The Extreme Right on Discord
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Uila Supported Apps
Uila Supported Applications and Protocols updated Oct 2020 Application/Protocol Name Full Description 01net.com 01net website, a French high-tech news site. 050 plus is a Japanese embedded smartphone application dedicated to 050 plus audio-conferencing. 0zz0.com 0zz0 is an online solution to store, send and share files 10050.net China Railcom group web portal. This protocol plug-in classifies the http traffic to the host 10086.cn. It also 10086.cn classifies the ssl traffic to the Common Name 10086.cn. 104.com Web site dedicated to job research. 1111.com.tw Website dedicated to job research in Taiwan. 114la.com Chinese web portal operated by YLMF Computer Technology Co. Chinese cloud storing system of the 115 website. It is operated by YLMF 115.com Computer Technology Co. 118114.cn Chinese booking and reservation portal. 11st.co.kr Korean shopping website 11st. It is operated by SK Planet Co. 1337x.org Bittorrent tracker search engine 139mail 139mail is a chinese webmail powered by China Mobile. 15min.lt Lithuanian news portal Chinese web portal 163. It is operated by NetEase, a company which 163.com pioneered the development of Internet in China. 17173.com Website distributing Chinese games. 17u.com Chinese online travel booking website. 20 minutes is a free, daily newspaper available in France, Spain and 20minutes Switzerland. This plugin classifies websites. 24h.com.vn Vietnamese news portal 24ora.com Aruban news portal 24sata.hr Croatian news portal 24SevenOffice 24SevenOffice is a web-based Enterprise resource planning (ERP) systems. 24ur.com Slovenian news portal 2ch.net Japanese adult videos web site 2Shared 2shared is an online space for sharing and storage. -
The European and Russian Far Right As Political Actors: Comparative Approach
Journal of Politics and Law; Vol. 12, No. 2; 2019 ISSN 1913-9047 E-ISSN 1913-9055 Published by Canadian Center of Science and Education The European and Russian Far Right as Political Actors: Comparative Approach Ivanova Ekaterina1, Kinyakin Andrey1 & Stepanov Sergey1 1 RUDN University, Russia Correspondence: Stepanov Sergey, RUDN University, Russia. E-mail: [email protected] Received: March 5, 2019 Accepted: April 25, 2019 Online Published: May 30, 2019 doi:10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 URL: https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v12n2p86 The article is prepared within the framework of Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Module "Transformation of Social and Political Values: the EU Practice" (575361-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE, Erasmus+ Jean Monnet Actions) (2016-2019) Abstract The article is devoted to the comparative analysis of the far right (nationalist) as political actors in Russia and in Europe. Whereas the European far-right movements over the last years managed to achieve significant success turning into influential political forces as a result of surging popular support, in Russia the far-right organizations failed to become the fully-fledged political actors. This looks particularly surprising, given the historically deep-rooted nationalist tradition, which stems from the times Russian Empire. Before the 1917 revolution, the so-called «Black Hundred» was one of the major far-right organizations, exploiting nationalistic and anti-Semitic rhetoric, which had representation in the Russian parliament – The State Duma. During the most Soviet period all the far-right movements in Russia were suppressed, re-emerging in the late 1980s as rather vocal political force. But currently the majority of them are marginal groups, partly due to the harsh party regulation, partly due to the fact, that despite state-sponsored nationalism the position of Russian far right does not stand in-line with the position of Russian authorities, trying to suppress the Russian nationalists. -
Facebook Response to the ACCC's Digital Platform Services Inquiry
Facebook response to the ACCC’s Digital Platform Services Inquiry September 2020 Interim Report 8 March 2021 Executive Summary The growth in the use of messaging apps (private messaging services as referred to in the Digital Platform Services Inquiry (D SPI) Interim Report September 2020 (I nterim Report )) has been one of the key trends of the digital ecosystem in recent years, and this has accelerated during the COVID 19 pandemic as many families, friends and workplaces have used small group conversations and direct messaging to stay in touch. Many different competitive solutions have been developed to respond to this consumer demand - whether it is pre-installed and default messaging apps like iMessage and Android Messages which also have exclusive access to support SMS as well as their own proprietary protocols (along with similar device maker SMS solutions); the wide variety of downloadable apps offering messaging services such as Facebook Messenger, WhatsApp, Telegram, Signal, Snapchat, Discord, TikTok, Twitch or Google Chat (among others); or enterprise platforms such as Slack, Teams and Google Hangouts. Given the important role that messaging apps play in keeping Australian households connected and work colleagues productive, the inquiry as part of the DPSI by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission ( ACCC ) into private messaging is timely. Following the release of the Interim Report, Facebook provides this submission in order to set forth its concerns with the conclusions reached in the Interim Report. In the Interim Report, the ACCC finds that Facebook’s online private messaging services (Facebook Messenger and WhatsApp) are not “competitively constrained” by other private messaging services, implying that - even though there is a broad array of competing private messaging services - they do not provide effective competition against Facebook’s services. -
Discord and the Harbormen Gaming Community 1
Running Head: DISCORD AND THE HARBORMEN GAMING COMMUNITY 1 DISCORD AND THE HARBORMEN GAMING COMMUNITY Maya Anderson Comm 416 June 7 2019 DISCORD AND THE HARBORMEN GAMING COMMUNITY 2 Introduction Discord is an application mainly used by video game players to communicate with one another. A specific gaming community known as the Harbormen has made consistent use of this platform to communicate with its members. My interest lies in exploring how Discord has shaped this online gaming community. Social media is known to play a role in our very identities, and the platforms we use can often determine what personas we present (Cirucci, 2012). Exploring Discord specifically may yield different results than one would find in other platforms due to the niche audience and nature of the application. As a result of affordances, the platform has potential to remove social insecurities and enhance communication (Kowert, Domahidi, & Quandt, 2014). I would ultimately like to understand if Discord helps enforce the values and behaviors of the Harbormen gaming community. There are several studies on the impact of video games and gaming communities on sociability and skill development, yet they do not address how culture is created within these gaming communities, much less how the platforms utilized by these communities influence them. Studying this may create a greater understanding of how individuals experience community and culture in these online environments. It may prove also prove useful to leaders of gaming communities by locating areas of improvement, highlighting favorable communication techniques, and understanding members’ needs. Company Profile Discord is an application specifically built to enhance communication among video game players. -
Career Break Or a New Career? Extremist Foreign Fighters in Ukraine
Career Break or a New Career? Extremist Foreign Fighters in Ukraine By Kacper Rekawek (@KacperRekawek) April 2020 Counter Extremism Project (CEP) Germany www.counterextremism.com I @FightExtremism CONTENTS: ABOUT CEP/ABOUT THE AUTHOR 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 INTRODUCTION 5 SECTION I INTRODUCING FOREIGN FIGHTERS IN THE WAR IN UKRAINE 7 THE XRW FOREIGN FIGHTER: A WORLDVIEW 9 TALKING TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS: THEIR WORDS AND SYMBOLS 11 THE “UNHAPPY” FOREING FIGHTERS 13 CIVIL WAR? 15 SECTION II WHY THEY FIGHT 17 A CAREER BREAK OR NEW CAREER? 18 FOREIGN FIGHTERS WAR LOGISTICS 22 SECTION III FOREIGN FIGHTERS AS A THREAT? 25 TENTATIVE CONCLUSION: NEITHER A UKRAINIAN 29 NOR A WESTERN PROBLEM? ENDNOTES 31 Counter Extremism Project (CEP) 1 counterextremism.com About CEP The Counter Extremism Project (CEP) is a not-for-profit, non-partisan, international policy organization formed to combat the growing threat from extremist ideologies. Led by a renowned group of former world leaders and diplomats it combats extremism by pressuring financial and material support networks; countering the narrative of extremists and their online recruitment; and advocating for smart laws, policies, and regulations. About the author Kacper Rekawek, PhD is an affiliated researcher at CEP and a GLOBSEC associate fellow. Between 2016 and 2019 he led the latter’s national security program. Previously, he worked at the Polish Institute of International Affairs (PISM) and University of Social Sciences in Warsaw, Poland. He held Paul Wilkinson Memorial Fellowship at the Handa Centre -
Novorossiya: a Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists
Novorossiya: A Launching Pad for Russian Nationalists PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 357 September 2014 Marlene Laruelle The George Washington University The Ukraine crisis is a game changer for Russia’s domestic landscape. One of the most eloquent engines of this is the spread of the concept of “Novorossiya,” or New Russia. With origins dating from the second half of the 18th century, the term was revived during the Ukraine crisis and gained indirect official validation when Russian President Vladimir Putin used it during a call-in show in April 2014 to evoke the situation of the Russian-speaking population of Ukraine. It appeared again in May when the self- proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics (DNR and LNR) decided to unite in a “Union of Novorossiya.” In August, a presidential statement was addressed to the “Insurgents of Novorossiya,” though the text itself referred only to “representatives of the Donbas.” The powerful pull of Novorossiya rests on its dual meaning in announcing the birth of a New Russia geographically and metaphorically. It is both a promised land to be added to Russia and an anticipation of Russia’s own transformation. As such, “Novorossiya” provides for an exceptional convergence of three underlying ideological paradigms that I briefly analyze here. “Red” Novorossiya The first ideological motif nurturing Novorossiya emphasizes Soviet memory. Novorossiya is both a spatial and ideological gift to Russia’s reassertion as a great power: it brings new territory and a new mission. This inspiration enjoys consensus among the Russian population and is widely shared by Russian nationalists and the Kremlin. -
Euromaidan Revolution, Crimea and Russia–Ukraine War: Why It Is Time for a Review of Ukrainian–Russian Studies
Eurasian Geography and Economics ISSN: 1538-7216 (Print) 1938-2863 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rege20 Euromaidan revolution, Crimea and Russia–Ukraine war: why it is time for a review of Ukrainian–Russian studies Taras Kuzio To cite this article: Taras Kuzio (2018) Euromaidan revolution, Crimea and Russia–Ukraine war: why it is time for a review of Ukrainian–Russian studies, Eurasian Geography and Economics, 59:3-4, 529-553, DOI: 10.1080/15387216.2019.1571428 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2019.1571428 Published online: 18 Feb 2019. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 64 View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rege20 EURASIAN GEOGRAPHY AND ECONOMICS 2018, VOL. 59, NOS. 3–4, 529–553 https://doi.org/10.1080/15387216.2019.1571428 Euromaidan revolution, Crimea and Russia–Ukraine war: why it is time for a review of Ukrainian–Russian studies Taras Kuzio Department of Political Science, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Foreign Policy Institute, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY This review article seeks to launch a debate on the state of Received 11 September 2018 Ukrainian–Russian studies which have become quite active Accepted 14 January 2019 among Western scholars since the 2014 crisis unfolded. KEYWORDS Through discussion around two recently published books Russia; Ukraine; Crimea; by Richard Sakwa and Anna Matveeva, the review investi- Donbas; war national gates five common themes found in Western scholarship identity about the crisis and Russia–Ukraine war. -
SOCIAL MEDIA Edie White, M.Ed
SOCIAL MEDIA Edie White, M.Ed. Coordinator for Bullying Prevention Social media are web-based communication tools that enable people to interact with each other by sharing and consuming information. CAN YOU NAME THESE APPS? ADVANTAGES OF SOCIAL MEDIA Communication Connection Personal branding Technological literacy Access to information DIGITAL DANGERS Risky behavior for “likes” Increase in anxiety and depression Sleep deprivation Low self-esteem COMPARISON TRAP FEAR OF MISSING OUT “FOMO” THIS IS YOUR BRAIN... ADDICTION DIGITAL FOOTPRINT Nothing ever truly disappears in the digital world. DIGITAL DRAMA CYBERBULLYING SOCIAL NETWORKING APPS SNAPCHAT • Snaps disappear immediately after viewing and Stories disappear after 24 hours • “Snap Map” shows location • Snapchat Discover Stories regularly have sexually explicit images and articles — not for kids! TWITTER INSTAGRAM • Doesn’t enforce content restrictions • Instagram accounts are public by default • Sub-tweeting creates digital drama or • Finsta accounts crosses the line into cyberbullying • Sexually explicit content NAVIGATING INSTAGRAM CHECKING FOLLOWERS PRIVATE DOESN'T ALWAYS MEAN PRIVATE VIDEO APPS YOUTUBE TIKTOK • Access to inappropriate material • Explicit language • Bullying • Inappropriate material • Bullying • Direct message MEET UP APPS LIPSI MEETME YUBO • "It’s a platform that attracts the • “Chat and meet new people” • “Tinder for Teens” boldest who want to step out of their • Default privacy settings are to comfort zone. Meet new people in • MeetMe is aiming people class, -
Russian Analytical Digest 14/07 Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today
rrussianussian aanalyticalnalytical russian analytical digest 14/07 ddigestigest Analysis Alexander Dugin, the Issue of Post-Soviet Fascism, and Russian Political Discourse Today By Andreas Umland, Kiev, Ukraine Summary Th e past year witnessed a welcome sensitization of the Russian public towards skinhead attacks and ultra-na- tionalist propaganda. Nevertheless, the administration of Vladimir Putin and the Kremlin-controlled mass me- dia have maintained an ambiguous stance with regard to xenophobic tendencies in politics and public discourse. While primitive hatred of foreigners and ethnic violence are offi cially stigmatized, the dissemination of national stereotypes and anti-Americanism, in particular, by Kremlin-directed mass media and political pundits contin- ues unabated. For example, the notorious publicist Alexander Dugin, who openly propagated fascist ideas in the 1990s, has become an important player in shaping the discourse of Russian political and intellectual elites today. It remains to be seen how the Russian leadership will handle the challenges resulting from such a contradictory approach to its domestic and foreign policies in the coming years. A New Sensitization Towards Right-Wing Ambiguous Reactions Extremism? espite such encouraging signs, the Kremlin-con- n view of escalating violent attacks and other actions Dtrolled mass media have an altogether ambivalent Iagainst foreigners, the debate on Russian fascism is stance toward right-wing extremist tendencies. Al- currently experiencing a new high in the Russian me- though manifest anti-Semitism and violent racism are dia. Th ere was a similar debate in the mid-1990s, when now heavily criticized and visibly stigmatized, other xe- the confrontation between President Boris Yeltsin and nophobic patterns remain present, or are even increasing, the “intransigent opposition,” a state of near-civil war in reporting on foreign news and political commentaries. -
Competing Nationalisms, Euromaidan, and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict
bs_bs_banner Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism: Vol. 15, No. 1, 2015 Competing Nationalisms, Euromaidan, and the Russian-Ukrainian Conflict Taras Kuzio* Senior Research Associate, Canadian Institute for Ukrainian Studies, University of Alberta Senior Research Fellow, Chair of Ukrainian Studies, University of Toronto Non-Resident Fellow, Center for Transatlantic Relations, School of Advanced International Studies, Johns Hopkins University Introduction Although Ukraine is a regionally diverse country, it had succeeded in peacefully managing inter-ethnic and linguistic tension between competing nationalisms and identities. However, the rise of the openly pro-Russian Party of Regions political machine after the Orange Revolution, whose leader came to power in 2010, and the evolution of Vladimir Putin’s regime from proponent of statist to ethnic national- ism, heightened Ukrainian inter-regional and inter-state conflict. Viktor Yanukovych’s policies provoked popular protests that became the Euromaidan. His unwillingness to compromise and his fear of leaving office led to violence and the breakdown of state structures, opening the way for Russia’s interventions in the Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. This article investigates the sources for the violence during and after the Euromaidan and Russia’s interventions. It argues that domes- tic and foreign factors served to change the dynamics of Russian speakers in Ukraine from one of passivity in the late 1980s through to the 2004 Orange Revolution; low-level mobilization from 2005 to 2013; and high-level -
MVC Online Safety Newsletter
Online Safety Newsletter May 2021 Nintendo Snapchat Snapchat remains a popular app for messaging and sharing Switch photos and videos. You must be 13+ to sign up. The app has some privacy settings which we would recommend you Did you know there is a free explore with your child and suggest why certain options are Parental Controls app that you safer, for example, setting your account so only friends can download to your phone to (rather than everyone) can see your content. link to your child’s Nintendo What should I be aware of? Switch? You will need to set up a Nintendo account first to use • Who is your child friends with – talk to your child about who they are it but then you can: friends with and why it is safer to be friends with only those they know in real life. • Group chats - in a group chat, there may be people that they’re not • view a report to see what friends with on the app who can then communicate with them in the group chat, video games your child has which increases their risk of interacting with strangers. been playing. • Snap Map - The map lets users see where friends are. Location sharing via • see how long your child the map is optional and is off by default (we recommend that it remains off). has been playing for and set time limits and what • Snapchat streaks - Streaks count how many consecutive days two people time they can play. have been sending Snaps to each other, this can increase pressure to respond daily. -
Russian Orthodox Church and Democratic Transition in Russia Peter M.Ivanov Introduction. This Research Project Primarily Concent
1 Russian Orthodox Church and Democratic Transition in Russia Peter M.Ivanov Introduction. This research project primarily concentrates on the developments in the relations between the Russian Orthodox Church (hereafter - ROC), on the one hand, and the state and society in Russia, on the other, during the last several years. The period under review, if strictly defined, embraces the years 1991 - 1999, i.e. from the time of obvious collapse of the Communist state in the USSR until the nowadays. The main goal of the author was to show, how the Church reacts to different political, social, economic, cultural changes in Russia, in what way it participates in complicated developmental processes. The revival of the ROC itself, which has been severely suppressed during the period of the Communist rule, is an important background of the research undertaken. The period of democratic reforms in Russia (whatever their evaluation might have been) coincided with the times of dynamic revival of the ROC. Disappointing results of the economic reforms, atmosphere of social crisis, political instability and absence of normally functioning parliament and political parties enjoying popular support, - all these factors 2 provide for strong social interest in the role of the ROC in the current development of Russia. It is simultaneously a symbol of hope for ones, and the target of bitter criticism and even hate for the others. The supporters state, that the ROC is the main or only reliable force of national salvation. The opponents see it as a conservative force, separated from the major part of society and doomed to become an ethnographic reservation in the near future.