The Break-Up of Yugoslavia and International Law

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Break-Up of Yugoslavia and International Law The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law Various secessionist movements seeking international recognition of statehood brought about the demise of the former Yugoslavia. Peter Radan’s book provides a critical analysis of this break-up from an international law perspective. Although international recognition was granted to the former Yugoslav republics of Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Macedonia, the claims of seces- sionist movements that sought a revision of existing internal federal borders were rejected. The basis upon which the post-secession international borders were accepted in international law involved novel applications of certain principles: primarily, self-determination of peoples and uti possidetis. Against the background of the historical development of Yugoslavia’s internal borders, this book traces the developments of these principles and their application to Yugoslavia by the Arbitration Commission established by the European Community. In addition, it charts the course of the various claims to secession within former Yugoslavia, and concludes that none of these provide a principled legal basis for holding that Yugoslavia’s internal administrative borders should have become post- secession international borders. Encapsulated within the central argument, the book covers several key issues in detail: • The meaning of ‘people’ • The uti possidetis principle • Yugoslavia’s constitutional and legal history • Yugoslavia’s secessions • The Arbitration Commission Opinions Students and scholars working in the fields of international law and political science will find this thorough and persuasive work both interesting and valuable. Peter Radan is a senior lecturer in law at Macquarie University, New South Wales, Australia. Routledge Studies in International Law 1 International Law in the Post-Cold War World Essays in memory of Li Haopei Edited by Sienho Yee and Wang Tieya 2 The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law Peter Radan The Break-up of Yugoslavia and International Law Peter Radan London and New York First published 2002 by Routledge 11 New Fetter Lane, London EC4P 4EE Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 29 West 35th Street, New York, NY 10001 Routledge is an imprint ofthe Taylor & Francis Group This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. © 2002 Peter Radan All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Radan, Peter The break-up of Yugoslavia and international law/Peter Radan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Secession–Yugoslavia. 2. Self-determination, National–Yugoslavia. 3. Yugoslavia–International status. 4. Self-determination, National–Former Yugoslav republics. 5. Former Yugoslav republics–International status. I. Title. KZ4255.R33 2002 341.26–dc21 2001019668 ISBN 0-203-16464-4 Master e-book ISBN ISBN 0-203-25883-5 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-415-25352-7 (Print Edition) Contents List of maps vii Acknowledgements ix Introduction 1 1 Nationalism and self-determination 8 2 The ‘nation’ as a ‘people’ 24 3 The principle of uti possidetis in Latin America 69 4 The principle of uti possidetis in Asia and Africa 118 5 The national question and internal administrative borders in Yugoslavia, 1918–91 135 6 The international response to and course of the Yugoslav secessions 160 7 The Badinter Commission: secession, self-determination and uti possidetis 204 8 Conclusion 244 Appendix: table of cases 254 Select bibliography 257 Index 262 Maps Map 1 The creation of Yugoslavia, 1918 137 Map 2 Yugoslavia’s banovia borders, 1929–39 140 Map 3 The dismemberment of Yugoslavia during World War II, 1941–46 144 Map 4 Yugoslavia’s internal administrative borders, 1946–91 150 Acknowledgements The research and writing of this book would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of my family and a number of my friends and col- leagues. All in their own way made the completion of this work possible. First and foremost, I wish to acknowledge the love, support, encouragement and understanding given to me by my wife Sybil and our children, Rade, Andrija and Aleksandra, over the six years that this book has been a part of our lives. Without them this book would never have been written. It is to them that it is dedicated. The support of two friends and colleagues needs to be acknowledged in partic- ular. This book has its origins in my doctoral dissertation completed under the supervision of Professor Ivan Shearer at the University of Sydney. In addition to a keen critical and expert eye, he provided the kind of guidance, advice and encouragement that made it a privilege to have him as my supervisor. To my col- league at Macquarie University, Associate-Professor Aleksanadar Pavković,I owe an enormous debt given the countless hours he spent discussing my work with me and providing valuable comments on the various drafts through which this book passed before it was completed. I also wish to thank the following friends and colleagues who made their own contributions to the final completion of this book: Dr Mile Bjelajac, Susan Fitzpatrick, Paul Joffe, Dr Margaret Kelly, Dr Thomas Musgrave, Libby O’Reilly, Petar Samardžija, Zoran Veljić and Ilija Vickovich. At Routledge I wish to thank James Whiting and his editorial team of Annabel Watson and Yeliz Ali for their support in publishing this work. Their professional- ism and efficiency have made it a pleasure for me to work with them. Parts of Chapters 6 and 8 of this book were previously published. I am obliged to the Editors of Melbourne University Law Review and East European Quarterly for permission to reproduce the following articles: ‘Post-Secession International Borders: A Critical Analysis of the Opinions of the Badinter Arbitration Commission’, Melbourne University Law Review, 2000, vol. 24, pp. 50–76; and ‘Yugoslavia’s Internal Borders: A Question of Appropriateness’, East European Quarterly, 1999, vol. 33, pp. 137–55. Peter Radan 4 January 2001 Introduction On 9 November 1989 the Berlin Wall came down. This event, more than any other of that tumultuous year, symbolised the end of the Cold War. The Cold War itself had been the defining aspect of the bi-polar international order that had emerged in the wake of World War II. With the passing of the Cold War a new inter- national order emerged. An important feature of this new international order is that ‘peace is less often threatened by conflicts between states than by friction, power contests, and the breakdown of order within states’.1 States today are more con- cerned with internal rather than external threats to their security and territorial integrity. Most of these internal threats come from nationalist groups seeking to secede, by force if necessary, and establish their own independent states.2 In what Allen Buchanan suggests is ‘the age of secession’,3 the right to self-determination of peoples as developed principally by the United Nations (UN), is almost univer- sally relied upon as the legal basis for secession. The reasons for the upsurge of nationalist secessionist claims are much debated. Some see nationalism as a response to the forces of globalisation. Others argue that nationalism has its own autonomous history and is not a response to globalisation.4 1 G. A. Craig and A. L. George, Force and Statecraft: Diplomatic Problems of Our Time, 3rd edition, New York, Oxford University Press, 1995, p. 146. See also H. Hannum, ‘The Specter of Secession, Responding to Claims for Ethnic Self-Determination’, Foreign Affairs, 1998, vol. 77, no. 2, p. 13. 2 A partial list of these conflicts, as of mid-1992, is found in M. H. Halperin and D. J. Scheffer with P. L. Small, Self-Determination in the New World Order, Washington, DC, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 1992, pp. 123–60. 3 A. Buchanan, ‘Self-Determination, Secession, and the Rule of Law’, in R. McKim and J. McMahan (eds), The Morality of Nationalism, New York, Oxford University Press, 1997, p. 301. See also T. M. Franck, ‘Postmodern Tribalism and the Right to Secession’, in C. Brölmann, R. Lefeber and M. Zieck (eds), Peoples and Minorities in International Law, Dordrecht, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1993, pp. 3–4. 4 For a summary of the debate on this issue see I. Clark, Globalization and Fragmentation, International Relations in the Twentieth Century, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997, pp. 28–31. For more detailed statements of the competing views see J. L. Comaroff, ‘Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Politics of Difference in an Age of Revolution’, in E. N. Wilmsen and P. McAllister (eds), The Politics of Difference: Ethnic Premises in a World of Power, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1996, pp. 162–83; A. D. Smith, Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1995. 2 Introduction Whatever the truth of this matter may be, there is general agreement that the spec- tre of fragmentation of states as the result of nationalism and the quest for self-determination represent a major challenge to international order and security.5 The challenges posed by claims to self-determination stem from
Recommended publications
  • France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.)
    France and the Dissolution of Yugoslavia Christopher David Jones, MA, BA (Hons.) A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of East Anglia School of History August 2015 © “This copy of the thesis has been supplied on condition that anyone who consults it is understood to recognise that its copyright rests with the author and that use of any information derived there from must be in accordance with current UK Copyright Law. In addition, any quotation or extract must include full attribution.” Abstract This thesis examines French relations with Yugoslavia in the twentieth century and its response to the federal republic’s dissolution in the 1990s. In doing so it contributes to studies of post-Cold War international politics and international diplomacy during the Yugoslav Wars. It utilises a wide-range of source materials, including: archival documents, interviews, memoirs, newspaper articles and speeches. Many contemporary commentators on French policy towards Yugoslavia believed that the Mitterrand administration’s approach was anachronistic, based upon a fear of a resurgent and newly reunified Germany and an historical friendship with Serbia; this narrative has hitherto remained largely unchallenged. Whilst history did weigh heavily on Mitterrand’s perceptions of the conflicts in Yugoslavia, this thesis argues that France’s Yugoslav policy was more the logical outcome of longer-term trends in French and Mitterrandienne foreign policy. Furthermore, it reflected a determined effort by France to ensure that its long-established preferences for post-Cold War security were at the forefront of European and international politics; its strong position in all significant international multilateral institutions provided an important platform to do so.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Community's Role in the Process of German Unification
    The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification 269 Chapter 10 The International Community’s Role in the Process of German Unification Horst Teltschik The first half of the 20th century was dominated by two world wars with more than 100 million deaths—soldiers and civilians. As a result, from 1945 on Europe was divided. Germany and its capital Berlin lost their sovereignty. Germany was run by the four victorious powers: the United States, France, Great Britain and the Soviet Union. The polit- ical and military dividing line between the three Western powers and the Soviet Union ran through the middle of Germany and Berlin. The world was divided into a bipolar order between the nuclear su- perpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, with their respec- tive alliance systems NATO and Warsaw Pact. The latter was ruled by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) with its ideological monopoly. In 1945, two militarily devastating world wars were followed by five decades of Cold War. The nuclear arsenals led to a military balance be- tween West and East. The policy of mutual nuclear deterrence did not prevent dangerous political crises—such as the Soviet Berlin Blockade from June 1948 until May 1949, Nikita Khrushchev’s 1958 Berlin Ul- timatum and the 1962 Cuba Crisis—which brought both sides to the brink of another world war. In Berlin, fully armed American and Soviet tanks directly faced each other at Checkpoint Charlie. In Cuba, Soviet missiles threatened to attack the United States. Cold War tensions were compounded by Moscow’s bloody military interventions to crush uprisings against its rule in 1953 in the German Democratic Republic (GDR), in 1956 in Hungary, and 1968 in Prague.
    [Show full text]
  • I-2014 Infobrief II.Pub
    Info-Brief 1/2014 Juni 2014 www.deutsche- stiftung-eigentum.de Liebe Freunde und Förderer der Deutschen Stiftung Eigentum, sehr geehrte Damen und Herren, Prof. Schmidt-Jortzig erhält den „Preis der Deutschen Stiftung Eigentum“ und es erscheinen zwei neue Bände der „Bibliothek des Eigentums“. Im ersten Halbjahr 2014 hat sich viel getan und so geht es auch weiter! Stiftungsrat Bei seiner offiziellen Verabschiedung am 13. Februar 2014 in der Mendelssohn- Vorsitzender: Remise wurde Prof. Schmidt-Jortzig für seine langjährigen Verdienste um die Stiftung Dr. Hermann Otto Solms mit dem „Preis der Deutschen Stiftung Eigentum“ geehrt. In der Laudatio hob Prof. De- Prof. Dr. Otto Depenheuer penheuer die verantwortungsvolle und erfolgreiche Führung der Stiftungsgeschäfte Max Freiherr v. Elverfeldt durch Prof. Schmidt-Jortzig hervor und betonte dessen Engagement für die Idee des Ei- Nicolai Freiherr v. Engelhardt gentums, das für den ersten Stiftungsratsvorsitzenden immer eine Herzensangelegenheit Michael Moritz gewesen ist. Mit einer Festrede zum „Wert des Eigentums“ dankte Prof. Schmidt- Dr. Horst Reinhardt Jortzig für die Auszeichnung und freute sich, die Arbeit der Stiftung weiterhin im Stif- Michael Prinz zu Salm-Salm tungsrat begleiten zu können. Prof. Dr. Edzard Schmidt-Jortzig Gerd Sonnleitner Bernd Ziesemer Wissenschaftlicher Beirat Vorsitzender: Prof. Dr. Otto Depenheuer Vorstand Vorsitzender: N.N. Karoline Beck Wolfgang v. Dallwitz Geschäftsführerin Verbunden mit dem Festakt war die Übergabe des 10. Bandes der Bibliothek des Rechtsanwältin Eigentums „Staatssanierung durch Enteignung“, den der Vizepräsident des Heidrun Gräfin Schulenburg Deutschen Bundestages, Johannes Singhammer, MdB, entgegennahm. Alle Reden und Grußworte anlässlich der Veranstaltung haben wir in der beiliegenden Broschüre festgehalten. Besonders lesenswert – erfreuen Sie sich an den gedruckten Redebeiträgen und Fotos.
    [Show full text]
  • Helmut Kohl, a Giant of the Post-War Era*
    DOI: 10.1515/tfd-2017-0025 THE FEDERALIST DEBATE Year XXX, N° 3, November 2017 Comments Helmut Kohl, a Giant of the Post-War Era* Jean-Claude Juncker Today we are saying goodbye to the German the same coin, as he, and Adenauer before and European Statesman, Helmut Kohl. And him, always used to say. I am saying goodbye to a true friend who He made Adenauer’s maxim his own. And he guided me with affection over the years and put it into practice again and again through the decades. I am not speaking now as his thoughts and actions. President of the Commission, but as a friend There are many examples of this. who became President of the Commission. In The fall of the Berlin Wall was greeted with Helmut Kohl, a giant of the post-war era joy throughout Europe and the world. But leaves us; He made it into th ehistory books German reunification – in which he always even while he was still alive – and in those uncompromisingly believed – encountered history books he will forever remain. He was resistance in parts of Europe, and indeed someone who became the continental sometimes outright rejection. monument before which German and Helmut Kohl promoted German reunification European wreaths are laid, and indeed must in many patient conversations. He was able be laid. to do so successfully because his reputation, It was his wish to say goodbye here in which had grown over many years, allowed Strasbourg, this Franco-German, European him to give credible assurances that he border city that was close to his heart.
    [Show full text]
  • The Economic and Social Policies of German Reunification
    Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2012 "Sell or Slaughter": The conomicE and Social Policies of German Reunification Saraid L. Donnelly Claremont McKenna College Recommended Citation Donnelly, Saraid L., ""Sell or Slaughter": The cE onomic and Social Policies of German Reunification" (2012). CMC Senior Theses. Paper 490. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/490 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CLAREMONT McKENNA COLLEGE “SELL OR SLAUGHTER” THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL POLICIES OF GERMAN REUNIFICATION SUBMITTED TO PROFESSOR HILARY APPEL AND DEAN GREGORY HESS BY SARAID L. DONNELLY FOR SENIOR THESIS FALL 2012 DECEMBER 3, 2012 Abstract This paper looks at the struggles faced by German policymakers in the years following reunification. East Germany struggled with an immediate transformation from a planned economy to a social market economy, while West Germany sent billions of Deutsche Marks to its eastern states. Because of the unequal nature of these two countries, policymakers had to decide on what they would place more emphasis: social benefits for the East or economic protection for the West. The West German state-level, Federal Government and the East German governments struggled in finding multilaterally beneficial policies. This paper looks at the four key issues of reunification: currency conversion, transfer payments, re-privatization, and unemployment. In following the German Basic Law, the policies pursued in terms of these issues tended to place emphasis on eastern social benefits. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.
    [Show full text]
  • June 14, 1989 Conversation Between M. S. Gorbachev and FRG Chancellor Helmut Kohl
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified June 14, 1989 Conversation between M. S. Gorbachev and FRG Chancellor Helmut Kohl Citation: “Conversation between M. S. Gorbachev and FRG Chancellor Helmut Kohl,” June 14, 1989, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Archive of the Gorbachev Foundation, Notes of A.S. Chernyaev. Translated by Svetlana Savranskaya. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/120811 Summary: Gorbachev and Kohl discuss relations with the United States, Kohl's upcoming visit to Poland, and the status of reforms in various socialist countries. Original Language: Russian Contents: English Translation Third Conversation between M. S. Gorbachev and FRG Chancellor Helmut Kohl. June 14, 1989. Bonn (one-on-one). [...] Kohl. We would like to see your visit, Mr. Gorbachev, as the end of the hostility between the Russians and the Germans, as the beginning of a period of genuinely friendly, good-neighborly relations. You understand that these words are supported by the will of all people, by the will of the people who greet you in the streets and the squares. As a Chancellor I am joining this expression of people's will with pleasure, and I am telling you once again that I like your policy, and I like you as a person. Gorbachev. Thank you for such warm words. They are very touching. I will respond with reciprocity, and I will try not to disappoint you. I would like to tell you the following with all sincerity. According to our information, there is a special group charged with the discrediting of perestroika and me personally that was created in the National Security Council of the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Record of Telephone Conversation Between Mikhail Gorbachev And
    Document No. 17: Record of Telephone Conversation between Mikhail Gorbachev and Helmut Kohl November 11, 1989 The conversation took place at Helmut Kohl's request. Kohl: I am glad to hear you, Mr. General Secretary, I would like to express my appreciation with regard to your address yesterday. It is a very good step .... [. .] We want the people of the GDR to stay home, and we do not strive to have the entire GDR population move to the FRG. And not at all because, as some are claiming, we would not be able to resolve the problems that would result from that. For example, 230,000 people have moved from the GDR to the FRG this year, and all of them were accommodated. But a mass migration to the FRG would be an absurd development; we want the Germans to be able to build their future at home. I would also like to inform you, even though the information is still preliminary, that today by 12 noon hundreds of thousands of people have crossed the GDR border. However, there is an impression that the majority are just visitors, and have no intention of staying in the FRG. The number of people who actually want to move to the FRG for permanent residency is much lower than the level we would be concerned about. I recently told you that we did not want a destabilization of the situation in the GDR. I am still of the same view. I do not know on what scale Egon Krenz really plans to carry out reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Ness Against Him. She Wanted to Protest Against the Absolutization of Power, the Con- Trol of Human Minds, the Total Isolation, and Torture of Human Beings
    ness against him. She wanted to protest against the absolutization of power, the con- trol of human minds, the total isolation, and torture of human beings. She discovered the language of the walls and was determined to bear witness to the heroism and soli- darity of the women who suffered with her in silence and who, despite the inhuman conditions under which they were forced to live, remained deeply human. She expressed profound anguish over the fate of her family and her friend, Harry Brauner, whom she married after her release, but she was heartened by their gestures of support. She was finally exonerated as the result of another power struggle by Nicolae Ceausescu who in turn was violently overthrown by his own people. Endur- ing vicious and brutal attempts to destroy her mind and her spirit, she experienced the dark night of the soul and at moments wanted to die; but she developed not only the desire but also the will to survive and refused to be dehumanized. She was deeply troubled by the moral ambiguities of human nature and began to reflect on the basic existential guestions of human existence which lie at the heart of all religions. She profoundly sense her powerlessness, but she found strength in the Catholicism of her youth and the faith of her Uniate neighbor who through the wall taught her how to pray once again. She began to sense the power of even an impure love and was convinced that even in the nightmare world she had encountered the di- vine cosmic presence, which to some extent is incarnate in every human being.
    [Show full text]
  • Activity: European Identity
    Culture and Arts: Bridges to Solidarity (CABS) Project Number: 2019-1-DE02-KA204-006113 Activity: European identity Author Volkshochschule Olching e.V. – Ricarda Weiß Helmut Kohl with another elder statesman named Theo Waigel at a ceremony of the European Union to his honour in 1998. Helmut Josef Michael Kohl was born on the 3rd of April 1930 in Ludwigshafen am Rhein, he died there on the 16th of June 2017 . He was a German politician from a party named CDU (Christian Democratic Union). 1 After having been three times Prime Minister of Rhineland-Palatinate from 1969 to 1976, he was the sixth Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany to lead a CDU / CSU (Christian Social Union) / FDP (Free Democratic Party) coalition and is thus the incumbent with the longest period of service from 1982 to 1998. From 1973 to 1998 he was federal chairman, then until 2000 honorary chairman of his party. Helmut Kohl is considered to be an engine of European integration he was largely committed to European integration and especially to the Franco–German relationship. In fact Kohl and the French president François Mitterrand were the architects of the “Maastricht Treaty” which established the European Union (EU) and the Euro currency. At the occasion of a wreath-laying ceremony in Verdun on the 22nd of September, 1984, Mitterand and Kohl demonstrated in a token gesture – hand in hand in front of the memorial – that the reconciliation between their countries was reality and that there are no place in Europe for animosities between peoples. Culture and Arts: Bridges to Solidarity (CABS) Project Number: 2019-1-DE02-KA204-006113 In 1988 Kohl received the “Charlemagne Prize” and in 1998 he was named Honorary Citizen of Europe by the European heads of states or governments.
    [Show full text]
  • Montesquieu Paper6.Pdf
    The Quest for a Vision for Europe: Lessons to be learned from Dutch and German Debates on the Future Democracy of European Union Hanco Jürgens, Amsterdam Institute for German Studies (DIA)/ Montesquieu Institute In November 2012, a day before Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte went to Brussels to join the EU summit, he apologized in Parliament for being not very specific about his efforts in the negotiations. He said he has to speak “with his mouth full of meal”, meaning that he could not answer the questions of the Members of Parliament in detail.1 After arriving in Brussels, he confirmed his position by stating that he had come to the EU summit with a loaded gun in his pocket and that it would not be in the Dutch interest to lay down his pistol on the table immediately. In its vagueness, Rutte’s stance is in line with the Dutch EU policy, which is traditionally seen as part of the foreign policy domain. Seen from this perspective, Dutch politicians should not be too open in public about their strategy, since this could harm their position at the EU negotiation table. For several reasons, one may ask whether this position is still accurate. Since the Treaty of Maastricht, the EU has become a policy domain far beyond the field of foreign affairs, concerning not only all ministries, but above all, the peoples of the member states. Therefore, democratic legitimacy and parliamentary control has become an important issue. One might ask why Dutch parliament allows its Prime Minister to keep his gun in his pocket.
    [Show full text]
  • Marking the 20Th Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall Responsible Leadership in a Globalized World
    A publication of the Contributors include: President Barack Obama | James L. Jones Chuck Hagel | Horst Teltschik | Condoleezza Rice | Zbigniew Brzezinski [ Helmut Kohl | Colin Powell | Frederick Forsyth | Brent Scowcroft ] Freedom’s Challenge Marking the 20th Anniversary of the Fall of the Berlin Wall Responsible Leadership in a Globalized World The fall of the Berlin Wall on November 9, 1989, not only years, there have been differences in opinion on important led to the unifi cation of Germany, thus ending decades of issues, but the shared interests continue to predominate. division and immeasurable human suffering; it also ended It is important that, in the future, we do not forget what binds the division of Europe and changed the world. us together and that we defi ne our common interests and responsibilities. The deepening of personal relations between Today, twenty years after this event, we are in a position to young Germans and Americans in particular should be dear gauge which distance we have covered since. We are able to to our hearts. observe that in spite of continuing problems and justifi ed as well as unjustifi ed complaints, the unifi cation of Germany and For this reason the BMW Foundation accounts the Europe has been crowned with success. transatlantic relationship as a focus of its activity. The Transatlantic Forum for example is the “veteran“ of the It is being emphasized again and again, and rightly so, that it BMW Foundation’s Young Leaders Forums. The aim of was the people in the former GDR that started the peaceful these Young Leaders Forums is to establish a network, revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • And Chancellor Helmut Kohl (R.)
    50 YEARS OF THE ÉLYSÉE TREATY GERMANY AND FRANCE HALF A CENTURY OF FRIENDSHIP AND COOPERATION “…no greater, finer, or more useful Plan has ever occupied the human mind than the one of a perpetual and universal Peace among all the Peoples of Europe.” Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), French philosopher and writer Their fathers, grandfathers and great-grandfa - Wars (1914-1918 and 1939-1945). The cost was thers clashed on the battlefield, where they immeasurable. More than 70 million people were looked into the mouth of hell. Their families suffe - killed in Europe and around the world, 13 million of red hardship, bereavement, destruction, bombard - them in Germany and France. The bloodletting and ment, occupation and in some cases deportation devastation left Europe on its knees. to the Nazi death camps. Whenever defeated, their nations endured the traumatic humiliations Yet it was amid the still-smouldering ruins of imposed by the victors. They learned to foster a these tragic events that the course of history was culture of revenge. reversed. After the Second World War, Franco- German reconciliation became the motivation for So it was that for 75 years, from 1870 until 1945, reconstructing Europe as a peaceful edifice. the middle of the European continent lived in the shadow of the confrontation between its neigh - In Paris on 22 January 1963, the Élysée Treaty offi - bouring and rival powers: France and Germany. cially set the seal on those intentions. Each had become the other’s hereditary foe. A vicious cycle of obsessive distrust and hatred had That was 50 years ago.
    [Show full text]