Africa and its Diasporas particularly those from North, Central and South America, the Caribbean, Europe and the Arab world attended the Conference. The Meeting was graced by the presence of Heads of State, Heads of Government and Vice-President of the following countries: South Africa, Cape Verde, Mali, Nigeria, Uganda, Senegal and the Gambia. Also in attendance were representatives of other Member State’s Governments as well as the international organizations and organizations of the United Nations system. 3. The general theme around which the Conference was held was “Africa in the 21st Century: Integration and Renaissance”. To facilitate deliberation, this general theme was sub-divided into six (6) sub-themes, namely: - Pan-Africanism in the 21st Century; - Contribution of Intellectuals of Africa and of the Diaspora to the Strengthening of African Integration in the Global Context of the 21st Century; - Relations between Africa and its Diasporas; - The African Identity within a multi-Cultural Context; - The Place of Africa in the World; and - Africa, Science and Technology: Stakes and Prospects. -
Contemporary Pan-Africanism and the Challenges to a United States of Africa Adesola Adeyemo [email protected]
The University of San Francisco USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center Master's Theses Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects Fall 12-14-2018 The pirS it is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The Challenges to A United States of Africa Adesola Adeyemo [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.usfca.edu/thes Part of the African History Commons, African Studies Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Cultural History Commons, Economic History Commons, Economic Policy Commons, Growth and Development Commons, Inequality and Stratification Commons, International Relations Commons, Organization Development Commons, Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons, Policy History, Theory, and Methods Commons, Political Economy Commons, Political History Commons, Political Theory Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Quantitative, Qualitative, Comparative, and Historical Methodologies Commons, Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons, and the Regional Economics Commons Recommended Citation Adeyemo, Adesola, "The pS irit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The hC allenges to A United States of Africa" (2018). Master's Theses. 1157. https://repository.usfca.edu/thes/1157 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, Capstones and Projects at USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. It has been accepted for inclusion in Master's Theses by an authorized administrator of USF Scholarship: a digital repository @ Gleeson Library | Geschke Center. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Spirit is Willing, But the Flesh is Weak: Contemporary Pan-Africanism and The Challenges to A United States of Africa Adesola A. -
Libya, April 2005
Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Libya, April 2005 COUNTRY PROFILE: LIBYA April 2005 COUNTRY Formal Name: Great Socialist People’s Libyan Arab Jamahiriya (Al Jumahiriyah al Arabiyah al Libiyah ash Shabiyah al Ishtirakiyah al Uzma). Short Form: Libya. Term for Citizen(s): Libyan(s). Click to Enlarge Image Capital: Tripoli (also known as Tarabulus), with an estimated population of 1,223,300 in 2002. Major Cities: Tripoli, Benghazi, Misratah, Az Zawiyah, Tobruk (according to decreasing size, 2000–2002 estimates). Independence: December 24, 1951, from Italy. National Public Holidays: Commercial offices and government establishments are closed on Fridays. In 2005 the major holidays are: January 21* (Eid al Adha, Feast of the Sacrifice); February 10* (Islamic New Year); February 19* (Ashoura); March 28 (Evacuation Day); April 21* (Mouloud, Birth of Muhammad); June 11 (Evacuation Day); September 1 (Revolution Day); September 2* (Leilat al Meiraj, ascension of Muhammad); October 7 (Evacuation Day); November 4* (Eid al Fitr, end of Ramadan). Holidays that vary according to the Islamic lunar calendar are marked with an asterisk. Flag: The flag is plain green, the traditional color of Islam (the state religion). Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early History: Until Libya achieved independence in 1951, its history was essentially that of tribes, regions, and cities, and of the empires of which it was a part. Derived from the name by which a single Berber tribe was known to the ancient Egyptians, the name Libya was subsequently applied by the Greeks to most of North Africa and the term Libyan to all of its Berber inhabitants.