Ireland in the Reign of Henry VIII: the Making of Tudor Political Theology, 1515-47
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Ireland in the reign of Henry VIII: the making of Tudor political theology, 1515-47 James Leduc Vol. 2 of 2 The University of Dublin, Trinity College The School of Histories and Humanities The Department of History Supervisor: Professor Jane Ohlmeyer Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy (2021) i Table of contents Part II: Convulsions Chapter 5: ‘True’ Christian crown subject-hood after the royal supremacy and Act of Kingly Title 2 5.1: Archbishop George Browne and the ‘true Christian crown subject’, 1538 5.2: Enforcing the Reformation, 1537-9 5.3: The Butler affinity and ‘true Christian crown subject-hood’, 1536-46 5.4: A new Christian political theology of ‘truth’ I: the problem of dissimulation, 1535-40 5.5: A new Christian political theology of ‘truth’ II: scales of perfection, 1540-6 5.6: The sacrament of power: the ‘new life’ of ‘true’ crown subject-hood, 1541-6 5.7: Conclusion Chapter 6: The rhetorics of monarchical and viceroyal order: the proliferation of sovereigns, faction, and the disordered ruler 54 6.1: Law and the proliferation of sovereigns, 1515-34 6.2: The earl of Kildare and the convulsions of office, 1533-7 6.3: The problem of war and peace, 1520-40 6.4: The disordered ruler: Leonard Grey, faction, and moral governance, 1535-40 6.5: James Butler, Anthony St Leger, and the ‘overmighty’ ruler, 1540-7 6.6: Conclusion Chapter 7: The Henrician economy of treason I: war, law, and sovereign power 100 7.1: War, treason, and the seas, 1518-46 7.2: Legislation, faction, and war: the expanding scope of treason, 1531-9 7.3: Treason, war, and sovereign power, 1534-9 7.4: Power, circumstance, and the rule of law: the case of pardons, 1534-9 7.5: Imperium, ‘civility’, and the retroactive power of treason, 1540-2 7.6: Conclusion Chapter 8: The Henrician economy of treason II: spiritual and civil (dis)order and the polarisation of Tudor political theology 137 8.1: Treason and heresy, 1400-1530 8.2: Prophecy and imperium, 1515-39 ii 8.3: Civil and ecclesiastical hierarchies of command and the political theology of holiness, 1500-39 8.4: The polarisation of Tudor political-theological order, 1535-46 8.5: The ‘trial of this country’, 1546 8.6: Conclusion Chapter 9: Oaths and interpolity order: governing the ‘true Christian crown subject’ between princely, lordly, and papal sovereignties, 1520-47 176 9.1: Oaths, diplomacy, and interpolity order, 1520-43 9.2: Rebellion, militarization, and the royal commissioners: the expanding scope of oaths and the changing terms of association, 1534-47 9.3: The royal supremacy and the Act of Kingly Title, 1536-46 9.4: Oaths, dissimulation, and the Janus-faced nature of Tudor political-theological order 9.5: Conclusion Chapter 10: Conclusion: Reframing the sixteenth century: order, law, and the political theology of the Tudor state 218 10.1: ‘Religion’, ‘politics’, and the ‘secular’ in Tudor Ireland 10.2: Tudor Ireland: law, treason, and ‘civility’ 10.3: Toward a political-theological genealogy of secularism and the ‘state’ Bibliography 251 1 Part II: Convulsions 2 Chapter 5: ‘True’ Christian crown subject-hood after the royal supremacy and Act of Kingly Title It was not long after Henry VIII’s break with Rome that the Henrician doctrine of obedience began to inflect the ‘office-based’ parameters of allegiance, service, and subject-hood in Ireland. As we saw in chapter one, obedience in Tudor political theology served a similar function to faith in Lutheran theology: it was the precondition for salvation. With the royal supremacy, the ‘realm’ became ‘church-like’, obedience and faith were conflated, obedience to God was equivocated with obedience to the king, and Christ’s salvific prerogative was ambivalently assimilated to the crown’s sovereignty. This same doctrine of obedience, as we shall now see, also underpinned the terms of Tudor service, subject-hood, and crown submission in Ireland. The ‘office of true obedience’ became the precondition for ‘true subject-hood’ in several ways, all of which centred on a revitalised concern with ‘truth’ as a newly contested site of divine and civil order. The result was manifold, and all dimensions present distinctly Tudor and Irish iterations of Christendom-wide phenomena in the age of Reformation. If the final decade of Henry VIII’s reign witnessed the ever-more salient presence of distinctly Reformation hues in the terms of service and in the dynamics of rivalry and conflict in the Pale and beyond,1 the discourse of ‘reform’ itself underwent important changes. The 1530s witnessed a change in the century-old ‘rhetoric of reform’: no longer exclusively targeting the English population of the colony, a new conciliatory element was introduced that also integrated the Irish within its fold.2 Yet a further shift beholden to a distinctly Reformation political theology of ‘truth’ occurred between 1536 and 1543, one that galvanised anew the older, ‘office- based’ problem of the possible disjuncture between inner conviction and outward expression within the post-Reformation terms of order and subject-hood as a potent threat to Tudor sovereignty. If in England, the ‘trumpeting of inner faith over outward works became a badge of the new [Henrician] orthodoxy’,3 in Ireland, it became an indicator of the progress the king’s new Irish subjects had made in becoming ‘true’ and 1 See chapters 6-9. 2 Christopher Maginn and Steven G. Ellis, The Tudor discovery of Ireland (Dublin, 2015). 3 Lucy Wooding, Rethinking Catholicism in Reformation England (Oxford, 2000), p. 82. 3 ‘civil’. Henrician obedience re-intensified older concerns with heartfelt commitment to the crown as the guarantor of the truth and trustworthiness of the subject’s service. This chapter explores the combined weight of both post-royal supremacy theocracy and the concentration of imperium in the constitutional settlement of 1541 in Ireland by focusing on the political theologies of Tudor Christian serviceable subject- hood. Beginning with the new Tudor Christian crown subject formally inaugurated in Archbishop of Dublin, George Browne’s ‘Beads’ (1538) and ‘Articles of religion’ (1538), the discussion then traces the impact of the royal supremacy on Anglo-Irish order and discourse as the administration enforced the Reformation. It then analyses the dissimulatory fount of Tudor political theology after 1536 and the new contours and depths of ‘civility’, conformity, and obedience it gave way to in the 1540s as these became increasingly indexed to ‘honesty’ and gradations of ‘perfection’. The chapter ends by showing how these gradations of perfection became quasi-salvific signs of the fulfilment of the process of becoming truly ‘civil’ and obedient, that, as we saw in chapter three, lay at the heart of the discourse of ‘civility’, but which in the final decade of Henry VIII’s reign – and despite the royal supremacy formally leaving the potestas ordinis of the clergy beyond its reach – was galvanised and re-oriented anew into a sacramental fount of governmental order and power predicated upon the ‘new life’ English-Irish and Irish lords entered upon submitting to the crown. 5.1: Archbishop George Browne and the ‘true Christian’, 1538 If the royal supremacy in theory made all into renewed testaments of God’s will and truth in the world, it was two years after the parliamentary statute that at the hands of Archbishop of Dublin, George Browne, it became a de iure model for the truth of Christian crown subject-hood and service in Ireland. Lamenting the limits on his jurisdiction as chief ecclesiastical agent of the king’s cause, Browne requested in January 1538 that Cromwell, ‘for the good love and mind that you bear unto the mere and sincere doctrine of God’s Word, and also unto the advancement and setting forward of our Most excellent Prince’s right title’, grant him special powers, like he had over all parishes in England, to execute his office properly so that his ‘faithful heart and diligent service’ could pay dividends.4 Browne then devised the ‘Form of the Beads’ as a model 4 SP Henry VIII, ii, p. 540. 4 for divine service in the lordship. But they were also more: it implied a vision of spiritual-civil order and hierarchy through which God’s word and the king’s just title were disseminated and rightfully recognised. Although historians see Browne’s injunctions as a doctrinally ‘conservative’ statement,5 such a characterisation obscures the radical transformation of Christian crown subject-hood they embodied, a transformation that harnessed, at the thresholds of ‘orthodox’ and ‘evangelical’ theology, the terms of spiritual and civil order of the royal supremacy into the projected basis of Christian governance at the pulpit and in the parish. If the archbishop’s 1538 injunctions against the clergy amounted to what James Murray called a ‘handbook for Henry VIII’s new model Irish clergy’,6 both it and the ‘Beads’ – more ambitiously – blurred the spiritual and the temporal into the single, dutiful purpose of promoting the king’s cause by generalising service to the figure it simultaneously conjured: the ‘true Christian crown subject’. The ‘Beads’ stipulated that not only should every ‘true Christian subject of this land’ ‘acknowledge and obediently recognize’ the royal supremacy; they should also ‘speak, publish, teach their children and servants the same, and show unto them’ how the ‘Bishop of Rome hath heretofore usurped not only upon God, but also upon our Prince’.7 Although the injunctions’ ambiguous language when it came to the doctrine of justification will be examined in section 5.6, consider now the affinities between Luther’s doctrine of the priesthood of all believers and the politico-theological dynamics at work here, even if Browne by no means expounded the doctrine itself.