DOCSLIB.ORG

Thè Laws of Demetrius of Phalerum and Their Guardians

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Thè Laws of Demetrius of Phalerum and Their Guardians 265 Thè Laws of Demetrius of Phalerum and their Guardians. By William Scott Ferguson. Most of the Athenian δροι or boundary-stone inscriptions fail to specify the time at which the transaction recorded was completed J). There are some exceptional cases, however. Thus the following documents are dated precisely: (1) IG II 2 1133 in 315/4 B. C., (2) Sitz. d. Beri. AJcad., 1397 665 no. 4 in 315/42), (3) Ibid., 1898 783 no. 27 in 315/4, (4) IG XII 8 18 in 314/3, (5) Ibid., 19 i in 314/3, (6) Ibid., 19 ii in 314/3—307/6, (7) IG II 2 1134 in 313/2, (8) Säe. d. Beri. Alad., 1897 665 no. 5 in 312/1, (9) IG II 2 1136 in 305/4, (10) Ibid., 1137 in 305/4-303/2, (11) Ibid., 1138 in 302/1, and (12) Ibid., 1141 in 276/5. From this list two inferences may be made (1) that the practice of indicating the year in a boundary record was established by the law-code of Demetrius of Phalerum, and (2) that this code was promulgated in the year 316/5 B. C. On these points an argument is hardly required. The catalogue speaks for itself. We may simply mention that the Varían Chronicle3) enters the item, Δημήτριος νόμους έ'&ηκεν Ά&ήνησιν under the archonship of Demogenes (317/6 Β. C.), and that Syncellus (Hierony- mus) enters under the year 316/5 B. C. the item, Δημήτριος ò Φαλη- ρενς έγνωρίζετο τρίτος νομοθέτης Ά&ήνησιν. Neither of these reports, however, has any real weight. The Parian Chronicle simply dates the legislation of Demetrius in the year in which he assumed office — in which doubtless, he received the commission to revise the laws. The date of Hieronymus, though correct, is probably so by accident, since his determinations have in general the value only of approximations. We may mention also that IG II 584 (Ditt., Syll.2, 164) with Wilhelm's res- toration 4) νόμονς~\ έ'&ηκεν καλ[ονς και σνμφερόντας τει πόλει, places the legislation of Demetrius at the beginning of his decade of govern- ment in Athens, where, too, the general consideration that the reformer would be unlikely to defer long so essential a step as the revision of the laws places it. The inscriptions cited above, however, enable us to 1) These inscriptions are published in IG 112 1103 ff., 5 1111 ff., Hitzig, Bas griech. Pfandrecht, 62 f. ; Ziebarth, Sitz. d. Beri. Alead., 1897 664 ff., 1898 776 ff. ; Tillyard, Annwal of the British School in Athens, XI 1904/5 63 ff. ; Robinson, Amer. Jour. Phil., 1907 432; IG XII 8 18 ff. Cf. also Dareste, Reinach. and Haussoullier, Becueil des inscr. jurid. grecq., 107 ff. The whole subject of mortgages and their pub- lication and preservation is discussed by Beauchet, Hist, du droit privé de la répu- blique athénienne, vol. III 176 ff., 319 ff. ; IV 60 ff. 2) Republished without identification in Annual of the British School, XI 63 ff. no. 20. 3) IG XII 5 1 444 CXIV. — 4) GGA 1903 784, 790. Klio, Beitrage zur altan Geschichte XI 3. 18 ι Brought to you by | Brown University Rockefeller Library Authenticated | 128.148.252.35 Download Date | 5/25/14 7:50 AM 266 William Scott Ferguson, fix the date of its promulgation in 316/5 Β. C. In the following year the archon's name became an integral part of these records. Another characteristic of the records inscribed on the boundary stones after 316/5 B. C. is the frequency with which a specification is made of the person with whom the original papers (σνν&ήκαι) are deposited. This is done in the case of (2), (4), (5), (6), (8), and also in the case of IG II 2 1139, II 5 1139b, which Kirchner1) dates in ca. 300 B.C., and in the case of IG II 2 1140, Sitz, cl. Beri. Alcací, 1898 nos. 26 and 28, of which all we can say is that they belong to the fourth century B. C. It is omitted, however, in (3), of which the date is 315/4 B. C., (7), of which the date is 313/2 B. C., and (9) to (11), of which the dates range from 305/4 to 302/1 B. C. (1) and (12) are mutilated and hence yield no infor- mation on this point. We cannot say with any degree of certainty that the holder of the contracts was ever specified before 316/5 B. C. We can simply affirm that after 316/5 B. C. his name, like that of the ar- chon2), was frequently, though not always, communicated. The inscription on the δροι was of course not an official, not the legal, record of indebtedness : it was simply an advertisement made in the interest of third parties, or by a creditor interested in having the fact of a loan known to his debtor's neighbors in order to secure himself for the future against a possible denial of obligation. The δροι might be sub- mitted as evidence in the courts, but a proof could be completed without them, and, in fact, the genuineness of the δροι was often the question at issue in litigation3). The sole purpose that the specification of the time of contracting a loan could have was to facilitate a search and above all establish publicly the sequence of several loans secured by a single piece of realty, and thus safeguard investors. How this had been done prior to 316/5 B. C. the inscription first published by Robinson shows4). The property in question was sold with the right to repurchase for 1, 500, 1,200, 600, 150, and 100 drachmae successively. As the entire loan-value of the estate was gradually reached the size of the mortgage decreased. The order of entry thus decided the right to priority of claim. This sufficed when the whole transaction was completed at once, or when the successive mortgages were entered on the same slab; but when they were entered on different sides of the δρος, if that were possible, or on different δροι, there was no obvious means of settling the order of claims without having resort to witnesses, as was usual, or to the original con- tracts, of which the place of deposit was nowhere specified, of which the 1) PA 3165, 7503. 2) The name of the archon is omitted in IG II 2 1139 and 5 1139 b. 3) On these points see Hitzig, and Recueil, Loc. cit. ; also Beauchet, III 355 ff. 4) Amer. Jour. Phil, Loc. cit. Republished by von Premerstein, Athen. Mitt. 1910 103 ff. Robinson very kindly tells me that· he finds his readings of the numerals preferable to those of von Premerstein. 2 Brought to you by | Brown University Rockefeller Library Authenticated | 128.148.252.35 Download Date | 5/25/14 7:50 AM The Laws of Demetrius of JPhalerum and their Guardians. 267 very existence might be successfully denied till it was too late, and which, seem to have been frequently lost or destroyed1). After 316/5 B.C., we may assume, the σνν&ήκαι themselves were always dated precisely, and always deposited with a banker2) or some other reliable person, it being, of course, with the original articles that the legislator dealt, not with their informal publication. What was required in- the formal document became, however, as we have seen, common in the informal document. To wills also (διαϋ-ήκαι) this regulation seems to have been applied. Hence, whereas in the testament of Aristotle3) there is no specification of the party with whom it is to be deposited, this information is care- fully conveyed in the other δια&ήκαι preserved in Diogenes Laertius — these of Theophrastus, Straton, Epicurus, Arcesilaus, and Lycon4) -— all of which are posterior in time of composition to the legislation of De- metrius. Moreover, whereas Demosthenes D) says flatly δια&ηκών ουδείς πώ- ποτε άντίγραφα έποιήσατο, after the time of Demetrius it seems to have been customary for a man to make several copies of his will and indi- cate to the holder of each to whom the others were entrusted. Thus, this was done by Theophrastus and Arcesilaus 6). In one case Demetrius apparently went still farther — in the matter of δόσις or transfer of property by gift during the owner's lifetime. Thus Harpocration defines δόσις : ιδίως μεν λέγεται παρά τοις ρήτορσι σνμβό- λαιον γραφόμενον δταν τις τά αϋτοϋ διδφ τινι διά των άρχόντων, ώς παρά Δεινάρχφ. The significant phrase is διά των άρχόντων, which in- volves the consent of the magistrates before the transaction was legal. As Beauchet points out7), there is no evidence for the official registra- tion of such transfers during the period of the Orators; and it is hardly an accident that the lexicographer supports his affirmation by a reference to Dinarchus alone. Rather, we must assume, Dinarchus reflects the prac- tice established by the Phalerian. So too at the, time of the death of Epicurus, an anagraphe which, as Wilhelm has shown8), always implies the accessibility to the public of the record, was made of the δόσις of the philosopher's property to his executors; and the anagraphe in question was published in the Metroona), the public record office of Athens. This sort of transfer of property needed special control because, in addition to the desirability that there should be no uncertainty as to ownership, it was neces- sary that a man should not be permitted to give away prior to death pro- perty which he could not alienate from his natural heirs by testament10).
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Who Freed Athens? J
    Ancient Greek Democracy: Readings and Sources Edited by Eric W. Robinson Copyright © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd The Beginnings of the Athenian Democracv: Who Freed Athens? J Introduction Though the very earliest democracies lildy took shape elsewhere in Greece, Athens embraced it relatively early and would ultimately become the most famous and powerful democracy the ancient world ever hew. Democracy is usually thought to have taken hold among the Athenians with the constitutional reforms of Cleisthenes, ca. 508/7 BC. The tyrant Peisistratus and later his sons had ruled Athens for decades before they were overthrown; Cleisthenes, rallying the people to his cause, made sweeping changes. These included the creation of a representative council (bode)chosen from among the citizens, new public organizations that more closely tied citizens throughout Attica to the Athenian state, and the populist ostracism law that enabled citizens to exile danger- ous or undesirable politicians by vote. Beginning with these measures, and for the next two centuries or so with only the briefest of interruptions, democracy held sway at Athens. Such is the most common interpretation. But there is, in fact, much room for disagree- ment about when and how democracy came to Athens. Ancient authors sometimes refer to Solon, a lawgiver and mediator of the early sixth century, as the founder of the Athenian constitution. It was also a popular belief among the Athenians that two famous “tyrant-slayers,” Harmodius and Aristogeiton, inaugurated Athenian freedom by assas- sinating one of the sons of Peisistratus a few years before Cleisthenes’ reforms - though ancient writers take pains to point out that only the military intervention of Sparta truly ended the tyranny.
    [Show full text]
  • VU Research Portal
    VU Research Portal The impact of empire on market prices in Babylon Pirngruber, R. 2012 document version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Link to publication in VU Research Portal citation for published version (APA) Pirngruber, R. (2012). The impact of empire on market prices in Babylon: in the Late Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, ca. 400 - 140 B.C. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. • Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research. • You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain • You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal ? Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. E-mail address: [email protected] Download date: 25. Sep. 2021 THE IMPACT OF EMPIRE ON MARKET PRICES IN BABYLON in the Late Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, ca. 400 – 140 B.C. R. Pirngruber VRIJE UNIVERSITEIT THE IMPACT OF EMPIRE ON MARKET PRICES IN BABYLON in the Late Achaemenid and Seleucid periods, ca. 400 – 140 B.C. ACADEMISCH PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad Doctor aan de Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, op gezag van de rector magnificus prof.dr.
    [Show full text]
  • INTRODUCTION in the Late Fourth Century, Athens Came Under The
    INTRODUCTION In the late fourth century, Athens came under the spell of one of the more colourful and complex fi gures of her history: Demetrius of Phalerum. A dilettante who bleached his hair and rouged his cheeks, a man whose luxurious banquets were conducted in perfumed and mosaic-clad rooms, Demetrius was also a product of Aristotle’s philo- sophical establishment, the Peripatos, and a remarkably accomplished scholar in his own right. Th is erudite and urbane fi gure rose from political obscurity to rule his native city for the decade 317–307. His regime occupies a vital transitional period of Athenian history. In temporal terms, it provides the link between the classical Athens of Lycurgus and the emerging Hellenistic city of the third century. It was a time at which Athens was still held fi rmly under the suzerainty of Macedon, the dominant world power of the day, as it had been already for three decades, but the very nature of that suzerainty was being re-defi ned. For much of the previous three decades, Athens had been but one of numerous Greek states subordinated to the northern super-power by a web of treaties called the League of Corinth. By the time of Demetrius, both Philip and Alexander, the greatest of the Macedonian kings, were gone and the Macedonian world itself was fragmenting. Alexander’s subordi- nates—the so-called Diadochoi—were seeking to carve out kingdoms for themselves in Alexander’s erstwhile empire, and in the resulting confusion, individual Greek states were increasingly becoming infl u- ential agents and valued prizes in the internecine strife between war- ring Macedonian generals.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras
    The Classical Quarterly http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ Additional services for The Classical Quarterly: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras A. E. Taylor The Classical Quarterly / Volume 11 / Issue 02 / April 1917, pp 81 - 87 DOI: 10.1017/S0009838800013094, Published online: 11 February 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009838800013094 How to cite this article: A. E. Taylor (1917). On the Date of the Trial of Anaxagoras. The Classical Quarterly, 11, pp 81-87 doi:10.1017/S0009838800013094 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAQ, IP address: 128.122.253.212 on 28 Apr 2015 ON THE DATE OF THE TRIAL OF ANAXAGORAS. IT is a point of some interest to the historian of the social and intellectual development of Athens to determine, if possible, the exact dates between which the philosopher Anaxagoras made that city his home. As everyone knows, the tradition of the third and later centuries was not uniform. The dates from which the Alexandrian chronologists had to arrive at their results may be conveniently summed up under three headings, (a) date of Anaxagoras' arrival at Athens, (6) date of his prosecution and escape to Lampsacus, (c) length of his residence at Athens, (a) The received account (Diogenes Laertius ii. 7),1 was that Anaxagoras was twenty years old at the date of the invasion of Xerxes and lived to be seventy-two. This was apparently why Apollodorus (ib.) placed his birth in Olympiad 70 and his death in Ol.
    [Show full text]
  • Marathon 2,500 Years Edited by Christopher Carey & Michael Edwards
    MARATHON 2,500 YEARS EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS BULLETIN OF THE INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SUPPLEMENT 124 DIRECTOR & GENERAL EDITOR: JOHN NORTH DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: RICHARD SIMPSON MARATHON – 2,500 YEARS PROCEEDINGS OF THE MARATHON CONFERENCE 2010 EDITED BY CHRISTOPHER CAREY & MICHAEL EDWARDS INSTITUTE OF CLASSICAL STUDIES SCHOOL OF ADVANCED STUDY UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 2013 The cover image shows Persian warriors at Ishtar Gate, from before the fourth century BC. Pergamon Museum/Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Photo Mohammed Shamma (2003). Used under CC‐BY terms. All rights reserved. This PDF edition published in 2019 First published in print in 2013 This book is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND 4.0) license. More information regarding CC licenses is available at http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ Available to download free at http://www.humanities-digital-library.org ISBN: 978-1-905670-81-9 (2019 PDF edition) DOI: 10.14296/1019.9781905670819 ISBN: 978-1-905670-52-9 (2013 paperback edition) ©2013 Institute of Classical Studies, University of London The right of contributors to be identified as the authors of the work published here has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. Designed and typeset at the Institute of Classical Studies TABLE OF CONTENTS Introductory note 1 P. J. Rhodes The battle of Marathon and modern scholarship 3 Christopher Pelling Herodotus’ Marathon 23 Peter Krentz Marathon and the development of the exclusive hoplite phalanx 35 Andrej Petrovic The battle of Marathon in pre-Herodotean sources: on Marathon verse-inscriptions (IG I3 503/504; Seg Lvi 430) 45 V.
    [Show full text]
  • Aelius Aristides As Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Masters Theses Graduate School 8-2019 Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults Josie Rose Portz University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes Recommended Citation Portz, Josie Rose, "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults. " Master's Thesis, University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/5509 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Josie Rose Portz entitled "Aelius Aristides as Orator-Confessor: Embodied Ethos in Second Century Healing Cults." I have examined the final electronic copy of this thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the equirr ements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in English. Janet Atwill, Major Professor We have read this thesis and recommend its acceptance: Jeffrey Ringer, Tanita Saenkhum Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) AELIUS ARISTIDES AS ORATOR-CONFESSOR: EMBODIED ETHOS IN SECOND CENTURY HEALING CULTS A Thesis Presented for the Master of Arts Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Josie Rose Portz August 2019 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS To my wonderful committee who has supported me these past two years in furthering my education in rhetorical studies, many thanks.
    [Show full text]
  • The Court of Alexander the Great As Social System
    Originalveröffentlichung in Waldemar Heckel/Lawrence Tritle (Hg.), Alexander the Great. A New History, Malden, Mass. u.a. 2009, S. 83-98 5 The Court of Alexander the Great as Social System Gregor Weber In his discussion of events that followed Alexander ’s march through Hyrcania (summer 330), Plutarch gives a succinct summary of the king ’s conduct and reports the clash of his closest friends, Hephaestion and Craterus (Alex. 47.5.9-11).1 The passage belongs in the context of Alexander ’s adoption of the traditions and trap ­ pings of the dead Persian Great King (Fredricksmeyer 2000; Brosius 2003a), although the conflict between the two generals dates to the time of the Indian campaign (probably 326). It reveals not only that Alexander was subtly in tune with the atti­ tudes of his closest friends, but also that his changes elicited varied responses from the members of his circle. Their relationships with each other were based on rivalry, something Alexander - as Plutarch ’s wording suggests - actively encouraged. But it is also reported that Alexander made an effort to bring about a lasting reconcili ­ ation of the two friends, who had attacked each other with swords, and drawn their respective troops into the fray. To do so, he had to marshal “all his resources ” (Hamilton 1969; 128-31) from gestures of affection to death threats. These circumstances invite the question: what was the structural relevance of such an episode beyond the mutual antagonism of Hephaestion and Craterus? For these were not minor protagonists, but rather men of the upper echelon of the new Macedonian-Persian empire, with whose help Alexander had advanced his con ­ quest ever further and exercised his power (Berve nos.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
    Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Plutarch on Cimon, Athenian Expeditions, and Ephialtes' Reform
    Plutarch on Cimon, Athenian Expeditions, and Ephialtes’ Reform (Plut. Cim.14–17) Valerij Goušchin N THE 460S B.C. Cimon played a key role in Athenian politics. But his predominance came to an end in 462/1, I when he was ostracized. Not long before his exile he had clashed with Ephialtes over support for the Lacedaemonians, They had called on the Athenians for help against the Helots and perioikoi, who had revolted. Cimon argued strongly for helping the Lacedaemonians while Ephialtes opposed aiding Sparta. But Cimon’s dominance was still great and he was sent, Thucydides reports, to Messenia (1.102.1, cf. Ar. Lys.1137– 1146). While he was away Ephialtes accomplished his reform (462 B.C.), which deprived the Areopagus of its role as guardian of the laws and diminished the influence of the aristocracy. The Lacedaemonians, frightened by Ephialtes’ reform (or by neo- teropoiia in Thucydides’ terminology), dismissed the Athenian contingent. Shortly after returning from Messenia Cimon was ostracized. This is the generally accepted view, which is based mainly on Thucydides’ account.1 We have in addition Plutarch’s narrative in the biography of Cimon, where he presents the course of the same events differ- ently (Cim. 14–17). In particular, he speaks of two Athenian expeditions to Messenia and of the reform of Ephialtes that was carried out at the time of a certain naval expedition. This version is well known, but is considered untrustworthy. I propose that 1 E.g. P. J. Rhodes, “The Athenian Revolution,” in CAH2 V (1992) 69; S. Hornblower, The Greek World 479–323 BC (London/New York 2002) 23.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Finance and Democratic Ideology in Fourth-Century BC Athens by Christopher Scott Welser BA, Sw
    Dēmos and Dioikēsis: Public Finance and Democratic Ideology in Fourth-Century B.C. Athens By Christopher Scott Welser B.A., Swarthmore College, 1994 M.A., University of Maryland, 1999 Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Classics at Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island. May, 2011 © Copyright 2011 by Christopher Scott Welser This dissertation by Christopher Scott Welser is accepted in its present form by the Department of Classics as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Date________________ _______________________________________ Adele C. Scafuro, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date________________ _______________________________________ Alan L. Boegehold, Reader Date________________ _______________________________________ David Konstan, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date________________ _______________________________________ Peter M. Weber, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Christopher Scott Welser was born in Romeo, Michigan in 1971. He attended Roeper City and Country School in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan, and in 1994 he graduated from Swarthmore College, earning an Honors B.A. in Economics (his major) and Biology (his minor). After working for several years at public policy research firms in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, he decided to pursue the study of Classics, an interest of his since childhood. Upon earning an M.A. with Distinction in Latin and Greek from the University of Maryland at College Park in 1999, he enrolled in the Ph.D. program in Classics at Brown University. While working on his Ph.D., he spent two years as Seymour Fellow (2002-2003) and Capps Fellow (2004-2005) at the American School of Classical Studies at Athens and participated in the summer program of the American Academy in Rome (2000).
    [Show full text]
  • Graeca Tergestina Storia E Civiltà 5 Graeca Tergestina Storia E Civiltà
    GRAECA TERGESTINA STORIA E CIVILTÀ 5 GRAECA TERGESTINA STORIA E CIVILTÀ Studi di Storia greca coordinati da Michele Faraguna Opera sottoposta a peer review secondo il protocollo UPI – University Press Italiane impaginazione Gabriella Clabot © copyright Edizioni Università di Trieste, Trieste 2018. Questo volume è integralmente disponibile online a libero accesso nell’archivio digitale OpenstarTs, al link: Proprietà letteraria riservata. https://www.openstarts.units.it/handle/10077/8648 I diritti di traduzione, memorizzazione elettronica, di riproduzione e di adattamento totale e parziale di questa pubblicazione, con qualsiasi mezzo (compresi i microfilm, le fotocopie e altro) sono riservati per tutti i paesi. ISBN 978-88-8303-922-5 (print) ISBN 978-88-8303-923-2 (online) EUT Edizioni Università di Trieste via Weiss 21, 34128 Trieste http://eut.units.it https://www.facebook.com/EUTEdizioniUniversitaTrieste Eubulo e i Poroi di Senofonte LʼAtene del IV secolo tra riflessione teorica e pratica politica Livia De Martinis EUT EDIZIONI UNIVERSITÀ DI TRIESTE A mia madre Indice Abbreviazioni IX Premessa XIII Introduzione 1 Capitolo I – Eubulo: ricostruzione biografica (400/399 a.C. ca. – ante 330 a.C.) 5 1. L’uomo 7 1.1. I dati anagrafici 7 1.2. La carica arcontale 9 2. Gli inizi dell’attività politica 10 2.1. Il decreto per il ritorno di Senofonte e l’appartenenza alla cerchia di Callistrato 10 2.2. Gli esordi in politica internazionale 13 2.3. L’attivismo diplomatico e la rinuncia a una politica militare attiva 15 2.4. La pace di Filocrate 20 3. L’apice dell’attività economico-amministrativa 21 3.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Lives, Volume Ii : Themistocles and Camillus
    LIVES, VOLUME II : THEMISTOCLES AND CAMILLUS. ARISTIDES AND CATO MAJOR. CIMON AND LUCULLUS PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Plutarch | 640 pages | 01 Jul 1989 | HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS | 9780674990531 | English | Cambridge, Mass, United States Lives, Volume II : Themistocles and Camillus. Aristides and Cato Major. Cimon and Lucullus PDF Book Plutarch's many other varied extant works, about 60 in number, are known as Moralia or Moral Essays. Vol 2 by Plutarch , Bernadotte Perrin translator 4. Annotation Plutarch Plutarchus , ca. Contact us. Heath , Hardcover 4. Andreas Hofer. Subscribe to E-News. Most popular have always been the 46 "Parallel Lives," biographies planned to be ethical examples in pairs in each pair, one Greek figure and one similar Roman , though the last four lives are single. Explore Departments. Aristides and Cato Major. Enabling JavaScript in your browser will allow you to experience all the features of our site. Online book clubs can be a rewarding way to connect with readers, Lindsay Chervinsky discovered, when she was invited to join one to discuss her book, The Cabinet: George Washington and the Creation of an American Institution. He appears as a man of kindly character and independent thought, studious and learned. Plutarch's Lives by Plutarch , Bernadotte Perrin 4. AD , was born at Chaeronea in Boeotia in central Greece, studied philosophy at Athens, and, after coming to Rome as a teacher in philosophy, was given consular rank by the emperor Trajan and a procuratorship in Greece by Hadrian. They are of high literary value, besides being of great use to people interested in philosophy, ethics and religion.
    [Show full text]