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Frankish Involvement in the Gregorian Mission to Kent

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Frankish Involvement in the Gregorian Mission to Kent 16 history in the making vol. 1 no. 2 Frankish Involvement in the Gregorian Mission to Kent Sara Amos Third year undergraduate, Monash University As narrated in Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English people, Pope Gregory I was inspired by God to send Augustine, the former prior of Gregory’s St Andrews monastery, to convert the English nation to Christianity.1 This mission, known today as the Gregorian mission to Kent resulted in the conversion of the Kentish kingdom under King Aethelberht, and is an excellent example of the missionary movement within Europe at this time. Although it is seen by modern historians as well documented, many key elements surrounding the mission continue to be debated.2 One such element that will be discussed within this article is the supposed involvement of the Merovingian kingdoms in Gregory’s mission. The Merovingian’s were a powerful family which ruled Gaul at this time.3 The kingdom was divided into two regions, Austro-Burgundy and Neustria.4 It is the power and influence of the Merovingian kingdoms on the Gregorian mission that has recently garnered support within academia. Marilyn Dunn argues that the role of King Childebert II, ruler of the Austro-Burgundian kingdom, was heavily involved in the inception and implementation of the mission because of his rivalry with the Neustrian kingdom.5 This kingdom was ruled by Chlothar II who, according to Ian Wood held authority over the English people through a marriage alliance.6 This argument will be discussed in detail within this article, and will re-examine the evidence for the mission which supports these theories. It will show that their arguments greatly exaggerate the connection between the Merovingian kingdoms and the Gregorian mission to Kent. Although Childebert’s court did play a role within the mission they did not initiate it, they simply aided the missionaries as they traversed through their realm. It will also argue that this mission must be 1 Bede, The Ecclesiastical History of the English People: The Greater Chronicle: Bede’s letter to Egbert, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 37. 2 R. Collins and J. McClure, ‘Rome, Canterbury and Wearmouth-Jarrow: Three Viewpoints on Augustine’s Mission’, inCross, Crescent and Conversion: Studies on Medieval Spain and Christendom in Memory of Richard Fletcher, eds. Simon Barton and Peter Linehan (Leiden: Koninklijke Brill, 2008), 17. 3 J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar, with its continuations, (London: Th. Nelson, 1960), 6-12. 4 Ibid. 5 M. Dunn, The Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons, c. 597-700 : Discourses of Life, Death and Afterlife, (London Continuum, 2009), 51. 6 I. Wood, ‘Frankish Hegemony in England’, in The Age of Sutton Hoo : The Seventh Century in North-Western Europe, ed. M. O. H. Carver (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1992). Frankish Involvement in the Gregorian Mission to Kent 17 examined through Gregory’s apocalyptic world view rather than the supposed political motives of powerful monarchs within Merovingian Gaul. Following Bede’s account, the missionaries left Rome in 596, travelling through the Merovingian kingdoms within Gaul before crossing the channel to land at the Isle of Thanet within the Kentish kingdom.7 Although they reached their destination relatively unharmed, Bede recounts how Augustine returned to Rome early in his journey due to the fear of the barbaric nature of the English. 8 His statement however, follows an interpretation of an epistle by Pope Gregory acquired for Bede by a London priest named Nothelm.9 Composed on 23 July 596, Gregory addressed the missionaries: ‘it had been better not to begin good works than to think of backing away from what had been started…do not let the tiresome journey or the tongues of abusive people deter you… complete what you have begun.’10 An earlier Gregorian epistle shows that the missionaries had arrived in Provence before their fears had overtaken them and that the mission had left prior to 23 July.11 It is not clear however, who these ‘abusive people’ Gregory refers to are. Bede’s retelling sees them as the English, however this is not the only interpretation available. Why did Augustine feel the need to return to Rome? Was it as Bede recounts or were there other factors involved? Although Bede is an invaluable resource from this period of English history, he was writing around a century after these events. This distance from these events must be taken into account when discussing the role of the Merovingian kingdoms on the mission. Bede writes little on the relations between Gaul and the missionaries, relations which were considered essential by Gregory to the monks’ safe arrival on Kentish shores. This view can be seen in many surviving letters. For example, to Pelagius of Tours and Serenus of Marseilles (Bishops of Gaul) Gregory writes, ‘it is necessary that your Holiness should assist him [Augustine] with priestly support, and hasten to provide him with your comfort.’12 To the two Frankish kings Theudebert II and Theuderic II he wrote, ‘we greet your excellencies with a father’s love, and request that those whom we have sent might deserve the grace of your favour…let your power protect and assist them.’13 Ian Wood views the scarcity of Frankish information within Bede’s text as a deliberate attempt to ignore the role of the Frankish clergy within the mission.14 It is more likely however, that Bede was unaware of such a relationship. The corpus of letters surviving today concerning the relationship between the mission and Gaul are numerous and, to the modern historian the importance of the Franks can be seen. However these letters were not copied by Nothelm for Bede, he was unaware of their existence.15 It is possible that Bede gained access to Gregory of Tours’ Histories, an influential text on Gaul. However this text only relates events up to 591, well before the missionaries set out for Kent.16 From such a perspective Bede’s retelling of the letter to Augustine’s companions, that 7 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, 37-40. 8 Ibid., 37. 9 Ibid. ������������������������������� Gregory and J. R. C. Martyn, The Letters of Gregory the Great, 3 vols. (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 2004), 439. 11 Ibid., 441-2. 12 Ibid., 439. 13 Ibid., 438. 14 I. Wood, ‘Th‘The e Mission of Augustine of Canterbury to the English’,Speculum, Vol. 69, No. 1 (1994), 7. 15 See Martyn for lettletters ers unknown to Bede in Gregory and Martyn, Letters of Gregory. ������������������������������������������������������������������� Collins and McClure, ‘Rome, Canterbury and Wearmouth-Jarrow’, 26. 18 history in the making vol. 1 no. 2 they feared the barbaric English, is justified. Bede was unaware of the Frankish connection. A chronicle inaccessible to Bede may explain why the missionaries paused in their journey when they had known the dangers facing them prior to leaving. This chronicle, the Fredegar chronicle, is as invaluable as Bede because it is the only reliable source which exists for the period it describes within Gaul.17 According to the chronicler, an event destablised the country around the time the missionaries had left Rome.18 The Fredegar chronicler writes that Childebert died four years after succeeding King Guntramn and, as Guntramn died on 28 March 593, the fourth year of Childebert’s reign began in March 596.19 The chronicler relates that after Childebert’s death, ‘his kingdom fell to his sons Theudebert (II) and Theuderic (II).’20 As Gregory addresses Childebert’s sons as kings within a letter composed on 23 July 596, it is safe to assume that Childebert’s death occurred sometime between the 28 March and 23 July 596, a time when the missionaries would have been making their way to Provence.21 The succession of the Austro-Burgundian kingdom was not an easy transition as Theudebert and Theuderic were still children. According to the chronicler this resulted in political turmoil as the young King Chlothar (II), ruler of the Neustrian kingdom, was urged by his mother Fredegund to attempt to gain more land by attacking Theudebert and Theuderic’s forces.22 The conflict between Chlothar and Childebert’s heirs seems to have resolved itself by 600 when Theuderic and Theudebert fought against Chlothar, resulting in the massacre of his army.23 Defeated, Chlothar gave Theuderic ‘all the land between the Seine and the Loire right to the Atlantic and the Breton frontier, while Theudebert had the entire duchy of Dentelin’.24 Bede’s ignorance of the Fredegar chronicle, the timing between the unrest in Merovingian Gaul and Augustine returning to Rome and the importance of support within Gaul to the missionaries, cannot be argued away as mere coincidence. It is likely the missionaries had heard of Childebert’s death while in Provence and fearing the safety of their journey, sent Augustine back to Rome asking Gregory for guidance. We will never know the precise route taken by the missionaries in Gaul, despite attempts by historians to do so, as Roger Collins and Judith McClure have pointed out the amount of existing letters today cannot be seen as a representation of the letters produced from the period.25 They further argue that not all the letters which survive today should be seen as having a practical purpose.26 Collins and McClure believe the death of Childebert destabilised the route the missionaries would take and that it was necessary for Augustine to return to Rome for a new batch of letters, addressing the new kings and a wider clergy in case the conflict caused any detours.27 ������������������� Wallace-Hadrill, The Fourth book of the Chronicle of Fredegar, ix.
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