DOCSLIB.ORG

Locality in Phonology Long-Distance Interactions in Phonology ⋆ Lecture 1

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Locality in Phonology Long-Distance Interactions in Phonology ⋆ Lecture 1 Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Locality in Phonology Long-distance interactions in phonology ⋆ Lecture 1 Peter Jurgec University of Toronto LOT Summer School ⋆ Leuven ⋆ June 22, 2015 Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Highlights This course will look at long-distance interactions in phonology. We first look at locality in phonology: 1 What is it? ⋆ local, adjacent, absolute and relativized locality, long-distance 2 Where does it come from? ⋆ phonetic and phonological grounding 3 How to capture it? ⋆ rules, features, constraints, derivations Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Preview: Main claims Most sound patterns are local. ≡ If two distant sounds interact, the more closer ones will as well, all other things being equal. Local interactions make phonetic sense (articulation, perception). Some locality effects are less clearly phonetically grounded. Phonological representations and/or operations must be able to capture the locality bias. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Roadmap 1 Introduction 2 What? 3 Why? 4 How? 5 Conclusions Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency What is local? Most sound patterns are local. In the strictest of senses, local means adjacent: Def A sequence of segments ab is local if the segments a and b are adjacent. Let’s look at some frequent patterns. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Metathesis Lithuanian velar metathesizes with an adjacent coronal fricative when followed by another stop. 3rd.past imper.sg infinitive breSko brekSk brekSti ‘break (of dawn)’ brizgo briksk briksti ‘fray’ Most, if not all, cases of metathesis involve adjacent segments (Metathesis in Language Database, http://metathesisinlanguage.osu.edu). Non-adjacent metathesis is diachronic or can be analyzed as allomorphy (e.g. Turkana, Akkadian). Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency CV interactions Tawala assibilation applies whenever /t/ immediately precedes /i/. The coronal stop [t] can be followed by most vowels, but when the final vowel is variantly raised, the fricative [s] surfaces instead. Tawala assibilation (Ezard 1997:30) variant a variant b emote emosi *emoti ‘one’ hota hosi *hoti ‘only’ Local CV interactions are extremely common. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Nasal harmony Nasality spreads rightwards (and leftwards within the syllable) from a stressed nasal vowel. Stops block spreading. Nasal harmony in Applecross Gaelic (Ternes 1973) "˜ah˜u˜c¸˜ ‘neck’ "˜s˜Oh˜ı˜ ‘tame’ ˜f˜r˜ı˜a;˜v ‘root.pl.’ khO"˜v˜ı˜a;t ‘how much/many?’ t˜a˜v ‘ox, stag.pl’ st˜r˜a˜ı;˜G˚ ‘to be luxurious’ "kh˜O˜ı˜spaxk˚ ‘wasp’ "th˜ah˜u˜sk˜ ‘fool’ Nasal harmony is very common. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Dissimilation Given an underlying cluster /rr/ in Ainu, the first /r/ dissimilates to [n]. Ainu r-dissimilation (Shibatani 1990) kukor kur ‘my husband’ kukon rusuj ‘I want to have (sth)’ kor mat ‘his wife’ kon rametok ‘his bravery’ Local dissimilation is very common (but other kinds are also possible). Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Deletion Pali simplifies certain clusters which are licit in the related Sanskrit. Cluster simplification via deletion in Pali (Zec 1995) Sanskrit Pali prati paúi ‘against’ traana taana ‘protection’ kramati kamati ‘walks’ Deletion is often conditioned by adjacent consonants. Other kinds of deletion (e.g. at the edge, vowel deletion next to another vowel) are also frequent. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Epenthesis Lebanese Arabic epenthesizes vowels into many CC codas to break up undesirable coda clusters. Epenthesis is obligatory in coda clusters of an obstruent followed by a sonorant and optional in other clusters. Epenthesis in Lebanese Arabic (Abdul-Karim 1980: 32–33) a. /Pism/ Pisim ‘name’ /Pibn Pibin ‘son’ /SiGl/ SiGil ‘work’ b. /kibS/ kibS ∼ kibiS ‘ram’ /sabt/ sabt ∼ sabit ‘Saturday’ /nafs/ nafs ∼ nafis ‘self’ Epenthesis often breaks a consonant cluster, but other causes are also frequent. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Stress Stress often alternates, creating rhythmic patterns. In Pintupi, stress falls on every odd-numbered syllable (except for the final one): "tji.íi.­ri.Nu.­lam.pa.tju ‘the fire for our benefit flared up’ "ju.ma.­õIN.ka.­ma.ra.­tja.õa.ka ‘because of mother-in-law’ In Warao, stress fall on every even-numbered syllable counting from the end of the word: ­ja.pu.­ru.ki.­ta.ne."ha.se ‘verily to climb’ e.­na.ho.­ro.a.­ha.ku."ta.i ‘the one who caused him to eat’ Stressing every third syllable is rare, and no language has stress on every fourth. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Stress Stress often alternates, creating rhythmic patterns. In Pintupi, stress falls on every odd-numbered syllable (except for the final one): "tji.íi.­ri.Nu.­lam.pa.tju ‘the fire for our benefit flared up’ "ju.ma.­õIN.ka.­ma.ra.­tja.õa.ka ‘because of mother-in-law’ In Warao, stress fall on every even-numbered syllable counting from the end of the word: ­ja.pu.­ru.ki.­ta.ne."ha.se ‘verily to climb’ e.­na.ho.­ro.a.­ha.ku."ta.i ‘the one who caused him to eat’ Stressing every third syllable is rare, and no language has stress on every fourth. Disc How is stress different from segmental features? Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Stress Stress often alternates, creating rhythmic patterns. In Pintupi, stress falls on every odd-numbered syllable (except for the final one): "tji.íi.­ri.Nu.­lam.pa.tju ‘the fire for our benefit flared up’ "ju.ma.­õIN.ka.­ma.ra.­tja.õa.ka ‘because of mother-in-law’ In Warao, stress fall on every even-numbered syllable counting from the end of the word: ­ja.pu.­ru.ki.­ta.ne."ha.se ‘verily to climb’ e.­na.ho.­ro.a.­ha.ku."ta.i ‘the one who caused him to eat’ Stressing every third syllable is rare, and no language has stress on every fourth. Disc How is stress different from segmental features? We won’t be talking much about stress patterns in this course. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Interim summary Disc What other local/adjacent patterns do you know? Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Adjacency Interim summary Disc What other local/adjacent patterns do you know? Many common sound patterns apply to adjacent segments. Locality a key concept in phonological theory. Next: Are all sound patterns local? Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Non-adjacent locality Relativized locality While most sound patterns are local, not all of them are. We have already seen one example: stress patterns. Yet even the non-local patterns still exhibit locality biases: closer is better than further apart. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Non-adjacent locality Relativized locality While most sound patterns are local, not all of them are. We have already seen one example: stress patterns. Yet even the non-local patterns still exhibit locality biases: closer is better than further apart. Locality can be relativized: Def If two distant segments interact, all intervening identical segments must also interact, all other things being equal. Let’s look what this means on a few examples. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Non-adjacent locality Vowel harmony In Finnish, front root vowels come with front suffix vowels, while back root vowels come with back suffix vowels. Front/back harmony in Finnish (Ringen 1975/1988; Ringen & Hein¨am¨aki 1999) næh-kø:n ‘see-direct.sg’ tul-ko:n ‘come-direct.sg’ næk-ø ‘sight’ tul-o ‘coming’ pøytæ-næ ‘table-essive’ poutA-nA ‘fine weather-essive’ Consonants are unaffected (and also some vowels, we will talk about that next time). Vowel harmony is a common pattern. Only vowels are involved, consonants do not count*. Peter Jurgec University of Toronto Locality in Phonology Introduction What? Why? How? Conclusions References Non-adjacent locality Consonant harmony Consonant harmony involves alternation of consonants across vowels, often several syllables away. In Aari, posterior fricatives {S, Z} follow posterior coronal fricatives or affricates in the root, while anterior fricatives {s, z} surface in all other cases. Aari sibilant harmony (Hayward 1990) giP-sis- ‘hit’ naS-SiS- ‘like, love’ duuk-sis- ‘bury’ tS’a¨ aq-SiS- ‘curse, swear’ sug-zis- ‘push’ Sen-SiS-¨¨ ‘buy’ mer-sis- ‘forbid’ Za:q-SiS- ‘throw’ giP-s-it ‘hit’ qa¨Z-Z-it ‘get cold’ duuk-s-it ‘bury’ tS’a¨ aq-S-it ‘curse, swear’
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Phonological Domains Within Blackfoot Towards a Family-Wide Comparison
    Phonological domains within Blackfoot Towards a family-wide comparison Natalie Weber 52nd algonquian conference yale university October 23, 2020 Outline 1. Background 2. Two phonological domains in Blackfoot verbs 3. Preverbs are not a separate phonological domain 4. Parametric variation 2 / 59 Background 3 / 59 Consonant inventory Labial Coronal Dorsal Glottal Stops p pː t tː k kː ʔ <’> Assibilants ts tːs ks Pre-assibilants ˢt ˢtː Fricatives s sː x <h> Nasals m mː n nː Glides w j <y> (w) Long consonants written with doubled letters. (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 4 / 59 Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ /a+o/ ! [ɔː] Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Vowel inventory front central back high i iː o oː mid ɛː <ai> ɔː <ao> low a aː Predictable mid vowels? (Frantz 2017) Many [ɛː] and [ɔː] arise from coalescence across boundaries ◦ /a+i/ ! [ɛː] ◦ ! /a+o/ [ɔː] (Derrick and Weber n.d.; Weber 2020) 5 / 59 Contrastive mid vowels Some [ɛː] and [ɔː] are morpheme-internal, in overlapping environments with other long vowels JɔːníːtK JaːníːtK aoníít aaníít [ao–n/i–i]–t–Ø [aan–ii]–t–Ø [hole–by.needle/ti–ti1]–2sg.imp–imp [say–ai]–2sg.imp–imp ‘pierce it!’ ‘say (s.t.)!’ (Weber 2020) 6 / 59 Syntax within the stem Intransitive (bi-morphemic) vs. syntactically transitive (trimorphemic). Transitive V is object agreement (Quinn 2006; Rhodes 1994) p [ root –v0 –V0 ] Stem type Gloss ikinn –ssi AI ‘he is warm’ ikinn –ii II ‘it is warm’ itap –ip/i –thm TA ‘take him there’ itap –ip/ht –oo TI ‘take it there’ itap –ip/ht –aki AI(+O) ‘take (s.t.) there’ (Déchaine and Weber 2015, 2018; Weber 2020) 7 / 59 Syntax within the verbal complex Template p [ person–(preverb)*– [ –(med)–v–V ] –I0–C0 ] CP vP root vP CP ◦ Minimal verbal complex: stem plus suffixes (I0,C0).
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Locality Domains in Phonology∗
    The Power of Locality Domains in Phonology∗ Thomas Graf Stony Brook University Abstract Domains play an integral role in linguistic theories. This paper com- bines locality domains with current work on the computational complex- ity of phonology. The first result is that if a specific formalism — Strictly Piecewise (SP) grammars — is supplemented with a mechanism to enforce first-order definable domain restrictions, its power increases so much that it subsumes almost the full hierarchy of subregular languages. However, if domain restrictions are based on linguistically natural intervals, one in- stead obtains an empirically more adequate model. On the on hand, this model subsumes only those subregular classes that have been argued to be relevant for phonotactic generalizations. On the other hand, it excludes unnatural generalizations that involve counting or elaborate conditionals. It is also shown that SP grammars with interval-based domains are theo- retically learnable unlike SP grammars with arbitrary, first-order domains. Keywords: locality, phonological domains, first-order logic, tiers, sub- regular hierarchy, strictly piecewise, learnability 1 Introduction It has been known for a long time that the phonological systems of natural lan- guages are finite-state in nature and thus generate regular languages (Johnson 1972; Kaplan and Kay 1994). However, this characterization is insufficent in the sense that phonological dependencies instantiate much simpler patterns — the ∗I am greatly indebted to two anonymous reviewers and the editors of this issue. Their de- tailed feedback led to major changes that, hopefully, have resulted in a much more accessible and phonologically grounded paper. This paper has also profited tremendously from regular discussions of subregular phonology with Alëna Aksënova, Hyunah Baek, Aniello De Santo, and Chikako Takahashi.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Consonant Harmony in Child Language
    1 Consonant Harmony in Child Language: An Optimality-theoretic Account* Heather Goad Department of Linguistics, McGill University [email protected] Ms. dated 1995. Currently in press in S.J. Hannahs & M. Young-Scholten Focus on phonological acquisition. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, pp. 113-142. Abstract An analysis is provided of the consonant harmony (CH) patterns exhibited in the speech of one child, Amahl at Stage 1 (data from Smith 1973). It is argued that the standard rule-based analysis which involves Coronal underspecification and planar segregation is not tenable. First, the data reveal an underspecification paradox: coronal consonants are targets for CH and should thus be unspecified for Coronal. However, they also trigger harmony, in words where the targets are liquids. Second, the data are not consistent with planar segregation, as one harmony pattern is productive beyond the point when AmahlÕs grammar satisfies the requirements for planar segregation (set forth in McCarthy 1989). An alternative analysis is proposed within the constraint-based framework of Optimality Theory (Prince & Smolensky 1993). It is argued that CH follows from the relative ranking of constraints which parse place features and those which align features with the edges of the prosodic word. With the constraints responsible for parsing and aligning Labial and Dorsal ranked above those responsible for parsing and aligning Coronal, the dual behaviour of coronals can be captured. The effect of planar segregation follows from other independently motivated constraints which force alignment to be satisfied through copying of segmental material, not through spreading. Keywords: first language acquisition, consonant harmony, underspecification paradox 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Turkish Vowel Harmony: Underspecification, Iteration, Multiple Rules
    Turkish vowel harmony: Underspecification, iteration, multiple rules LING 451/551 Spring 2011 Prof. Hargus Data • Turkish data on handout. [a] represents a low back unrounded vowel (more standardly [ɑ]). Morphological analysis and morpheme alternants • Words in Turkish – root alone – root followed by one or two suffixes • Suffixes – plural suffix, -[ler] ~ -[lar] – genitive suffix, -[in] ~ -[un] ~ -[ün] ~ -[ɨn] • Order of morphemes – root - plural - genitive Possible vowel features i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - low - - - - - + - - back - + + - - + + - front + - - + + - - + round - - + + - - + + Distinctive features of vowels i ɨ u ü e a o ö high + + + + - - - - back - + + - - + + - round - - + + - - + + ([front] could be used instead of [back].) Values of [low] are redundant: V -high [+low] +back -round Otherwise: V [-low] Distribution of suffix alternants • Plural suffix – -[ler] / front vowels C(C) ___ – -[lar] / back vowels C(C) ___ • Genitive suffix – -[in] / front non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ün] / front round vowels C(C) ___ – -[ɨn] / back non-round vowels C(C) ___ – -[un] / back round vowels C(C) ___ Subscript and superscript convention • C1 = one or more consonants: C, CC, CCC, etc. • C0 = zero or more consonants: 0, C, CC, CCC, etc. • C1 = at most one consonant: 0, C 2 • C1 = minimum one, maximum 2 C: C(C) Analysis of alternating morphemes • Symmetrical distribution of suffix alternants • No non-alternating suffixes No single suffix alternant can be elevated to UR URs • UR = what all suffixes have in common • genitive: -/ V n/ [+high] (values of [back] and [round] will be added to match preceding vowel) an underspecified vowel, or ―archiphoneme‖ (Odden p. 239) Backness Harmony • Both high and non-high suffixes assimilate in backness to a preceding vowel • Backness Harmony: V --> [+ back] / V C0 ____ [+back] V --> [-back] / V C0 ____ [-back] (―collapsed‖) V --> [ back] / V C0 ____ [ back] (This is essentially the same as Hayes‘ [featurei]..
    [Show full text]
  • Phonemic Vs. Derived Glides
    See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: http://www.researchgate.net/publication/240419751 Phonemic vs. derived glides ARTICLE in LINGUA · DECEMBER 2008 Impact Factor: 0.71 · DOI: 10.1016/j.lingua.2007.10.003 CITATIONS READS 14 32 1 AUTHOR: Susannah V Levi New York University 24 PUBLICATIONS 172 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE Available from: Susannah V Levi Retrieved on: 09 October 2015 Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Lingua 118 (2008) 1956–1978 www.elsevier.com/locate/lingua Phonemic vs. derived glides Susannah V. Levi * Department of Speech-Language Pathology and Audiology, New York University, 665 Broadway, 9th Floor, New York, NY 10003, United States Received 2 February 2007; received in revised form 30 June 2007; accepted 2 October 2007 Available online 27 September 2008 Abstract Previous accounts of glides have argued that all glides are derived from vowels. In this paper, we examine data from Karuk, Sundanese, and Pulaar which reveal the existence of two types of phonologically distinct glides both cross-linguistically and within a single language. ‘‘Phonemic’’ glides are distinct from underlying vowels and pattern with other sonorant consonants, while ‘‘derived’’ glides are non-syllabic, positional variants of underlying vowels and exhibit vowel-like behavior. It is argued that the phonological difference between these two types of glides lies in their different underlying featural representations. Derived glides are positional variants of vowels and therefore featurally identical. In contrast, phonemic glides are featurally distinct from underlying vowels and therefore pattern differently. Though a phono- logical distinction between these two types of glides is evident in these three languages, a reliable phonetic distinction does not appear to exist.
    [Show full text]
  • 5 Phonology Florian Lionnet and Larry M
    5 Phonology Florian Lionnet and Larry M. Hyman 5.1. Introduction The historical relation between African and general phonology has been a mutu- ally beneficial one: the languages of the African continent provide some of the most interesting and, at times, unusual phonological phenomena, which have con- tributed to the development of phonology in quite central ways. This has been made possible by the careful descriptive work that has been done on African lan- guages, by linguists and non-linguists, and by Africanists and non-Africanists who have peeked in from time to time. Except for the click consonants of the Khoisan languages (which spill over onto some neighboring Bantu languages that have “borrowed” them), the phonological phenomena found in African languages are usually duplicated elsewhere on the globe, though not always in as concen- trated a fashion. The vast majority of African languages are tonal, and many also have vowel harmony (especially vowel height harmony and advanced tongue root [ATR] harmony). Not surprisingly, then, African languages have figured dispro- portionately in theoretical treatments of these two phenomena. On the other hand, if there is a phonological property where African languages are underrepresented, it would have to be stress systems – which rarely, if ever, achieve the complexity found in other (mostly non-tonal) languages. However, it should be noted that the languages of Africa have contributed significantly to virtually every other aspect of general phonology, and that the various developments of phonological theory have in turn often greatly contributed to a better understanding of the phonologies of African languages. Given the considerable diversity of the properties found in different parts of the continent, as well as in different genetic groups or areas, it will not be possible to provide a complete account of the phonological phenomena typically found in African languages, overviews of which are available in such works as Creissels (1994) and Clements (2000).
    [Show full text]
  • A Computational Model of Cognitive Constraints in Syntactic Locality
    A COMPUTATIONAL MODEL OF COGNITIVE CONSTRAINTS IN SYNTACTIC LOCALITY A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Marisa Ferrara Boston January 2012 c 2012 Marisa Ferrara Boston ALL RIGHTS RESERVED A COMPUTATIONAL MODEL OF COGNITIVE CONSTRAINTS IN SYNTACTIC LOCALITY Marisa Ferrara Boston, Ph.D. Cornell University 2012 This dissertation is broadly concerned with the question: how do human cognitive limitations influence difficult sentences? The focus is a class of grammatical restrictions, locality con- straints. The majority of relations between words are local; the relations between question words and their governors are not. Locality constraints restrict the formation of these non-local dependencies. Though necessary, the origin, operation, and scope of locality constraints is a controversial topic in the literature. The dissertation describes the implementation of a computational model that clarifies these issues. The model tests, against behavioral data, a series of cognitive constraints argued to account for locality. The result is an explanatory model predictive of a variety of cross-linguistic locality data. The model distinguishes those cognitive limitations that affect locality processing, and addresses the competence-performance debate by determining how and when cognitive constraints explain human behavior. The results provide insight into the nature of locality constraints, and promote language models sensitive to human cognitive limitations. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Marisa Ferrara Boston (nee´ Marisa Angela Ferrara) was born January 26, 1981 in Painesville, Ohio. She received a Bachelor of Arts degree in Individualized Studies from Eastern Michigan University in 2001, and a Master of Arts degree in English Linguistics from Eastern Michigan University in 2005.
    [Show full text]
  • Native American and Indigenous Philosophy
    NEWSLETTER | The American Philosophical Association Native American and Indigenous Philosophy SPRING 2020 VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 FROM THE MANAGING EDITOR Agnes B. Curry SUBMISSION GUIDELINES AND INFORMATION ARTICLE Andrea Sullivan-Clarke Empowering Relations: An Indigenous Understanding of Allyship BOOK REVIEWS Brian Burkhart: Indigenizing Philosophy through the Land: A Trickster Methodology for Decolonizing Environmental Ethics and Indigenous Futures Reviewed by Joseph Len Miller Indigenous Philosophy, Locality, and Dance: A Joint Review of Shay Welch, The Phenomenology of a Performance Knowledge System: Dancing with Native American Epistemology, and Brian Burkhart, Indigenizing Philosophy through the Land: A Trickster Methodology for Decolonizing Environmental Ethics and Indigenous Futures Reviewed by Dennis H. McPherson and J. Douglas Rabb Shay Welch: The Phenomenology of a Performance Knowledge System: Dancing with Native American Epistemology Reviewed by Lorraine Mayer VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 SPRING 2020 © 2020 BY THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL ASSOCIATION ISSN 2155-9708 APA NEWSLETTER ON Native American and Indigenous Philosophy AGNES B. CURRY, EDITOR VOLUME 19 | NUMBER 2 | SPRING 2020 FROM THE MANAGING EDITOR SUBMISSION GUIDELINES AND Agnes B. Curry INFORMATION UNIVERSITY OF SAINT JOSEPH, CONNECTICUT We invite you to submit your work for consideration for In this newsletter we offer first an article by Andrea Sullivan- publication in the Newsletter on Native American and Clarke of Windsor University in Canada. In “Empowering Indigenous Philosophy. We welcome comments and Relations” she critically considers recent discussions responses to work published in this or past issues. We also of allyship and the limitations inherent in them, so as to welcome work that speaks to philosophical, professional build a less ethically naïve concept for allying work with and community concerns regarding Native American and indigenous peoples and communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Locality Constraints It Is Instructive to Compare Overt Movement Like Wh-Movement and QR, Which Is a Type of Covert Movement
    PLIN3004/PLING218 Advanced Semantic Theory Lecture Notes: Week 10 Quantifiers sometimes take scope in places different from where they appear on the surface. One such case is the inverse scope reading of (1), which we discussed in Lecture 9. (1) Someone likes everyone. This shows that the scope of a quantifier is not completely determined by the surface form of the sentence. However, at the same time, it is known that quantifier scope is quite constrained in natural language. In order to understand such constraints, we adopt here the hypothesis that quantifier scope is determined by the covert movement operation Quantifier Raising (QR), and constraints on quantifier scope are constraints on QR. As we will see, the discussion is largely open-ended, but it is clear that there are some peculiar properties of quantifier scope in natural languages that we need to explain. 1 Locality Constraints It is instructive to compare overt movement like wh-movement and QR, which is a type of covert movement. As you have learned in syntax modules, wh-movement is known to be subject to a number of locality constraints known as island constraints. Here are two examples of island constraints: (2) Complex NP Island *Which novel did somebody meet a man that has read t? (3) Coordinate Structure Island *Which novel did somebody [read t and watched TV] before going to bed? Interestingly, quantifier scope seems to be subject to these constraints as well. For example, every novel cannot take scope over somebody in the following examples. (4) Complex NP Island Somebody met a man that has read every novel.
    [Show full text]
  • The Articulatory Basis of Locality in Phonology
    The Articulatory Basis of Locality in Phonology by Adamantios I. Gafos Notes: 1. This dissertation has been published by Garland Publishing, Inc., New York, 1999. 2. Copyright © 1999 Adamantios I. Gafos. ISBN 0-8153-3286-6 3. How to navigate through this document. The entire dissertation is comprised of 8 separate pdf files broken into chapters, bibliography and index for the benefit of users who have a slow internet connection. Hyperlinks to each chapter (Chapter 1, 2, 3, etc.), bibliography and index are found in the Contents (Table of Contents) page of this file. The hyperlinks are high-lighted with either a magenta or blue colored text. A hyperlink ( ) located on the upper right- hand corner of Page 1 of each chapter links that chapter back to this page. Dedication to my parents, Ioannis and Ioanna and to my sisters, Anthippi and Ioulia v vi Contents Preface ....................................................... xi Acknowledgments ............................................. xiii Illustrations ...................................................xv Abbreviations ................................................xvii Chapter 1: Introduction 1. Central Thesis ................................................3 2. Theoretical Background ........................................10 2.1 Gestures in Articulatory Phonology .....................11 2.2 Specific Assumptions ................................16 3. Organization of the Dissertation ................................ 21 Notes ........................................................24 Chapter
    [Show full text]
  • A Typology of Consonant Agreement As Correspondence
    A TYPOLOGY OF CONSONANT AGREEMENT AS CORRESPONDENCE SHARON ROSE RACHEL WALKER University of California, San Diego University of Southern California This article presents a typology of consonant harmony or LONG DISTANCE CONSONANT AGREEMENT that is analyzed as arisingthroughcorrespondence relations between consonants rather than feature spreading. The model covers a range of agreement patterns (nasal, laryngeal, liquid, coronal, dorsal) and offers several advantages. Similarity of agreeing consonants is central to the typology and is incorporated directly into the constraints drivingcorrespondence. Agreementby correspon- dence without feature spreadingcaptures the neutrality of interveningsegments,which neither block nor undergo. Case studies of laryngeal agreement and nasal agreement are presented, demon- stratingthe model’s capacity to capture varyingdegreesof similarity crosslinguistically.* 1. INTRODUCTION. The action at a distance that is characteristic of CONSONANT HAR- MONIES stands as a pivotal problem to be addressed by phonological theory. Consider the nasal alternations in the Bantu language, Kikongo (Meinhof 1932, Dereau 1955, Webb 1965, Ao 1991, Odden 1994, Piggott 1996). In this language, the voiced stop in the suffix [-idi] in la is realized as [ini] in 1b when preceded by a nasal consonant at any distance in the stem constituent, consistingof root and suffixes. (1) a. m-[bud-idi]stem ‘I hit’ b. tu-[kun-ini]stem ‘we planted’ n-[suk-idi]stem ‘I washed’ tu-[nik-ini]stem ‘we ground’ In addition to the alternation in 1, there are no Kikongo roots containing a nasal followed by a voiced stop, confirmingthat nasal harmony or AGREEMENT, as we term it, also holds at the root level as a MORPHEME STRUCTURE CONSTRAINT (MSC).
    [Show full text]
  • Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony
    Two Statistical Approaches to Finding Vowel Harmony Adam C. Baker University of Chicago [email protected] July 27, 2009 Abstract The present study examines two methods for learning and modeling vowel harmony from text corpora. The first uses Expectation Maximization with Hidden Markov Mod- els to find the most probable HMM for a training corpus. The second uses pointwise Mutual Information between distant vowels in a Boltzmann distribution, along with the Minimal Description Length principle to find and model vowel harmony. Both methods correctly detect vowel harmony in Finnish and Turkish, and correctly recognize that English and Italian have no vowel harmony. HMMs easily model the transparent neu- tral vowels in Finnish vowel harmony, but have difficulty modeling secondary rounding harmony in Turkish. The Boltzmann model correctly captures secondary roundness harmony and the opacity of low vowels in roundness harmony in Turkish, but has more trouble capturing the transparency of neutral vowels in Finnish. 1 Introduction: Vowel Harmony and Unsupervised Learning The problem of child language acquisition has been a driving concern of modern theoret- ical linguistics since at least the 1950s. But traditional linguistic research has focused on constructing models like the Optimality Theory model of phonology (Prince and Smolensky, 2004). Learning models for those theories like the OT learning theory in Riggle (2004) are 1 sought later to explain how a child could learn a grammar. A lot of recent research in computational linguistics has turned this trend around. Break- throughs in artificial intelligence and speech processing in the '80s has lead many phonologists starting from models with well-known learning algorithms and using those models to extract phonological analyses from naturally occurring speech (for an overview and implications, see Seidenberg, 1997).
    [Show full text]