2. Major Armed Conflicts
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Canadian Soldiers in Bermuda During World War One
Canadian Soldiers in Bermuda During World War One Jean-Pierre Gagnon* Three Canadian infantry battalions served in Bermuda during the First World War. Very little is known about their presence in these islands. The raison d'être ofthis article is to provide a better knowledge ofthis first Canadian garrison duty abroad. The author analyzes the selection ofthe units which were sent to Bermuda and studies and compares themfrom different points ofview. Then, he examines their stay, emphasizing the social aspects of their garrison duty. The Canadians' reaction toward it and the reciprocal feelings ofthe soldiers and the Bermudians are considered. Trois bataillons d'infanterie canadiens ont servi aux Bermudes pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. On ne sait à peu près rien de leur passage là-bas. Cet article vise à combler cette lacune. L'auteur explique le choix des unités envoyées en garnison dans ces îles de l'océan Atlantique, puis les étudie et les compare à divers points de vue. Il s'attache ensuite à leur séjour, en mettant en relief le côté humain des choses. La réaction des Canadiens à l'égard de ce service de garnison et les sentiments réciproques des soldats et des Bermudiens sont considérés. The presence of three infantry battalions of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) in Bermuda during the First World War has not excited the attention ofCanadian historians. They have been indifferent to this "humiliat ing garrison dUty",1 focussing instead on Canada's participation in military operations in Europe. Bermudian historians seem to have adopted a similar attitude, simply ignoring or scarcely mentioning the presence of Canadian troops in the islands at that time. -
The Canadian Militia in the Interwar Years, 1919-39
THE POLICY OF NEGLECT: THE CANADIAN MILITIA IN THE INTERWAR YEARS, 1919-39 ___________________________________________________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board ___________________________________________________________ in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY __________________________________________________________ by Britton Wade MacDonald January, 2009 iii © Copyright 2008 by Britton W. MacDonald iv ABSTRACT The Policy of Neglect: The Canadian Militia in the Interwar Years, 1919-1939 Britton W. MacDonald Doctor of Philosophy Temple University, 2008 Dr. Gregory J. W. Urwin The Canadian Militia, since its beginning, has been underfunded and under-supported by the government, no matter which political party was in power. This trend continued throughout the interwar years of 1919 to 1939. During these years, the Militia’s members had to improvise a great deal of the time in their efforts to attain military effectiveness. This included much of their training, which they often funded with their own pay. They created their own training apparatuses, such as mock tanks, so that their preparations had a hint of realism. Officers designed interesting and unique exercises to challenge their personnel. All these actions helped create esprit de corps in the Militia, particularly the half composed of citizen soldiers, the Non- Permanent Active Militia. The regulars, the Permanent Active Militia (or Permanent Force), also relied on their own efforts to improve themselves as soldiers. They found intellectual nourishment in an excellent service journal, the Canadian Defence Quarterly, and British schools. The Militia learned to endure in these years because of all the trials its members faced. The interwar years are important for their impact on how the Canadian Army (as it was known after 1940) would fight the Second World War. -
Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05
CO VERIN G CO N FLICT Reporting on Conflicts in the N orth Caucasus in the Russian M edia N M AY 2008 ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Am w ell Street, London EC1R 1U Q , U nited Kingdom Tel +44 20 7278 9292 · Fax +44 20 7278 7660 · info@ article19.org · http://w w w .article19.org ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media May 2008 © ARTICLE 19 ISBN 978-1-906586-01-0 Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 i i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION Covering Conflict – Reporting on Conflicts in the North Caucasus in the Russian Media – ARTICLE 19, London, 2008 – Index Number: EUROPE/2008/05 ii i ARTICLE 19 GLOBAL CAMPAIGN FOR FREE EXPRESSION A CKN O W LED G EM EN TS This report was researched and written by the Europe Programme of ARTICLE 19. Chapter 6, on ‘International Standards of Freedom of Expression and Conflict Reporting’ was written by Toby Mendel, Director of ARTICLE 19’s Law Programme. Chapter 5, ‘Reporting Conflict: Media Monitoring Results’ was compiled by Natalia Mirimanova, independent conflict resolution and media consultant. The analysis of media monitoring data was carried out by Natalia Mirimanova and Luitgard Hammerer, (formerly) ARTICLE 19 Regional Representative - Europe, CIS. -
Initial Report of the Kingdom of the Netherlands
INITIAL REPORT OF THE KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS SUBMITTED UNDER ARTICLE 8, PARAGRAPH 1 OF THE OPTIONAL PROTOCOL TO THE CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF THE CHILD ON THE INVOLVEMENT OF CHILDREN IN ARMED CONFLICT Introduction The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict (New York, 25 May 2000) was approved for the entire Kingdom of the Netherlands by the Kingdom Act of 18 December 20081 and entered into force for the entire Kingdom on 24 October 2009. The Dutch translation of the Protocol was published in the Dutch Treaty Series 2001, 131. At the time of the ratification the Kingdom of the Netherlands consisted of the Netherlands, the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba. In 2010, the Kingdom of the Netherlands has undergone a process of constitutional reform, which has now reached fruition. The changes concern the Netherlands Antilles, a country that until recently was made up of the islands of Curaçao, Sint Maarten, Bonaire, Sint Eustatius and Saba. The reforms are based on the results of referenda and on decisions taken by representative assemblies about the islands’ future status. The amended Charter for the Kingdom of the Netherlands entered into force on 10 October 2010, on which date the Netherlands Antilles ceased to exist. In the new constitutional structure, Curaçao and Sint Maarten have acquired the status of countries within the Kingdom (like the Netherlands Antilles and Aruba before the changes). Aruba retains the separate country status it has had since 1986. Thus, from 10 October 2010 the Kingdom consists of four, rather than three, equal countries: the Netherlands, Aruba, Curaçao and Sint Maarten. -
NGA | Civic Pride Group Portraits from Amsterdam
fig. 4 Arent Coster the early stages of the Dutch revolt against (silversmith), Drinking Horn of the Harquebus- Spanish rule (1568 – 1648), the guardsmen iers’ Guild, 1547, buffalo could even be deployed at the front lines, horn mounted on silver pedestal, Rijksmuseum, leading one contemporary observer to Amsterdam, on loan from call them “the muscles and nerves” of the the City of Amsterdam. Dutch Republic. Paintings of governors of civic insti- tutions, such as those by Flinck and Van der Helst, contain fewer figures than do militia group portraits, but they are no less visually compelling or historically signifi- cant. It was only through the efforts of such citizens and organizations that the young Dutch Republic achieved its economic, political, and artistic golden age in the sev- enteenth century. The numerous portraits Harquebusiers’ ceremonial drinking horn room with a platter of fresh oysters is likely of these remarkable people, painted by to the governors. The vessel, a buffalo horn to be Geertruyd Nachtglas, the adminis- important artists, allow us to look back at supported by a rich silver mount in the trator of the Kloveniersdoelen, who had that world and envision the character and form of a stylized tree with a rampant lion assumed that position in 1654 following the appearance of those who were instrumen- and dragon (fig. 4), had been fashioned in death of her father Jacob (seen holding the tal in creating such a dynamic and success- 1547 and was displayed at important events. drinking horn in Flinck’s work). Because ful society. The Harquebusiers’ emblem, a griffin’s the Great Hall was already fully decorated, claw, appears on a gilded shield on the Van der Helst’s painting was installed over This exhibition was organized by the National wall. -
The Constitutionality of Peacetime Conscription
College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Faculty Publications Faculty and Deans 1945 The onsC titutionality of Peacetime Conscription Harrop A. Freeman Repository Citation Freeman, Harrop A., "The onC stitutionality of Peacetime Conscription" (1945). Faculty Publications. 1057. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs/1057 Copyright c 1945 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/facpubs 40 VIRGINIA Z.AW REVIEW [Vol. 31 THE CONSTITUTIONALITY OF PEACETIME CONSCRIPTION.* THERE has been much written, pro· and con, concerning the federal government's constitutional power to conscript men or women for training and service in the armed forces. Both sides have been guilty of quoting judicial statements completely out of their context and citing cases for propositions not in fact decided. Extreme advocates of military power have gone so far as to claim that the Constitution is inoperative ill war time and that the government may do anything necessary to "wage war successfully." 1 ·on the other hand, such a constitutional au thority as Daniel Webster employed language in opposition to *A professor of law at the College attended by Jefferson, who publishes his article at the School founded by that great proponent of people's rights against governmen,t, need not apologize for giving attention to the single greatest challenge to those rights to-day. A great deal more research is needed in this field which remains . to be pioneered. The pertinency of the· question is further attested by the pending May Bill, H. -
The Security of the Caspian Sea Region
11. The choice of independent Georgia Alexander Rondeli* I. Introduction The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 gave birth to 14 independent republics with little or no experience of modern independent statehood and a post- imperial Russia as a struggling but still powerful neighbour. Georgia was one of those republics, and was confronted first with the issue of survival and security and later with the choice of strategic orientation. This chapter describes how a small and weak independent Georgia, almost a quasi-state torn apart by internal contradictions and economic problems, has struggled to define its strategic orientation and main national security and foreign policy priorities. The objective is to identify alternatives that Georgia may consider in the process of strategic decision making and to pinpoint the factors that determine its strategic and security choices. Has Georgia chosen its political orientation? If it has, is its choice realistic and sustainable or is it based on political idealism and lack of sufficient strategic experience? The question of political realism is particularly important for a country like Georgia, which has found itself part not of the globalized and pluralistic world, but instead of the post-Soviet space still dominated by principles of nationalism and even aggressive militarism. After the short period of so-called strategic idealism that characterized the early days of independence, Georgia began to develop an increasingly realistic foreign policy, which has been less motivated by the fear of Russia and not solely driven by the short-term survival agenda. The strategic idealism of the young Georgian state was characterized by the dominance of what Stephen Jones calls cultural paradigms.1 These are trad- itional Georgian values, perceptions and attitudes towards foreign peoples and states and the outside world in general. -
The European Union's Offer to Its Eastern Neighbours
Materials published here have a working paper character. They can be subject to further publi- cation. The views and opinions expressed here reflect the author(s) point of view and not neces- sarily those of CASE Network. This work has been prepared within the framework of the ENEPO project (EU Eastern Neighbourhood: Economic Potential and Future Development), financed within the Sixth Frame- work Programme of the European Commission. Keywords: ENP, CIS countries, EU Jel codes: P36, P45, P48, P51, P52 © CASE – Center for Social and Economic Research, Warsaw, 2008 Graphic Design: Agnieszka Natalia Bury EAN 9788371784637 Publisher: CASE-Center for Social and Economic Research on behalf of CASE Network 12 Sienkiewicza, 00-010 Warsaw, Poland tel.: (48 22) 622 66 27, 828 61 33, fax: (48 22) 828 60 69 e-mail: [email protected] http://www.case-research.eu CIS COUNTRIES’ INTERESTS VIS-À-VIS THE EUROPEAN UNION AND ITS EASTERN POLICY Contents Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 6 Part I: The CIS States’ Interests in Relation to the European Union ................................................ 7 I.1. The CIS countries’ position in relation to the EU.................................................................. 7 I.2. The political interests of the CIS states in relation to the EU ............................................. 11 I.3. Economic interests............................................................................................................ -
Service Lists for the Army, Navy and Air Force
SOCIAL SCIENCES COLLECTION GUIDES OFFICIAL PUBLICATIONS www.bl.uk/subjects/national-and-international-government-publications Service lists for the Army, Navy and Air Force INTRODUCTION This guide is the result of merging two separate checklists. The checklist of Army Lists (British Army lists 1642- : a chronological handlist) is undated and without attribution of authorship. It is believed to have been compiled around 1980 as a collaborative effort by the staff at that time of what was then the Official Publications Library (OPL) of the British Library; the identity of the actual compiler is unknown. The checklist of Navy Lists (Navy lists : a chronological handlist of lists of ships and officers of the Royal Navy since ca 1640) is better documented. It was compiled in 1986 by Joy Tilley, a graduate library trainee, as a project for her work experience training under the supervision of Richard Cheffins who edited the result. No attempt has been made to further edit the original checklists except to update a few pressmarks, to clarify some minor points of uncertainty, to expand somewhat on the current Army and Navy lists and to add a section on Air Force lists. The item numbering of Army Lists has been discontinued but otherwise the inconsistencies of style and layout between, and even within, the two main lists have been left to stand but these should not hinder the use of this guide. The original Navy checklist had a brief introduction which has been incorporated into this one; the Army checklist had none. Both had brief 'further reading' lists which have been combined as the penultimate section of this guide. -
Counterinsurgency, Local Militias, and Statebuilding in Afghanistan
[PEACEW RKS [ COUNTERINSURGENCY, LOCAL MILITIAS, AND STATEBUILDING IN AFGHANISTAN Jonathan Goodhand and Aziz Hakimi ABOUT THE REPORT Much international effort and funding have focused on building and bureaucratizing the means of violence in Afghanistan. At the same time, parallel government and NATO experiments have armed local defense forces, including local militias, under the Afghan Local Police (ALP) program to fight the insurgency and provide security at the local level. This report—which is based on a year’s research in Kabul and the provinces of Wardak, Baghlan, and Kunduz—seeks to understand the role and impact of the ALP on security and political dynamics in the context of ongoing counterinsurgency and stabilization operations and the projected drawdown of international troops in 2014 . ABOUT THE AUTHORS Jonathan Goodhand is a professor of conflict and development studies in the Development Studies department at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) at the University of London. His research interests include the political economy of aid, conflict, and postwar reconstruction, with a particular focus on Afghanistan and Sri Lanka. Aziz Hakimi is a PhD candidate at SOAS. His dissertation focuses on the ALP in relation to Afghan statebuilding. Cover photo: Afghan Local Police candidates, Daykundi Province, by Petty Officer 2nd Class David Brandenburg, supplied by DVIDS The views expressed in this report are those of the authors alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Ave., NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. -
4B2: Men, Military, and the Law: an Examination of Conscription During
PAPER 4B2 – VICTORIA BRYANT STEWART PROCEEDINGS OF ARMISTICE & AFTERMATH: A MICHIGAN TECH SYMPOSIUM ON WWI • SEPT. 28-29 2018 Men, Military, and the Law: An Examination of Conscription During World War I and Its Legal Challenges Victoria Bryant Stewart Northwest Florida State College As noted in the case syllabus for the Selective Draft Law Cases 245 U.S. 366, Compelled military service is neither repugnant to a free government not in conflict with the constitutional guarantees of individual liberty. Indeed, it may not be doubted that the very conception of a just government and its duty to the citizen includes the duty of the citizen to render military service in case of need and the right of the government to compel it.1 Mandatory military service, called conscription for the rest of this paper, was first used during the American Civil War. It became clear that reliance upon volunteerism and the existing militia system would not serve the military needs of the Union beyond 1862. Decades later, as the United States again needed to quickly amass and maintain a sizable military, conscription was used to quickly increase the size of the standing military through a federal form of conscription. Similar to the American Civil War, the US Congress responded with a conscription bill in 1917 to create another federally controlled system of manpower procurement. Republican Representative Julius Kahn introduced the Selective Service Act. The members of Congress, supportive of conscription, believed that men were required to serve the nation during its times of need. They argued further of the need for an effective plan to muster and train the requisite number of men into the military. -
Freedmen and Slaves in the Barbados Militia MARY BUTLER Is a Doctoral Student at the Johns Hopkins Uni- Versity, Baltimore, U.S.A
NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS J..D. ALSOP is Lecturer in History at the University of Liverpool, United Kingdom. Freedmen and Slaves in the Barbados Militia MARY BUTLER is a doctoral student at the Johns Hopkins Uni- versity, Baltimore, U.S.A. HOWARD JOHNSON is Associate Professor of History at the JEROME S. HANDLER College of the Bahamas. JEROME HANDLER is Professor of Anthropology at Southern As is well known, Barbados was one of England's oldest colo- Illinois University, U.S.A. nies in the New World and its wealthiest during the last half of the seventeenth century. As a valuable colony and a small, albeit JARED C. LOBDELL is Assistant Professor in the Division of heavily populated, insular community in a region which wit- Social Sciences at Muskingum College, New Concord, Ohio, nessed almost incessant warfare among European powers-4--- U.S.A. P uring the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Barbados's military strength was of major continuing importance, especially HILARY BECK LES is Lecturer in History at U.W.I., Cave Hill to the island's white propertied classes and their governmental Barbados. apparatus. Imperial troops were occasionally temporarily quartered in MICHAEL DASH is Senior Lecturer in French at U.W.I., Mona Barbados in times of war during the last half of the seventeenth Jamaica. century and at intervals throughout the eighteenth, usually for a month or two while preparing to attack other European-held PIETER EMMER is Professor of History at the University of Lei- Caribbean_territories — primarily those of the. French. For two den, Netherlands. years (1694-1696) during King William's war, a regiment of perhaps 200 men was stationed at Barbados for its protection, but during subsequent wars of the eighteenth century no forces were formally stationed on the island.