AJCR Volume 5 No. 1, 2005
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Praten Met Hamas Adv NRC 10 Nov NW3.Indd
Advertentie Politici, Wetenschappers en Deskundigen Paul Aarts, docent Int. Betrekkingen, Univ van Amsterdam Evelien Gans, bijzonder hoogleraar moderne joodse Ulli Jessurun d’Oliveira, oud-hoogleraar migratierecht UvA Amelia Nogueira Canosa, wetensch. medewerkster UvA Ameen Abu-Hanna, ass. professor UvA, adj. head AMC geschiedenis universiteit van Amsterdam Dennis de Jong, lid Europees Parlement SP Gretta Noordenbos, universitair docent universiteit Leiden Hans Achterhuis, em. hoogleraar filosofie univ. Twente Louw de Graaf, voormalig staatsecretaris en minister van Rian de Jong, universitair hoofddocent Staatsrecht Nijm. Lodewijk van Oord, docent Geschiedenis van het Erik Ader, oud-ambassadeur Sociale Zaken en Werkgelegenheid, CDA Joop T de Jong, Professor of Cultural and International Midden-Oosten aan het Atlantic College, Wales Dries van Agt, voormalig premier Marijke van Grafhorst, ex-voorzitter,thans bestuurslid IKV Psychiatry, VU Adj.Professor of Psychiatry, Boston Univer. Hans Opschoor, hoogleraar Milieu en Willem Aldershoff, jarenlang werkzaam bij EU instellingen Rene Grotenhuis, algemeen directeur Cordaid Erik Jurgens, oud-lid Eerste Kamer PvdA Ontwikkelingseconomie aan de Vrije Universiteit Trix Ambags, oud-ambassadeur Jan Gruiters, algemeen directeur IKV Pax Christi en Farah Karimi, algemeen directeur Oxfam Novib H.W. van Os. hoogleraar Kunst- en Cultuurgeschiedenis Hedy d’Ancona voormalig minister van W.V.C. voorzitter United Civilians for Peace (UCP) Jos van Kemenade, oud-minister van onderwijs PvdA aan de UvA, voormalig directeur Rijksmuseum Frans Andriessen, oud Vice-voorzitter Europese Herman van Gunsteren, oud -hoogleraar Politieke Piet Hein van Kempen, hoogleraar Strafrecht alsmede Jan Michiel Otto, hoogleraar Recht en Bestuur in Commissie Theorieën en Rechtsfilosofie, Universiteit van Leiden hoogleraar Rechten van de Mens, Radboud Universiteit Ontwikkelingslanden aan de universiteit Leiden Frank Ankersmit, hoogleraar geschiedenis, Groningen Sjoerd Haagsma, ex-beleidsmedewerker voor het Leo J. -
The Gordian Knot: Apartheid & the Unmaking of the Liberal World Order, 1960-1970
THE GORDIAN KNOT: APARTHEID & THE UNMAKING OF THE LIBERAL WORLD ORDER, 1960-1970 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Ryan Irwin, B.A., M.A. History ***** The Ohio State University 2010 Dissertation Committee: Professor Peter Hahn Professor Robert McMahon Professor Kevin Boyle Professor Martha van Wyk © 2010 by Ryan Irwin All rights reserved. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines the apartheid debate from an international perspective. Positioned at the methodological intersection of intellectual and diplomatic history, it examines how, where, and why African nationalists, Afrikaner nationalists, and American liberals contested South Africa’s place in the global community in the 1960s. It uses this fight to explore the contradictions of international politics in the decade after second-wave decolonization. The apartheid debate was never at the center of global affairs in this period, but it rallied international opinions in ways that attached particular meanings to concepts of development, order, justice, and freedom. As such, the debate about South Africa provides a microcosm of the larger postcolonial moment, exposing the deep-seated differences between politicians and policymakers in the First and Third Worlds, as well as the paradoxical nature of change in the late twentieth century. This dissertation tells three interlocking stories. First, it charts the rise and fall of African nationalism. For a brief yet important moment in the early and mid-1960s, African nationalists felt genuinely that they could remake global norms in Africa’s image and abolish the ideology of white supremacy through U.N. -
THE UNITED STATES and SOUTH AFRICA in the NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This Thesis Examines Relat
ABSTRACT THE SIN OF OMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS by Eric J. Morgan This thesis examines relations between the United States and South Africa during Richard Nixon’s first presidential administration. While South Africa was not crucial to Nixon’s foreign policy, the racially-divided nation offered the United States a stabile economic partner and ally against communism on the otherwise chaotic post-colonial African continent. Nixon strengthened relations with the white minority government by quietly lifting sanctions, increasing economic and cultural ties, and improving communications between Washington and Pretoria. However, while Nixon’s policy was shortsighted and hypocritical, the Afrikaner government remained suspicious, believing that the Nixon administration continued to interfere in South Africa’s domestic affairs despite its new policy relaxations. The Nixon administration concluded that change in South Africa could only be achieved through the Afrikaner government, and therefore ignored black South Africans. Nixon’s indifference strengthened apartheid and hindered liberation efforts, helping to delay black South African freedom for nearly two decades beyond his presidency. THE SIN OF OMMISSION: THE UNITED STATES AND SOUTH AFRICA IN THE NIXON YEARS A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of History by Eric J. Morgan Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2003 Advisor __________________________________ (Dr. Jeffrey P. Kimball) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Allan M. Winkler) Reader ___________________________________ (Dr. Osaak Olumwullah) TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements . iii Prologue The Wonderful Tar Baby Story . 1 Chapter One The Unmovable Monolith . 3 Chapter Two Foresight and Folly . -
By Esau Du Plessis
AN OPEN LETTER By Esau du Plessis (formely Co-ordinator of the Boycott Outspan Action), to Sietse Bosgra, author of the report on the Netherlands The Road to Democracy in South Africa, Volume 3, International Solidarity, Part 1, published by South African Democracy Education Trust (SADET). My open letter is therefore directed both to Sietse Bosgra and SADET. The reason for writing is that I would like to see substantial rectifications of the report insofar as it refers to the Boycott Outspan Action (BOA) and to me personally. Sietse Bosgra has hugely distorted facts by means of omissions and wrong information. Some points can even be referred to as a gross falsification of history. Of course, I accept readily that this period of the history of the international solidarity should be preserved for future generations. However, needless to say it is only worth preserving if a factually true record is preserved. At the outset I am greatly surprised that S. Bosgra was asked in the first place to write such an important document. After all, he represented only one of the solidarity movements in the Netherlands and he was the very last of these to concern himself with the anti-apartheid struggle. He is therefore to say the least an interested party and he unashamedly did not even attempt to show any degree of impartiality or objectivity. In my considered opinion it would have been far better if SADET had asked a representative of every Dutch anti-apartheid movement to deliver a document. These documents could then have been either combined by an objective outside observer or they could have been published as separate chapters or contributions in the report. -
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7
The Black Sash, Vol. 16, No. 7 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org/. Page 1 of 41 Alternative title The Black SashThe Black Sash Author/Creator The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Contributor Duncan, Sheena Publisher The Black Sash (Johannesburg) Date 1973-11 Resource type Journals (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Digital Imaging South Africa (DISA) Relation The Black Sash (1956-1969); continued by Sash (1969-1994) Rights By kind permission of Black Sash. Format extent 39 page(s) (length/size) Page 2 of 41 SASHVol. 16. No. 7Nov. 1973Price: 40cThe Black Sash magazine Page 3 of 41 BLACK SASH OFFICE BEARERSIlEADQUARTERSNational President: Mrs. -
Interview - Bas De Gaay Fortman (Part One) Written by E-International Relations
Interview - Bas de Gaay Fortman (Part One) Written by E-International Relations This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Interview - Bas de Gaay Fortman (Part One) https://www.e-ir.info/2012/08/27/interview-political-economy-of-human-rights/ E-INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS, AUG 27 2012 Professor Bastiaan de Gaay Fortman – known to his students as Bas – is not only an internationally acclaimed authority on the political economy of jurisprudence, security and conflict, but a committed and inspirational activist who has struggled for decades for the cause of human rights while internalizing and integrating its moral values and principles in his personal life. Currently at the age of nearly 75 and with over 50 years of teaching experience in academia, he still reads letters and emails very meticulously, takes enquiries and requests carefully into consideration, and responds to them appropriately. You meet Bas once, you automatically want to bow a little and respect him the next time, if not upon first acquaintance! Holding the world’s only Chair in Political Economy of Human Rights at Utrecht University, Netherlands, ever since September 2000, Professor Bas de Gaay Fortman has authored and edited numerous books, chapters and articles including such diverse titles as Theory of Competition Policy (1966)[i], Rethinking Development (1982)[ii], A False Start: Law and Development in the Context of a Colonial Legacy (with Paschal Mihyo, 1991), God and the Goods: Global Economy in a Civilizational Perspective (with Berma Klein Goldewijk, 1998), the article trilogy Is Socialism Possible? (March 1998), Is Capitalism Possible? (June 1998) and Is Democracy Possible? (September 1998), LaboriousLaw (2001), Violence among Peoples in the Light of Human Frustration and Aggression (2005), Hermeneutics, Scriptural Politics and Human Rights: Between Text and Context (with Kurt Martens and M. -
Winds of Change Speech by British Prime Minister Maurice Harold Macmillan
Winds of Change Speech by British Prime Minister Maurice Harold Macmillan 3 February 1960 It is, as I have said, a special privilege for me to be here in 1960 when you are celebrating what I might call the golden wedding of the Union. At such a time it is natural and right that you should pause to take stock of your position, to look back at what you have achieved, to look forward to what lies ahead. In the fifty years of their nationhood the people of South Africa have built a strong economy founded upon a healthy agriculture and thriving and resilient industries. No one could fail to be impressed with the immense material progress which has been achieved. That all this has been accomplished in so short a time is a striking testimony to the skill, energy and initiative of your people. We in Britain are proud of the contribution we have made to this remarkable achievement. Much of it has been financed by British capital. According to the recent survey made by the Union Government, nearly two-thirds of the oversea investment outstanding in the Union at the end of 1956 was British. That is after two staggering wars which have bled our economy white. But that is not all. We have developed trade between us to our common advantage, and our economies are now largely interdependent. You export to us raw materials, food and gold. We in return send you consumer goods or capital equipment. We take a third of all your exports and we supply a third of all your imports. -
The Shifting Attitudes of Australian Evangelicals Towards Race in the 1960S
The shifting attitudes of Australian evangelicals towards race in the 1960s Phil Rademaker Australian attitudes to race and racial discrimination were changing in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The Commonwealth Government’s policies of restrictive immigration (known as the ‘White Australia’ policy) had enjoyed strong support as the majority of Australians believed the country was destined to be, in the words of Prime Minister John Curtin in 1939, ‘forever the home of the descendants of those people who came here in peace in order to establish in the South Seas an outpost of the British race.’1 Yet the Second World War stoked fears of being overrun by Asian masses and this prompted a relaxation of the policy to enable non-British Europeans to become citizens.2 While this change was motivated by racist fears, over the next decade as former British colonies declared their independence and as the world reflected upon the actions of Nazi Germany, many in Australia started questioning Australia’s racial policy. In 1963, Hubert Opperman replaced Alexander Downer (Sr) as minister for immigration, signalling a shift in the Liberal party, and by 1965 Gough Whitlam had convinced the Australian Labor Party (ALP) to remove its support for White Australia. Yet, as historian Judith Brett notes, there was still significant support for the policy among older ALP members and voters, and among much of the Coalition.3 Paul Strangio likewise observes a division in Australia regarding the question of race. On the one hand, Prime Minister Harold Holt saw humanitarian -
Music to Move the Masses: Protest Music Of
The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgement of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Published by the University of Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University of Cape Town Music to Move the Masses: Protest Music of the 1980s as a Facilitator for Social Change in South Africa. Town Cape of Claudia Mohr University Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Masters of Music, University of Cape Town. P a g e | 1 A project such as this is a singular undertaking, not for the faint hearted, and would surely not be achieved without help. Having said this I must express my sincere gratitude to those that have helped me. To the University of Cape Town and the National Research Foundation, as Benjamin Franklin would say ‘time is money’, and indeed I would not have been able to spend the time writing this had I not been able to pay for it, so thank you for your contribution. To my supervisor, Sylvia Bruinders. Thank you for your patience and guidance, without which I would not have been able to curb my lyrical writing style into the semblance of academic writing. To Dr. Michael Drewett and Dr. Ingrid Byerly: although I haven’t met you personally, your work has served as an inspiration to me, and ITown thank you. -
Nederland Gidsland? 83
NNeeddeerrllaanndd GGiiddssllaanndd?? De opkomst en teloorgan g van het streven naar een Nieuwe Internationale Economische Orde Paul Lange (0137251) MASTERSCRIPTIE Internationale Betrekkingen in Historisch Perspectief Faculteit der Letteren Instituut Geschiedenis, Utrecht Begeleider: Prof. Dr. D.A. Hellema Juni 2008 6 Inhoudsopgave Lijst van afkortingen 4 Woord vooraf 5 Inleiding 6 1 Inzicht in de Nederlandse buitenlandse politiek: de mythische jaren zeventig 14 Interpretatie van de Nederlandse buitenlandse politiek (1): de Hollandse traditie 15 Interpretatie van de Nederlandse buitenlandse politiek (2): intern of extern? 19 Nederland Gidsland 21 2 Arm en Rijk in het postkoloniaal kader 26 Van twee naar drie werelden 27 Ontstaan van een nieuw machtsblok 29 De opkomst van de Derde Wereld 30 Bandoeng: de geboorte van de Derde Wereld als politieke macht 31 De Geest van Bandoeng 33 Nederland en de opkomst van de Derde Wereld 35 Aandacht voor het ontwikkelingsvraagstuk 37 Een Derde Wereldoorlog? 40 Ontspanning in de Koude Oorlog: ruimte voor een Noord-Zuiddialoog 43 Het streven naar de NIEO (1): het momentum 45 Het streven naar de NIEO (2): het gordijn sluit zich 49 3 De opkomst en teloorgang van het NIEO-gedachtegoed 52 Denken over een internationale economische orde 53 De naoorlogse constellatie 54 2 Op weg naar hervormingen? 57 Leven met de naoorlogse orde 60 Het verzet een stap verder: de NIEO 62 Modernisering van de Nederlandse ontwikkelingssamenwerking 64 De agenda van de NIEO 66 Intellectuele failliet 68 4 De Nederlandse bijdrage aan -
The Anti-Apartheid Movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand
The anti-apartheid movements in Australia and Aotearoa/New Zealand By Peter Limb Introduction The history of the anti-apartheid movement(s) (AAM) in Aotearoa/New Zealand and Australia is one of multi-faceted solidarity action with strong international, but also regional and historical dimensions that gave it specific features, most notably the role of sports sanctions and the relationship of indigenous peoples’ struggles to the AAM. Most writings on the movement in Australia are in the form of memoirs, though Christine Jennett in 1989 produced an analysis of it as a social movement. New Zealand too has insightful memoirs and fine studies of the divisive 1981 rugby tour. The movement’s internal history is less known. This chapter is the first history of the movement in both countries. It explains the movement’s nature, details its history, and discusses its significance and lessons.1 The movement was a complex mosaic of bodies of diverse forms: there was never a singular, centralised organisation. Components included specific anti-apartheid groups, some of them loose coalitions, others tightly focused, and broader supportive organisations such as unions, churches and NGOs. If activists came largely from left- wing, union, student, church and South African communities, supporters came from a broader social range. The liberation movement was connected organically not only through politics, but also via the presence of South Africans, prominent in Australia, if rather less so in New Zealand. The political configuration of each country influenced choice of alliance and depth of interrelationships. Forms of struggle varied over time and place. There were internal contradictions and divisive issues, and questions around tactics, armed struggle and sanctions, and how to relate to internal racism. -
KZN Legislature
REMARKS BY HONOURABLE PREMIER SENZO MCHUNU TO THE KWAZULU- NATAL LEGISLATURE ON THE DEBATE ON AFRICA MONTH HELD ON 28 MAY 2015 Madame Speaker Deputy Speaker Honourable Members Often historical events occur that challenge us to pause and reflect; to contemplate questions about what could have been, how we got here and how we should proceed? On 25 May 1963, the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) made up of leaders of 30 of the 32 independent African states signed a founding charter in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Because of that historic gathering, we now observe the day of May 25 as Africa Day, which is a day for celebrating African unity. The larger part of Africa at the time including Southern Africa was still under colonial rule. I would like to focus our debate on celebrating Africa month, on certain historical epochs in our story of independence, and what this independence and freedom should mean to us in this part of the world. It has now been widely accepted to refer to Ghana’s independence as a departure point in the struggle for independence and self-determination by Africans at home and the diaspora. It may not have been the first independent nation in Africa as there were others before it like Libya (1951) and Egypt (1952) in the North; and Ethiopia in the East, which had successfully fought and won its independence from a brief occupation by Italy in 1936. But the 1957 independence of Ghana became the turning point in the struggle for independence and gave the required momentum.