The Black Scholar Journal of Black Studies and Research

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Book Reviews

Joy James, John Woodford & Michael Nash

To cite this article: Joy James, John Woodford & Michael Nash (2002) Book Reviews, The Black Scholar, 32:1, 52-57, DOI: 10.1080/00064246.2002.11431170 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/00064246.2002.11431170

Published online: 14 Apr 2015.

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THE MORNING BREAKS: THE TRIAL OF HERE ARE MANY INTERESTING STORIES woven into ANGELA DAVIS, by Bettina Aptheker. (lthaca, T The Morning Breaks. Aptheker recalls the NY: Cornell University Press, 1999), 294 pp., adverse impact the trial had on her family. (Just as $16.95, paper. Reviewed ffyjay]ames Davis had seen her UCLA contract as an Assistant Professor in philosophy terminated because of FTEN, CONVENTIONAL ACCOUNTS of democratic her open membership in the Communist Party, O struggle sweep the most violent and unsa­ Aptheker's then-husband Jack Kurzweil would be vory aspects of U .S. history under the rug. At denied tenure at San Francisco State because of times, though, important works that deepen our the couple's highly visible role in Davis's defense understanding of contemporary battles for social team-a court later reversed the termination). justice in the United States surface. Providing a There are accounts of courage, venality, tragedy corrective to political amnesia, Bettina Aptheker and eventually triumph surrounding one of the offers a provocative and incisive narrative in The most massive and successful campaigns in twenti­ Morning Breaks. eth-century radicalism. The book documents the Aptheker and Angela Davis are professors at the complex activism and analyses of women and University of California at Santa Cruz, respectively men who helped to create the conditions for a in the Women's Studies and History of Conscious­ fair trial. (In the thirteen photographs repro­ ness programs. They became friends in the 1950s duced, readers will see the faces of some of the as teenage activists in New York. As young intellec­ most effective, daring and desperate organizers of tuals and radicals, they reconnected a decade later that era.) during the dangerous years in which reactionaries, Covering more than the trial itself, The Morn­ police and the Federal Bureau of Investigation ing Breaks critiques the racism of the late 1960s (FBI) targeted radicals. Aptheker's book gives a and early 1970s, black liberation, and the roles of brilliant account of these antidemocratic elements black, chicana, and white women in challenging in U.S. society. Combining personal testimony, his­ state violence and repression. Aptheker relates torical documentation of battles against racist vio­ her own story as an antiracist white feminist along lence, and nuanced descriptions of the lives of pris­ with the stories of activists Kendra and Franklin oner leaders terrorized by guards, she highlights Alexander, Victoria Mercado and jury forewoman political figures and circumstances often dimin­ Mary M. Timothy who would later befriend her­ ished in hazy memory. the book is dedicated to their memory-as well as The Morning Breaks remained out of print Fania Davis and Sallye B. Davis, respectively sister until this year, when it was reissued by Cornell Uni­ and mother of the defendant, attorney Margaret versity Press, with a new introduction and after­ Burnham (a childhood friend of both Aptheker's word. The first edition was published by Interna­ and Davis's, currently a professor at MIT) and tional Publishers in 1975, one year after Random Charlene Mitchell, the former CPUSA leader who House, under the guidance of Davis's editor at the moved to California to coordinate the National time, Toni Morrison, released Angela Davis: An United Committee to Free Angela Davis. Autobiography. Davis's autobiography introduced many to the events that led to her political incar­ HE PROLOGUE RELATES HOW DAVIS, while ceration and development as an influential social T defending her right to teach at UCLA, began critic. The Morning Breaks, though, provides a narra­ working in a mass defense for the Soledad Broth­ tive with a richly detailed context about the trial ers-George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo, and John not found in Davis's memoir (which also focuses Clutchette-African-American leaders in the Cali­ on her childhood and youth). It relates specific fornia prisoners' rights movement who were events leading up to the trial and the trial itself charged in January 1970 with killing a guard by amid an international struggle to free a woman, prison officials attempting to destroy their move­ who would become in the 1970s, the most promi­ ment. Through the Soledad Brothers' Defense nent political prisoner in the United States. Committee, Davis became close to George Jack-

Page 52 THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 son's mother Georgina and younger brother Given that the death penalty had not been abol­ Jonathan. She would eventually meet and become ished at the time of her imprisonment-Califor­ the intimate of George Jackson. nia Governor Ronald Reagan was actively cam­ In August 1970, out of concern for the safety paigning for her execution-the fight for Davis's of his older brother, and seeking to publicize state release was painfully intense. Aptheker relays abuses against the Soledad Brothers and dehu­ much of the tortuous struggle. With the (tempo­ manizing prison conditions, Jonathan attempted rary) abolition of California's death penalty, Davis to free from a Marin County Courthouse three was released in 1971. Progressives had faced prisoners-William Christmas, James McClain tremendous opposition from the police, courts, and Ruchell Magee-African American men who and media but garnered support from diverse had been tortured and threatened by guards for sources. Aptheker informs us that Davis's acquit­ reporting guard brutality. Jonathan Jackson had tal was partly, if not largely, won outside of the access to the home in which Angela Davis's guns courtroom and depended upon the mobilization were stored (Davis had received death threats and oflocal coalitions and mass, international protest. had legally purchased weapons for protection). Aptheker describes how, over the defense He carried weapons registered in her name into team's strenuous objections, the prosecutor the Marin County courtroom, arming McClain, Albert Harris introduced Davis's prison love let­ Christmas, and Magee. The four took as hostages ters to Jackson; the letters were taken from Jack­ Judge Harold Haley, his son-in-law and prosecutor son's cell after he was executed by a prison guard Gary Thomas and other jurors, and retreated to a in 1971. Reading the letters (a mixture of political van in the parking lot. San Quentin guards fired theory and self-reflection) to the jury, the state on the parked vehicle-standard California presented Davis as a woman "crazed" with frustrat­ prison policy was for guards to prevent escapes ed passion. Aptheker writes how Harris was forced regardless of the consequences-killing Haley, to abandon a political argument and "shrouded" Jackson, McClain, Christmas and seriously wound­ Davis in racial-sexual stereotypes. ing Thomas and Magee. Harris ... had intended to argue that Angela, Although she was not in northern California at driven by a political fanaticism (as evidenced by the time, because the guns were registered in her her speeches) and an irresistible passion (as evi­ name, and more importantly because she had denced by her June 1970 letters to George Jack­ been targeted for her political activities, Davis was son) had committed herself to this reckless crimi­ designated as an accomplice. Maintaining that nal enterprise. she did not know of Jackson's plans, Davis went underground, initiating one of the largest "man­ By the time the case finally came to trial, how­ hunts" in U.S. history. She was listed on the FBI's ever, the political situation in the country had Ten Most Wanted List until her capture in Man­ changed. In the wake of the Attica Uprising [the hattan several months later and her subsequent 1971 prison revolt sparked by Jackson 's assassina­ extradition to California to stand trial on charges tion] especially, there was a growing popular of murder, conspiracy, and kidnapping. awareness of the racism and brutality of the prison system. Angela's early denunciations PTHEKER DOES A THOROUGH JOB of explaining might now seem not only reasonable and just, A the government's sometimes deadly repres­ but prophetic. (166) sion of radicals and the immense difficulties in securing just trials for radicals: Prior to the June NGELA DAVIS WAS ACQUITTED on June 4, 1972, 1970 tragedy, the National Guard had killed A months after the surviving Soledad Brothers unarmed students at Kent State, while the FBI's and their supporters relished their own exonera­ illegal counterintelligence program, COINTEL­ tions in court and nearly two years after an PRO, created a covert policy of police executions exhaustive, nerve-wracking campaign to free her. and the framing of black revolutionaries. Aptheker writes "In the wake of the worldwide Notwithstanding the book's subtitle, its movement to free Angela, millions of people were detailed documentation in two chapters, "The made aware of prison conditions in the United Fight for Bail" and "The Trial," describes how the States." Through Davis's case, many learned of political drama unfolded both inside and outside the denial of basic rights to prisoners. Aptheker of the courtroom. Davis spent sixteen months in views Davis's vindication as one of the infrequent jail, mostly in solitary confinement. During that "people's victories." Detailing how the acquittal time her attorneys and defense team worked was predicated on a vigilant and active citizenry, feverishly to get her released on bail: Her health Aptheker's new introduction suggests that such was deteriorating and the mainstream media con­ activism has not been mobilized today for the tens sidered her incarceration as proof of her guilt. of thousands imprisoned in California, who, she

THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 Page 53 observes, are mostly men of calor. Against racial Yet here stands the example of Frank Lump­ bias and its impact on U.S. prisons-with the kin. His life story shows us how to get out of the Thirteenth Amendment legalizing slavery for pris­ handbasket and start building up a better society. oners, the United States has the highest incarcera­ It will take union power. No other social force has tion and execution rates in the industrialized its potential influence. Lumpkin demonstrated world, Aptheker makes the following argument: this in the campaign he's best known for in the As long as white people, in their majority, see Chicago area-the 17-year fight that prevented a racism as either a minor inconvenience or the giant steel firm and its holding companies from figment of a colored imagination, we are all com­ cheating 2,700 workers in a corrupt plant shut­ plicit in its worst excesses. In this sense, too, we down scheme. were all responsible for Jonathan Jackson's actions, and we are responsible for the revolts HAT'S JUST HIS LONGEST FIGHT, however. The and uprisings that continue to erupt. Those of us T book recounts the effective role he has played who are white know that if we lived under these in every other kind of social justice struggle our same conditions, and if our families had lived country has seen, including police brutality, under them for generations, we too would rise oppression of women, fair housing, fair employ­ up. Until these conditions are changed, until ment and tenants rights, among others. white people in overwhelming numbers join with "Bring a crowd." Yes. We all know that it is people of color to rise up against racism, this ter­ masses of people in action who make the turning rible suffering cannot be ended, and these points in history. Since might concentrated in a wounds cannot be healed (xx). few hands usually does wrong, everyday folk must organize in large numbers if they are to defend themselves and advance against elite powers that Offering a testimonial for the casualties and sur­ threaten their freedom, well-being and survival. vivors of a turbulent era, Bettina Aptheker's criti­ But the insight, charisma, patience, and motiva­ cal history of one important trial demonstrates tion needed to "bring a crowd" takes creativity how invaluable some victories remain for democ­ and genius possessed by very few. As union man ratic struggles. Ed Sadlowski says of Lumpkin in the foreword, "Maybe, if you're lucky enough, you'll cross paths with someone like him within your own lifetime." "ALWAYS BRING A CROWD!": THE STORY OF What path is Lumpkin on? As this book shows, FRANK LUMPKIN, STEELWORKER, by Beatrice people like Frank Lumpkin don't just happen. Lumpkin, (New York: International Publishers Co., Born in 19I6, Lumpkin comes from a family 1999), paper, $12.95. Reviewed lTyjohn Woodford whose upward mobility began on plantations and sharecropping land in Georgia and then in the HIS IS THE STORY of an extraordinary "common orange groves of Florida at a time when Mro­ T man." Sounds like a logical impossibility, Americans did most of the picking. Big, powerful doesn't it? But in Always Bring a Crowd, the story of and smart-and fortified by a family that prized steelworker Frank Lumpkin, you will meet such a work, study and standing up against racism­ man, a hero for our times. You will read a life story Frank worked in fields, chauffeured, boxed as that emerges from the blast furnace of American "K.O." Lump kin and moved to Buffalo and history-the part of American history that is gen­ became a steelworker in the early 1940s. erally shielded from our eyes. (And speaking of shielding, if the AFL-CIO does not promote and UMPKIN IS ONE OF 10 BROTHERS AND SISTERS. And mass-produce this book, it is not serious about L Always Bring A Crowd is a family saga as well gaining strength in American politics.) as a story that represents the best qualities of the In these days of wealth and luxury for a few, we Mro-American people and Americans in general. all see the decline of our cities, farms, industrial All of the Lumpkins appear throughout the book, base, schools, health care system and pensions. and author Beatrice "Bea" Lumpkin, Frank's wife, Our mass media, our public intellectuals, our paints their portraits and captures their charac­ politicians wring their hands and say, Too bad, but ters in speech as deftly as any novelist. there is no way to counter the "global" and "high­ Led by the examples of their parents, who never tech" forces sending the majority of us on this pell­ quit struggling to improve the family's conditions, mell descent in a handbasket bound for economic and of young activist siblings like sister Jonnie, hell. Or they say, Just be patient and await the most of the Lumpkins got involved in union and "trickle down." Or they ignore the growing num­ other progressive work, several around and in the bers of poorly paid and insecure salary and wage Communist Party of the United States. The lynch­ workers and say, That's just the way things are. ing in uniform of Taft Rollins, a black soldier, was

Page 54 THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 an catalyst that set them on the path of seeing a dif­ HE WORKER'S POINT OF VIEW is a far broader ferent socioeconomic system as key in fighting T and wiser perspective than the caricatures racism in the many forms they encountered it. like Archie Bunker, Ralph Kramden and the wolf­ The book's structure, the way the author tells whistling, racist and profane construction workers the story, is unique. The ordinary chronology of of our commercials and movies. As Lumpkin sees biography is there. But also, assembled like a col­ it, his point of view emanates from the science of lage, are the voices of workers and neighbors and Marxism. He wanted answers to the social condi­ friends joining those of the family. Only one of tions he saw in life, and when it comes to society, the 10 Lumpkin siblings broke into white-collar the top science is Marxism-not as a source of work, and even that sister, Bessie Mae, stayed true doctrine and dogma, but as a way to study "like to her class roots and worked for labor unions mathematics," in which "if you put down the right and the CPUSA. Those who know of the American Communist figures, you get the right answer." That may sound movement only through the "Russian spies" and simplistic, but thanks to the many dialogues "dupes of aliens" and "fellow travelers" stereo­ between Frank and other workers that Bea types of the J. Edgar Hoover, Joe recorded, readers will see that plain talk can con­ McCarthy/Nixon/Reagan line, or from the more vey the same probing of ideas and ethics that one liberal strains of anti-communism, will get an finds in the classical Greek philosophers. entirely different and more complex view of that Here is a sample dialogue between Frank history in this book. Lumpkin and his brother-in-law, AI Ellis: Basically, the destructive forces that distinguish AI: "You think you could get a six-hour day this century-racism, world war, corporate tyran­ under capitalism?" ny-tempered into steel Lumpkin's qualities of Frank: "Yes, I think so. It will be a struggle, but courage, optimism and philosophical develop­ we will get it. We need a committee. A lot of guys have ideas but don't know how to put it in words. ment through great reading and bold action. He Unity. That's the main lesson I hope the Wiscon­ has fought consistently for racial justice, jobs, the sin Steel workers learned from Save Our Jobs. right to vote, the right to adequate education and When workers unite, they can win. I told Geoghe­ working conditions, for an end to world war, colo­ gan, I'm as interested in the struggle as in winning nialism, and weapons of mass destruction. And the money. I'm interested in workers learning these objectives led him into the Communist, their strength, not just someone being a 'smart labor and peace movement. aleck.' The money ain't the whole thing. The fight Bea Lumpkin captures the excitement of the isn'tjust for money. It's for justice for working challenges that brought the best out in Frank and people. It's not simple to separate the two. "There is a solution to the problems and his fellow workers, spouses and neighbors as they together we can find it. ... I have proof because we fought in word and deed to make the corpora­ have done it." tions obey the law and the union contract. The company kept shifting corporate skins like a snake, but Frank and the young labor attorney MAGINE WHAT ACHIEVEMENTS could be won on a Tom Geoghegan (GAY-gen) finally cornered it. I national scale if the confused, disheartened The workers won $4 million, thanks to bankrupt­ and insecure working people of this country had cy laws designed to help corporations skip out a leader, a movement, an organization with this workers and their communities, but that was only political effectiveness. about a sixth of what they were owed. (Also see One thing is for sure: the big industrial, invest­ Geoghegan's Which Side Are You On?) ment and banking firms in this country have "I'm a very patient man," Lumpkin said at the imagined just that. So it will be hard to get Lump­ end of it all. Of course it was not the end. Lump­ kin's story out, regardless of how wonderfully told kin was active in Chicago politics, ran for unsuc­ this riveting story is. cessfully for the state legislature and continues to The powers that be would rather that not fight for job-creation and living-wage programs to many of us know what it takes to be able to "bring this day. a crowd." It takes a Frank Lumpkin. A worker Along the way, Frank and Bea visited Chile, learned and intelligent who can speak the lan­ Cuba, Mozambique, Senegal, Western Europe guage of the neighborhoods, factories, shops and and other countries. His observations about these farmlands, and who can unite men and women countries, their economies, the labor movement and unite the red and yellow and the brown, and progressive politics are travelogues from a black and white, as we all sang in the children's worker's point of view. hymn of old.

THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 Page 55 A NATION WITHIN A NATION: AMIRI BARA­ McKay and James Weldon Johnson, to name a KA (LEROI JONES) &: BLACK POWER POLI­ few, Baraka combines a unique brand of political TICS, by Komozi Woodard. (Chapel Hill: Univer­ activism, cultural nationalism, and Third World sity of North Carolina Press, 1999), $45.00, cloth, Marxism to crystallize a distinct art form that is 352 pages, ISBN 0-807-82457-7. Reviewed by representative of the struggle for black writers to Michael Nash find their inner voice and to liberate themselves intellectually and spiritually from the lingering NATION WITHIN A NA710N: Amiri Baraka (LeRoi effects of American slavery and neo-colonialism. A ]ones) & Black Power Politics, by Komozi Woodard, traces the political life of Amiri Baraka HE STRUGGLE to eliminate these effects, Baraka and the influence he has had on the new Black T insists, must be waged by the people them­ Arts Movement and the Modern Black Conven­ selves. He was the first major literary figure to sug­ tion Movement, both of which took firm root in gest that such an approach would not only be in Newark, New Jersey during the 1960s. Woodard the best interest of Mrican American writers, but characterizes the controversial poet and play­ that it would also be in the best interest of our wright as the Malcolm X of the literary world, and country, since racism, classism and sexism were rightfully so. Just as Malcolm liberated the think­ the major "isms" that were destroying the Ameri­ ing of a new generation of young revolutionaries can society from within. It is for this reason that and intellectuals during the 1950s and the turbu­ American historians in general, and African lent 1960s, Baraka liberated the thinking of a new American historians in particular, must acknowl­ generation of young aspiring artists and social edge Baraka as one of our wise elders, valued activists in the '70s and '80s, making a unique and mentors and noble patriots. Indeed, Baraka, major contribution to black political and social almost single-handedly, was successful in raising thought in the realm of literature. the cultural and political consciousness of a new Baraka's life struggle has meant different generation of black artists-poets, playwrights things to different people. For some, it represents and novelists-that is committed to living life, as the fuel that ignited a much-needed fire in the he phrases it, "in the tradition." That is, in the world of black literature and political activism. tradition of those who lived, fought, and died to For others, it was not his politics or his style that bring about progressive change. attracted them to him, but rather his devotion to ' If there is a weakness in Woodard's book it is his craft, his passion, and his deep sense of com­ his failure to examine the evolution and complex­ mitment to the struggle of black and working­ ity of Baraka's spiritual development relative to class people. For sure, it was largely his bold and his brief, but very significant encounter with uncompromising "Black Power" stance that cata­ Islam and Shaykh Heshaam Jaaber, the Muslim pulted him into the national and international lit­ cleric and social activist from Elizabeth, New Jer­ erary limelight. "Black Power," the slogan popu­ sey who led the janaza prayer (Muslim funeral larized by the late Kwame Toure (formerly Stokley prayer) on behalf of the family of Malcolm X after Carmichael), was given an active and practical his assassination. It was Jaaber who often visited role in Newark power politics during the 1960s him at the Spirit House in the '60s, taught Arabic and '70s, and it was Amiri Baraka who was at the and Islamic Studies there, and gave Baraka the helm of this dynamic and unprecedented effort Arabic version of his name (Barakat), which was to transform this racially polarized and volatile later Swahiliized under the influence of Maulana urban community through transforming the Karenga, the founder of Kwaanza. The details of thinking of the black and working-class masses. how this encounter impacted on Baraka's spiritu­ Few writers were and are as gifted, bold, hon­ al life remain obscure. est, and openly passionate as Baraka. And few The reality of white supremacy still reigns in have been able to capture the attention and spark the ethnocentric character of Western society and the interest in writing of young black poets and culture. It is for this reason that countercultures intellectuals as the aging Baraka has. Indeed, at continue to challenge the hegemony of Western the age of 67, this towering literary figure, philosophy and thought. However, with respect to through his art, continues to agitate and advocate the evolution of black cultural and political for a new kind of American society that is free of protest in major urban centers, Woodard's analy­ racism, classism and women's oppression. In this sis serves to obscure the contributions of several sense, he was very similar to the architects of the important nationalistic groups that laid a founda­ Harlem Renaissance. However, unlike his prede­ tion for the concept of nationhood, namely, the cessors of the Harlem Renaissance, namely the Moorish Science Temple of America, The Nation widely celebrated Langston Hughes, Claude of Islam and the indigenous Sunni Islam Move-

Page 56 THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 ment. Such groups, despite being closely linked to Africa and Asia in their cosmologies, have not been fully appreciated for their contributions to the development of this concept due to their style of protest and brand of religious nationalism.

EVERTHELESS, Woodard's study offers an N insightful and in-depth analysis of Baraka's contribution to the black liberation struggle. This achievement makes him an important writer on the life of Amiri Baraka, and goes a long way in helping us to better understand both the poet and the social dynamics that helped to produce the Black Power politics that he so boldly and adamantly fought and stood for. Woodard makes it categorically clear that although a class struggle exists within black America, now more than ever before in the history of the United States, the larger and more pervasive issue is still the institu- tionalized racism that was engineered and perpet- uated by the white power structure in this coun- try. A Nation Within a Nation, Amiri Baraka (LeRoi ]ones) and Black Power Politics chronicles the influ- ence of Baraka on international, national and local Newark politics, and shows how he was effec- tively able to create a new and lasting revolution- ary consciousness in today's new breed of stu- dents, young black poets, historians, intellectuals, and social and political activists.

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THE BLACK SCHOLAR VOLUME 32, NO. 1 Page 57