AN HISTORICAL STUDY OF SANTIAGO DE LEON DE CARACAS, VENEZUELA
By ETHEL LUCILE MARSHALL
A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
August, 1958 PREFACE
This study is an attempt to present a synthesis of the histor-
ical development of the city of Santiago de Leon de Caracas, Venezuela,
numerous small studies and magazine articles have been written about
Caracas within the last decade, but the majority of them have told only
of the dramatic physical changes that have occurred in the city, and few
have been concerned with any of the more serious aspects of the develop- ment of the city. Little serious historical treatment of the city has
been undertaken to this time. This study was made to offer a perspective
of the historical development in the colonial and national periods, but without attempting a complete and detailed history of the city. Since I
am registered in the School of Inter-American Studies, and have a major
in History, and minors in Geography, Economics, and Sociology, this particular type of study has seemed most appropriate.
The additional research necessary for this study was made possible by a grant from the Creole Corporation. This grant enabled me to spend
some time in the city of Caracas gathering information and becoming ac-
quainted with the city at first hand. Deep appreciateion is expressed to
Dr. Guillermo Zuloago, and to the Public Relations staff of Creole
Petroleum Corporation. The encouragement and the assistance of the Public
Relations staff was invaluable to me.
There is a host of others to whom I am indebted. In Venezuela
the list is a long one. Dr. Illctor Garcia Chuecos, Director of the Arcfoivo
ii iii
General de la ..acion . his sub-director, and other members of his staff
were most helpful in my investigations in the Archivo . Dr. Garc£a Chuecos opened the way through introductions for me to secure information that would have been otherwise impossible. His assistance and his delight in my findings added to the pleasantness of the research. Dr. J. A. Cova,
ibliotecario-Archivero of the Acade.aia vacional de la ^istoria and his
staff were most gracious and helpful. I shall never forget the pleasant-
ness of working on the upper veranda of the Academia . which was the for- mer Franciscan monastery, whether during the sunny days when the birds
sang and the palms swayed gently in the breeze, or during a rainstorm when the grey sky and heavy clouds hung low, and the wind blew in gusts,
one could work in a completely peaceful atmosphere at the Academia and forget that it was only a few feet to the busy thorough-fare in front of the Congressional Building, with the confusion typical of a street in the
center of a busy city. Dr. Jose Moncada Home, the Director of the
..iblioteca hacional . and his staff were most helpful as I sought materials there. Others who deserve recognition for their assistance include Dr.
Enrique Bernardo Eurfez, an outstanding historian and the Cronista of the
city of Caracas; Dr. Marco Aurelio Vila, eminent geographer and professor
of the at the Universidad Central : SerTorita Alcira Ruiz Larre, Director
Director Diblioteea de la Universidad Central : Sefforita Blanca Alvarez,
of the Bscuela de .iblioteconoiTna of the Facultad de Filosofxa y Letra s
Samperio, Chief of the at the Universidad Central : Dr. Jos4 V. Hontesino
the Direccjon General de Estaaistica, Departmento de „4todo y An^lisis . of
- ,:inisterjo de Foments.; SeHor J. Roberto Lovera, Presi y Censo hacionales . Manuel Delgado Rovati, Director de dente of the Conse.lo municipal : SeKor iv
Industrias . Binisterio de Fomento : and Sefior Diego -lucete Castro, Director
de Turismo . Hinisterio de Fomento . To those in Venezuela appreciation must be expressed to Mr. Andrew Wilkison, Cultural Attache at the American Em- bassy in Caracas, for his assistance in many ways.
In the United States the list is as formidable. Dr. Donald
Worcester, Chairman of the History Department of the University of Florida,
directed my work, even during the year he spent lecturing in Spain. He and
other members of ny Advisory Committee have been most helpful and encourag-
ing, and have been generous with their time. These men are Dr. lyle N.
McAlister, History; Dr. Raymond Crist, Geography; Dr. Robert W. Bradbury,
Economics; Dr. T. Lynn Smith, Sociology; and Dr. A. Curtis Wilgus, Di-
rector of the School of Inter-American Studies. I have been honored to
have the able assistance of such outstanding men.
Ho historical work may be completed without the assistance of
able librarians. I shall be ever grateful to the librarians at the
University of Florida for their perseverance in tracking down materials
and for their graciousness to me. To name them I would have to name al-
most the entire Library staff but special mention must be made of the
assistance of Dr. Irene Zimmerman, Mrs. Margaret Duer, and Miss Imogens
Hixson. To all of the librarians and particularly to Hiss Abi Russell,
Head Librarian at my own school, Alabama College, the State College of
Liberal Arts, I wish to express appreciation for many services and es-
pecially for securing materials not easily available.
Two others who have assisted me must be mentioned. I am most
Service at grateful to Sertor Francisco J. Lara, Director of Information he secured the Venezuelan Embassy in Washington, D. C., for the materials V
for me, and his advice on securing other materials. To Dr. John Harrison,
former Director of the Latin American Division of the National Archives
in Washington, I wish to express my gratitude for the letters he wrote on my behalf, and for the valuable suggestions he made.
Last, but far from least, to my mother and ay aunt I express deep
appreciation for their thoughtfulness and forbearance during the time I was doing the research and the writing. Without them this study might well never have been completed. TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE ii
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii
INTRODUCTION 1
Chapter
I. THE FOUNDING OF THE CITY OF CARACAS 11
Site Climate Indians Early Attempts to Found the City of Caracas
II. THE PEOPLE OF CARACAS 36
Growth of Population Metropolitan Area Racial and National Origins Population Characteristics
III. THE COLONIAL CABILDO OF CARACAS 57
Early Development Officers of the Cabildo Rights and Duties of the Cabildo of Caracas Municipal Finances Unusual Privileges of the Cabildo The Church and the Cabildo
IV. THE ECONOMY OF CARACAS IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD 10 6
Economic Conditions, 1567 to 1730 Economic Conditions, 1730 to 1784 Economic Conditions after 1784
V. THE ECONOMY OF CARACAS IN THE NATIONAL PERIOD 147
From the Revolution to 1920 From 1920 to the Present
vi Chapter Pag®
VI. INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT l6l
Early Colonial Period Late Colonial Period National Period
VII. GOVERNMENT PARTICIPATION IN THE RECENT DEVELOPMENT OF CARACAS 195
The Concejo Municipal Federal Agencies Participating in Development Projects Capital for Development in Caracas Government Receipts Foreign Capital Public Works Projects in Caracas
VHI. CARACAS IN TRANSITION 233
APPENDIX 240
BIBLIOGRAPHY 241
vii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure Page
1, llap of the Metropolitan Area of Caracas ix
2, The Concejo Municipal Building 56
3, Yesterday and Today in Caracas 19^ The Old Franciscan Monaster and
El Norte « the Modem Sl viii iX INTRODUCTION The city of Santiago de Leon de Caracas, which has long been called by only the last portion of its name, Caracas, has many unique characteristics. Founded early in the colonial period, its location was in a small agricultural valley, rather than in an important mineral- producing area. It was off the regular route of traffic between Spain and the New World. In the colonial period it was given many special political prerogatives and faced many dire economic situations. It suf- fered a long period of economic stagnation in the late colonial period which continued until well into nationhood. It has experienced a recent upsurge of growth and development which has been phenomenal. Such a city deserves serious study. Use of the Names Caracas and Venezuela At this ppint mention should be made of the confusion which has arisen over the use of the names Caracas and Venezuela. Caracas has been used to designate the municipality of Santiago de Leon de Caracas, the single northcentral province in which the city of Caracas was located, and even to indicate the several associated provinces. This has led to a confusion for which some clarification should be made. In most of the colonial period Caracas was the name used to designate the single province, and Venezuela was used to indicate the province of Caracas and the group of surrounding provinces. Governor Pimentel in his Relacion geoKrafica y descrjpcidn de la provincia de Caracas y gobernacj6n de Venezuela wrote 1 2 of the Provincia de Caracas en la gobernacion de Venezuela . The gober- nacion . it seems, comprised the provinces of Caracas, Cumani, Maracaibo, Guayana, and the Isles of Margarita and Trinidad. There was much devia- ation from the use of Venezuela as Pimentel used it. These provinces were not unified politically until late in the eighteenth century. For most of the colonial period each had its own governor, but at various times one or another of the provinces was placed under the authority of the governor of Caracas for short periods. Although the offices of governor and captain general were considered separate offices, often they were held by one man. It was not until 1776 that any unity was effected among the Venezuelan provinces. On December 8 the Intendencia de E.iercito y Real Hacienda was created for the provinces of "Venezuela, Cumana y Maracaibo, 1 e islas de Trinidad y Margarita." Venezuela is used instead of Caracas in this case to designate the province. The city of Caracas is desig- nated as the capital of the province of Venezuela and the seat of the 2 Intendencia . On September 8, 1777 » Carlos III issued a cedula establish- ing the Canitanxa General de Venezuela for all the provinces included in the Intendencia . ^ This cldula conceded the military authority for all the provinces, to one officer, the CapitAn General. Each province still 4 maintained its separate governor who possessed political power. Again the name Venezuela was used to designate the province of Caracas, and also the associated provinces, in the c4dulas establishing the audiencia in Caracas in 1736.5 This does not suffice to dispel all the confusion that has arisen over the use of the names Caracas and Venezuela. In many documents, 3 including relaciones . autos * cldulas « and minutes of the cabildo of Cara- cas, one finds Caracas and Venezuela used interchangeably. In records of the Heal Hacienda it is quite difficult to differentiate between the munici- pality of Caracas and the province of Caracas. The alternation of the terms persisted and the ensuing confusion arose. The Problem This study has been devoted to the presentation of a synthesis of the historical development of Caracas. Several broad topics have been employed to offer a perspective, with the major emphasis placed on the political and economic history. The geography of the Caracas valley and the surrounding mountains is described in some detail to provide informa- tion on the location of the city, its geologic foundation, and its climate. The history of the founding of the city has been presented briefly . This provides a framework on which the remainder of the study may be built. Since cities are comprised of people, a study of the demographic data was essential. Basic to the understanding of many of the problems of an urban area is a knowledge of the population, its growth, composi- tion, vital statistics and certain other characteristics. The study of the people of Caracas revealed many startling differences between Caracas and urban United States of America. An examination of the minutes of the available colonial Aetas del Cabildo de Caracas was made to gain some perspective on the colonial town council and its operations. The escrioanos or secretaries are to be con- gratulated on the clarity with which they wrote the minutes. The members of the cabildo acted in such a firm and aggressive manner that one may 4 readily picture many of the men who served. They sought diligently to retain their autonomy and to gain special privileges. They were alert men of strong character. Studies of the Spanish colonial towns are urgently needed. Not until there is more complete knowledge of the co- lonial towns will the Spanish colonial institutions be understood clearly. The colonial economy, of necessity, had to be examined to complete the colonial picture. The economy is divided into three definite periods: first, the economy to the establishment of the Caracas Company', the monopoly trading corporation in the early eighteenth century; second, the period of the Caracas Company which spans most of the eighteenth cen- tury; and third, the period from the demise of the Caracas Company to the end of the colonial period. While Caracas never enjoyed the affluence of Mexico City or Lima, there were periods when the economy was at a high level for Caracas. These periods were always followed by slumps in the economy, some of which were quite extensive. In the attempt to write a synthesis of the history of Caracas, the economy of the national period also was studied. The long period of economic stagnation following the disrupting wars for independence were serious years and were accompanied by a stagnation in other phases of life for many of the populace. The changes that have occurred in recent years in the urban economy of Caracas have been amazing, and these have been discussed. The national government has assumed a great deal of responsibility for the recent building program in Caracas. A brief examination was made of the sources of the federal funds prior to a closer examination of the building program itself. The physical changes that have occurred in the . 5 city of Caracas since 1940 truly have been dramatic, and would have been impossible without the assistance of the federal government No synthesis of the history of a city would be complete without some knowledge of the intellectual pursuits of its people. The educa- tional institutions of the colonial and national periods were examined, and some attention was given to the arts. The fact that Caracas was for so long not a wealthy city makes it the more remarkable that it attracted and produced some excellent scholars. The increase in the number of stu- dents attending the universities gives promise of an even larger number of well trained scholars. The cities of Latin America merit detailed and thoughtful study. Information concerning the colonial period is urgently needed, When the history of the Spanish colonial municipalities is completed, historians will not only have a vast fund of knowledge of colonial urban areas but will have a far clearer understanding of Spanish colonial institutions. The same will be true for Portuguese colonial municipalities. A study of these cities in the national period will be of great importance , also, in ascertaining in what measure they have changed and in what fundamental aspects. The development of many of the Latin American cities in the national period has been for short periods of time under a particular national administrative officer, whether he be the legally elected presi- dent or a dictator. A Review of the Literature Information for this study was secured from many sources. Obser- vation and interviews in Caracas proved an excellent means of gaining . , 6 information. The Archivo General the archivo of the Conce.io municipal , and the archivo of the Universidad Central . and the i iblioteca Hacional provided a wealth of materials for examination and study. Government offices were generous with publications and with the advice of officials. The Library of the University of Florida and the Library of Congress in Washington were also sources of materials. A very brief review of the materials available to the writer will follow. The archives located in Caracas and their Boletmes provided a wealth of documentary materials. Among those for the colonial period were royal decrees, reports, letters, and records of trade and commerce for the province of Caracas. Two early reports on the province were of especial benefit. The first of these was a report made between 1572 and 1535 by Juan de Pimentel, Governor of Caracas. In this report, Relacion '^rnacion de Venezuela fteo -?> , ra^sa . 2L Pimentel describes minutely the plants, animals, rivers, mountains, climate, towns and people in the province of Caracas. Another extremely valuable document was the report of Jos! Olavarriaga, a ,iuez de cotaision , sent from Spain to make a careful and detailed report of the economy of Venezuela in 1720. It is an unusual report with the detailed information included in it, as well as the maps of the province and drawings of the fortresses on the coast. The minutes, or Actas del Cabildo de Caracas , are invaluable. Fortunately, the Actas through the year 1624 have been published, for this is the period in which the originals are so difficult to read. Access was provided to the Actas for certain other years which have not yet been published. The archivo of the universidad Central has preserved the minutes of the Claustro of the Universidad, and the original s 7 Constitucione . These are the source of a great deal of information on the intellectual and social life of the city, province, and nation, as well as on the economic problems of the province and nation. The various archives in Caracas are fairly well organized and systematized, even though it is a system of their own. It is to be deplored that a large quantity of colonial documents have not been restored or transcribed for use, but this will require larger sums of money than have been allocated thus far. Many documents show plainly the ravages of time, climate and inadequate care in earlier years. The directors strive to improve the archives, to maintain high standards, and they extend a welcome to re- search scholars. Information concerning the national period was more difficult to secure. The Jiblioteca Macional has a large collection of books, many of which are primary source materials. It is well-housed and well-organized, although it does not follow the Dewey decimal system. It does have a numerical system that is easy to follow. Bookshops were the source of a few long- sought primary materials and some valuable secondary works. Government data of the more recent period is quite difficult to come by. Government offices are generous with current data, but materials more than ten to fifteen years old are buried in official government files, and few of these are sent to the biblioteca or to the National Archives in Washington, D. C. Little of a serious nature has been written about the city of Caracas and not a great deal about Venezuela. There are a few excellent general histories which were written during the colonial period. Among the best of these early ones are Historia de Venezuela by Fray Aguado 8 written in 1581; Lahistoria de la conquigta y la ooolacion de Venezuela by Jose Ovieda y Bafios in 1723; and T eatro de Venezuela y Caracas by Jose Bias Tererro in 1800. Few general histories of Venezuela have been written during the national period. The most extensive work is La historia constitucional de Venezuela by Jose Gil Fortoul, but it is not well docu- mented and contains numerous errors. Several writers of the nineteenth century wrote of various facets of life in Caracas and are superior to the general works. The writings of the scholar, Aristides Rojas, are charmingly written and bear the light of scrutiny. The biography of Dr. Jose .laria Vargas by Laureana Villanueva is very good. Though not a contemporary , he came close to it, and knew from first hand many of the things about which he wrote. The work contains several documents, but sources are not cited. The biography is valuable not only as an account of the exceptional abilities and contributions of Dr. Vargas, but as a guide to many of the intellectual developments of the nineteenth century. The accounts of several travellers to Venezuela in the eighteenth century and of several foreigners who went there to live are among the best sources of materials for that period. Among the travellers are Alexander Humboldt, Francisco DePons, and Count Philips de Segur. These men were careful observers and provide the researcher with a wide variety of materials. Agustin Codazzi did a careful geographic study of the country , its people and its natural life. In the twentieth century, especially within the past two decades, the number of scholars in many fields is growing. Several of the histori- ans deserve mention. Enrique Bernardo Ivuffez and Hector larcxa Chuecos, 9 both of whom are historians and archivists, have produced several useful works. iiuTSez, at present the Cron£sta of the city of Caracas, has written many small works which concern Caracas and which are very valuable. He is a careful and diligent researcher. Garcia Chuecos has written several works on Venezuela, but none that pertain specifically to Caracas. These are particularly valuable as background material. Marco Aurelio Vila, a geographer, has written, among numerous others, an excellent geographic study on the valley of Caracas which is a sound work, Eduardo Arcila Farias writes economic history which is carefully documented and well written. His works concern Venezuela and are not limited to Caracas, but he does give consideration to Caracas and its importance in Venezuelan economic history. It is heartening to find a new group of Venezuelan schol- ars whose number is constantly increasing. The fields of Venezuelan his- tory, economics, and the arts have been almost completely neglected by scholars from other countries, so that practically nothing has been written about Venezuela in any language other than Spanish. This is unfortunate for there is a vast store-house of valuable information that has been un- touched. I have read many works for background information which have not been cited • 10 Z real hacienda, Tomo II, folio 1, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 2mk. 3Documents No. 16 and 17, in Hlctor Garcia Chuecas, La canitanla general ae Veneguela (Caracas, 19^5), 55-57 4Ibid. 3 Ibid . , Documentos 17, 18 and 19, 56-59* CHAPTER I THE FOUNDING OF SANTIAGO DE LEON DE CARACAS Site The natural landscape of Santiago de Leon de Caracas has a charm and beauty found in few of the world • s cities. Caracas, as it is called today, is the capital of Venezuela and is nestled in the highland valley of the Quaire River, only six miles inland from the Caribbean Sea. The high, rugged Avila Mountains to the north serve as a dramatic backdrop for the setting of this lovely city. This mountain range, together with the fairly steep mountains to the west, and the scattered, rounded hills to the south emphasize the beauty of the plains which are crossed by numerous clear streams. This setting must have been as pleasing to the founders and the early settlers of the city as it is to its residents and visitors today. The rich colors of the valley of Caracas vary with each hour of the day. The mountains, with their savanna and scrub-forest growth, ap- pear at times to be cloaked in green velvet, and at others, in purple velvet. The bright blue of the sky, with its fleecy white clouds flying high above the city at times, adds to the beauty of color of this valley. At such hours of the day a cheerfulness seems to pervade the city, and adds to the feeling of gay abandon of the visitor to Caracas bent on see- ing every spot of interest. The dark gray rain clouds that descend to form a low roof over the city at other hours of the day during the rainy 11 3 12 season make for a stark beauty that is awe-inspiring. These rain clouds appear so quickly on a bright sunny afternoon, or even on an early mom- ing, in the wet season, and the rain falls in such torrents that the city is shrouded in a dark gray mist. The lighter showers that occur early in the day are usually followed in a short time by sunshine and clear skies. The heavier rains that occur late in the afternoon are usually followed by a heavy , white mist that descends from the mountains and prevents the beauty of a clear sunset, or the brightness of a full moon. While the stark beauty of the dark rainclouds is typical of the rainy season, the clear blue skies and bright sunshine typify the dry season. The city is never without its changes in color. As Governor Pimentel reported in 1585, "There are many changes in the weather, and the sky does not appear the same at any moment in any twelve hour period. T, R. Yoarra^in describing his native Caracas, spoke of the many changes in color, light and shadow in the city. He described the Avila Mountains in the late afternoon as they "lay bathed in strange hues of dappled green, and brownish purple in anticipation of their withdrawal into the blackness of night . He remarked that his grandfather Ybarra, who had spent long hours in contemplation as he watched the mountains , had once said that he had never seen the Avila twice when it appeared the same, and that he did not expect to see it twice the same as long as he lived. Every traveller to Caracas who has written an account of his visit, described the natural beauty of this valley of Caracas. H. J. iiozans, a Canadian who toured Venezuela in the early part of the twenti- eth centry, described the scenery as more awe-inspiring than that of the Fraser River valley in British Columbia. He thrilled at the riot of color 13 in the area and believed that the colors in this valley were far more beautiful than in any other part of the world he had visited. Even one who usually wrote in a derogatory manner of Venezuela, stated in 1368 that ,fthe site of Caracas was one to please an oriental sovereign. "5 In summary after a description of Caracas he wrote that "if it were not for earthquakes, epidemics, insect plagues, triennial revolutions, and bell- ringing, there would be few more desirable locations for a residence."^ The valley of the Guaire, also known as the Caracas valley, a nar- row structural depression in the Avila Mountains, is a rift valley. It is approximately fifteen miles in length from east to west, and from three to four miles wide from north to south. Its elevation is only slightly above 3»000 feet while that of the transverse valleys to the south is somewhat lower. Its line of latitude recorded as 10° 30* 2h" North, in- dicates that it is located not quite 650 miles north of the equator; and its western meridian of longitude is 66° 55* 40" Vest, giving the city the same approximate distance from the meridian of Greenwich as Boston, Massachusetts. There are many transverse valleys to the south of the Guaire, much of whose lands are owned by the Caraquenians who have supplied much of the goods for export. Among those valleys are the Aragua, Caucagua and the larger valley of the Tuy River. Some of these valleys , long used for agriculture, today have modem suburbs of metropolitan Caracas scat- tered over them. These valleys descend from elevations of 3*000 feet on their more northerly limits to 1,500 feet on their southern limits. The Avila Mountains to the north of the city, a northeastward extension of the Andean Cordillera , and a part of the central Highlands 14 rise almost directly from the Caribbean Sea to a height of 6,000 to 9,000 feet, separating Caracas from the seacoast. This high, rugged range ends abruptly at the eastern edge of the city in a double-peaked mountain called La Silla , or the Saddle, which is 8,200 feet above sea level. The hills and mountains to south and west of Caracas have an elevation approxi- mately 4,000 feet. Governor Juan de Pimentel described quite accurately this location of the city of Caracas in his Kelacion p'eoerafia y descrip- cion in 1582: ... that of the location Santiago de Le<5n is a distance of six leagues from Caraballeda by a crooked road. By direct line it is four and one-half leagues. It L Santiago de Le<$nJ is founded in a valley of farmland which is three good leagues in length, and one- half league in width. All this valley, which is called San Francisco, declines in elevation to the south. Between this city and Caraballeda is a mountain. 10 This region of Venezuela, geologically, experienced a period of uplift during the early part of the Tertiary period of the Cenozoic era, followed by orogenic, or folding movements during the Eocene and Oli- gecene periods, according to Dr. Marco Aurelio Vila. 11 This folding resulted in many of the faults and fault scarps which may be observed clearly today. The slipping of these faults is responsible for the numerous seismic movements, or earthquakes, which have occurred in Caracas. The major earthquakes, since the advent of the Spanish into the vallpy of Caracas, occurred on June 11, 1641, and on Ilarch 26, 1812, with many more or less minor ones. The basic rock structure of the area is of granitic and meta- morphic origin, with the valleys overlain by rock strata of sedimentary 12 origin. i'lany of the smaller valleys of the region are entirely flu- vial. The soil is quite fertile, and this has made possible the develop- 15 ment of the agricultural economy of the colonial era. The steep mountain- ous terrain, the heavy rains in the wet season, and the extensive cutting of virgin tree growth have caused serious erosion on the mountain and hill- sides. At present the natural growth on them is savanna and scrub-forest type, with sparse small shrubs replacing the former woodlands that were used for grazing. The Guaire River is the major stream in the narrow Caracas valley, although the city of Caracas depends to a greater extent for its water supply on the Tuy River, which rises southwest of Caracas. The watershed of the Tuy River includes not only the Guaire valley but also the greater valley enclosed by the northern and southern arms of the central Highlands of Venezuela. The Guaire has numerous tributaries, some few being perma- nent ones and a larger number being intermittent. It flows eastward join- ing the Tuy and continues eastward, emptying into the sea some sixty miles east of La Guaira, the seaport. Of these rivers Governor Pimentel wrote: On the tributaries of the Tuy there are many fertile plains to till, although they are uninhabited. There is little else to say for it for it has no estates L estanciasj nor other improve- ments on its banks. Most of it the valley is hilley, except a small area at its source which is quite steep, barren, savanna land. The Guaire River which flows through this valley of San Francisco near this city, as is stated in chapter four, has many cool streams on which the citizens have many farms above and be- low the city. On these they produce much corn, vegetables, plantains, and cotton. Many parts of this valley could be irri- gated .... There are no lakes nor springs in all this province except those formed by the Tuy River with its useless flooding before it enters the sea. ^-3 Climate Caracas, even though located within the tropics, enjoys a more de- lightful climate than might be expected because of its highland elevation. 16 Its climate, described as tierra templada or temperate land, has two seasons, one rainy and one dry. The rainy season is referred to as summer. The influence of the Mediterranean climate in Europe with its rainy winters was felt in the Mew world in these designations. These two seasons, to- gether with the temperature conditions, characterize it as a savanna climate. During the rainy season, from May to November , the daily maxi- 1 mum temperature is 91«^° Fahrenheit. ^ The high humidity in the rainy season may create a sensible temperature that would lead one to assume that the thermometer reading is much higher than it actually is for a short time preceding an afternoon shower. Yet following the rain the thermometer may drop eight to ten degrees while sensible temperature makes one feel that there has been a greater drop. It is the dry season, from December through April, that the na- tives and visitors boast as the most delightful of climates. The daily 1 minimum is 50.92° Fahrenheit. -^ The daily range in temperature of twenty degrees makes this tropical city a quite pleasant one the year-round. The annual rainfall, which is considerably less than might be ex- pected, fluctuates to a surprising extent. The average annual rainfall over a thirty-nine year period was thirty-two inches. 1^ The maximum annu- al rainfall in this same period was forty-eight inches, while the minimum annual rainfall was only eighteen inches. Although July and August are noted for the heaviest rains of the year, and December, January, and February are known as the driest, some rain may fall throughout the year. In a twenty-two year period the minimum number of days per year on which 1 rain occurred was fifty-one, and the maximum number was l69. ^ In a thirty-five year period the heaviest rainfall averaged slightly more than 17 four inches per month from June through September, while the lightest rainfall ranged between three-tenths and one and one-tenth of an inch from January through April. ^ The relative humidity averages 80 per cent for the year, with a minimum average of 23 per cent. Again it is interesting to examine the report of the weather con- ditions as told by Governor Pimentel in his Relaclon . since it is an apt one: Host of Santiago is savanna and has an elevation of one league. Its climate is cool and humid. Heavy rains begin generally by the end of May and continue through December. Two winds blow from opposite directions almost all the year. One blows from the east and one from the west. The east wind blows from 9 or 10 o’- clock in the morning until 3 o’clock in the afternoon. It is, for the most part, clear and warm, except in the rainy season TinviemoJ when there is much rain. This is a light breeze and blows almost constantly during the day. The west wind arises in the afternoon and continues until late in the evening. Two or three hours after this wind arises, a heavy mist or fog occurs, since the west winds come from the high para- mos and valleys that border the western edge of the city a distance of three leagues. It is a wind which is felt keenly by those who are ill, since it is cold and disagreeable. Sometimes there is a southwind and when it blows, rain is certain, for it blows only in the rainy season. The sky in this valley is cloudy much of the time. 20 A tropical rainfall can be extremely heavy; the maximum amount on a given day in the rainy season may be four to seven inches. This writer shall long remember the rainfall on Saturday, August 25* 195&, when seven inches of rain fell between one and five o’clock in the afternoon. Uni- versal reported this as an unusual amount. 21 Streets were flooded and all traffic was halted for awhile with little traffic moving in the city as late as seven o’clock in the evening. Free movement of vehicles was not possible in all parts of the city until about ten o'clock in the evening. Many homes and stores were inundated for a short time. 18 Severe problems are posed by both extremely heavy rainfall on a single day, as well as by long periods of drouth during the expected period of rain. The occasional heavy flooding is difficult to plan for in building streets, buildings and sewers in modern cities, yet it may cost untold loss in property damage and inconvenience. Drouth periods mean depletion of water reservoirs for an increasing population in a city which has had difficulty in supplying water to its inhabitants. During colonial days there was much concern about the water supply and the condition of the streets and streams of water that flowed through the city. Before the beginning of the rainy season the cabildo gave at- tention to the care of the streets and water drainage so that the excess of water of the rainy season could flow without retardation. ^2 in spite of the care taken there were many occasions on which the streets were flooded. Indians There were numerous tribes of Indians in the area that came to be known as the Caracas province. Pimentel listed twelve tribes in his Relacj&i of 1585» but failed to name several which are named by later writers. The exact number of tribes and sub-tribes is not of major importance here; suffice it to say that the major tribe in the Guaire valley at the time of the penetration by the Spanish was the Caracas. They were so named ty the Guarenas because of the type of native plant, el bledo or pigweed, that grew so plentifully in the Guaire valley, accord- oR ing to Pimentel. Pimentel points out the fact that most of the tribes and sub-tribes were named for the plants or trees in the area where they lived 19 Those Indians who called themselves by the name Caracas and who lived in the inter-montane valley of the Guaire River were not the origi- ./ nal inhabitants, according to one authority. 25 The Caracas Indians, who belonged to the Caribes, were strong and aggressive people. On entering the mainland of Venezuela they either decimated the Chibchas, who were the original inhabitants, or forced the greater part of them to leave. The Chibchas were a docile, peaceful people who had enjoyed the fruits of the soil, and no doubt were easily dominated or killed by the more ag- gressive tribes. 2^ The Indians who were in and near the Guaire valley resisted the invasion of the Spanish conquistadores in a remarkable manner. The strong leaders, such as the well-known Guaicaipuro, chief of the Teques, formed a confederation of the neighboring tribes and sub-tribes and ef- fected a highly organized resistance to the white men who attempted en- 2 trance to the valley. / The major confederations were the Teque, the Taramaina, the Arvaea, and the Keregoto. Jhile the major resistance was quelled by the death of Guaicaipuro in 1569, it was not until well into the seventeenth century that the Indians were completely subjugated by the Spanish settlers. 2® The Indians who were in the Guaire Valles'- at the time the white men entered were industrious people and produced mans'- articles for use in peace and in war. They depended on hunting, fishing, farming, and the gathering of wild fruits for their subsistence. 2^ Cacao, tobacco, cotton, agave, sweet manioc, maize, and fruits such as dates, and cactus were the major crops produced. They hunted the anteaters, the deer, the peccary, the hare, and the tapir for food. The fowl hunted were the partridge. 3 ss 20 the parakeet, and the pigeon. The lobster was one of the main fish caught for food. Many of the Indians kept bees. From the many fibrous plants they wove such articles as hammocks, loin cloths, belts, neck strings, rope and many other articles. 3° They also used their skills in the arts of war. Poison was produced for their arrows and for the food and water 1 of their enemies. The men were skilled in the art of making and using the bow and arrow and the club. 32 Pimentel described the training of the shaman, or piache in vivid terms. 33 He reported that the Indians there had no temples of wor- ship but did have prescribed religious practices. The piache he likened to the alfaaui of the Moslems who recited the rules of the Koran. The shaman was required to meet rigid periods of training. At the age of fourteen or fifteen years of age those who were to become piache met for twenty to thirty days during which time they fasted except for partaking of a type of wine made from the maize, potatoes or casava. During the fast they spoke to no one and sang chants to Diablo or the devil, to at- tract his attention to the new disciples. The period was climaxed by a great feast with special foods offered to Diablo . The new piache for- ever after spoke not as persons but as Diablo . It was to the plaches that the people made their requests for rain, good health, the many other blessings, and in return promised good works. The piaches cured the ills of the people by supernatural means and by herbs. The Indians in and near the valley of the Ouaire were inhumane and possessed little piety, according to Pimentel. 3^ He said that they made wars largely to secure the bodies for food. This is counteracted by an- other source which mentions only the Karacapanas near Cumanfi specifically 21 as cannibalistic. 35 Evidently the Indians in the Quaire valley did not practice cannibalism or there would be greater evidence in the records of the Spanish. Pimentel seemed to be awe-struck by the primitive culture of the indigenous peoples he encountered in the Caracas province; and the characteristics which he described and criticised were those to be ex- pected of primitive peoples. Since the white roan had first entered the area, in 1527 Pimentel must have expected the primitive culture of the indigenous people to have been raised to at least a simple civilization, but sixty years is too short a time for this to occur. There were 7,000 to 8,000 Indians in the valley of Caracas and on the coast where Caraballeda was located, and another 4,000 nearby, all of whom had been subjugated by the Spanish by 1585«-^ hany had suc- cumbed to the ravages of war and disease. Such diseases as small-pox, measles, and head colds are mentioned particularly. 3 ? The number of Indians must have been far greater some years prior to the invasion by the white men. These Indians who had been subjugated by 1585 were peace- ful, and obedient to the royal officers and citizens sent out by His Majesty^the King. 3^ Most of them had been divided into encomiendas . Pimentel, in his Relacion mentions that there were twenty encomenderos in Caraballeda and forty in Caracas. 39 Early Attempts to Found the City of Caracas The perseverance of those determined Spanish leaders to establish a town in the Caracas valley between 1555 and 1567 , against strong oppo- sition of the Indian tribes, elicits deep admiration. The legend of El Dorado was always a powerful lure for Spanish colonial officials, as well 22 as for creoles and mestizos. The golden ornaments of the coastal Indians was the first challenge, and later, the findings of gold particles in some of the streams spurred the Spanish on. In the attempts to explore and settle the valley , the major problem was the pacification or sub- jugation of the Indians. Three men made valiant efforts at pacification, subjugation, and settlement in order that the Spanish might claim the valley of the Gualre. These men and the years of their ventures in the valley are: Francisco Fajardo from 1555 to 1561, Juan Rodriguez Suarez in 1561, and Diego Losado in 1567. Attempt of Francisco Fa.iardo Francisco Fajardo, son of a Spanish ariqy officer and a cacica . or daughter of an Indian chieftain from the Isle of Margarita, was the first to attempt to establish a town in the Guaire valley.^ He made two trips from his home on the Isle of Margarita to the province of Caracas before going to the valley of the Guaire. In 1555, on his first trip to tierra forme, as the mainland of Venezuela was called, with three creoles, twenty vassals belonging to his mother, and a large quantity of articles for gifts and for exchange, he was given a most cordial reception by his mother’s uncle, Haiguata . the cacique of one of the coastal tribes.^ After several months of exploration and strengthening the bonds of friend- ship he returned home to the Isle of Margarita to secure more men and sup- plies. On his second trip to the mainland in 1557* accompanied this time by his mother and a goodly number of men, the welcome was even more joyous than before.^2 The Indians honored his mother, Isabel, by giving her a piece of land which was called the valley of Panecilla, on which Francisco 23 Fajardo founded a sroall villa ge which he named El Rosario, and from which he made excursions to plan for reaching the Ouaire valley. The wrath of the Indians was aroused, perhaps because of the ruthlessness of some of Fajardo*s soldiers, and perhaps it was due only to their fear of trickeiy and subjugation by Fajardo. Whatever the reason, the Indians poisoned the head waters of the stream that ran through Rosario, and among the victims who died was Isabel, Fajardo*s mother. ^3 Fajardo, who escaped the fury of the Indians, withdrew his party to Margarita again. In 1559 t Francisco Fajardo returned a third time with 150 men whom he brought from iiargarita ; and his friend, Pablo Collado, governor of the province of Caracas, assigned to him 30 soldiers.^ On this trip to the mainland he founded un hato de ganado or cattle ranch beside a stream in the Guaire valley which he named San Francisco in honor of his patron saint; and he founded a village on the coast which he named El Collado in honor of his friend, Governor Collada.^5 Ho records are available at the present that tell of his actually founding a town in the Guaire valley, but various references are made as to the hato de ganado which he developed, and one even mentions his going to Valencia to buy lu. cattle for it. As indicated by his travelling widely in the area and making these settlements he had at least some measure of success at paci- fication of the Indians. Fajardo was not destined to be the founder of the city which he planned but was doomed to bitter disappointment and trickery, ending in a martyr* s death. In spite of the fact that he sent detailed reports on all his activities and included samples of the gold ore panned from the streams of nearby Los Teques, an Indian village near Caracas, the fear of ^ 24 the governor was aroused concerning the security of the mines. He knew well the desire of every conqueror for gold! This fact, coupled with accusations of the lieutenant .iusticia mayor of Cuman^, Alonso Cabos, against Francisco Fajardo, and the complaints of jealous nobles in El Tocuyo, the governor revoked all authority given to Fajardo, and named one Pedro de Miranda to succeed him.^ The report of Miranda falsely claimed that the mines were vastly more valuable than Fajardo had indi- cated. He accused Fajardo of capital crimes and ordered him to El Tocuyo for trial. Here Fajardo defended himself so well that he was completely absolved of guilt, and although he lost his title of teniente gpbernador . or lieutenant-governor, he was named .iusticia mayor of El Collado. He served the crown well as an official in the town of El Collado for several years before being sent as a leader of some soldiers to defeat Lope de Aguirre, the tyrant from Colombia.^ Later Fajardo was tricked into going to Cumanl on the pretext that his long-time enemy, Alonso Cabos, wanted to make peace with him. Surprisingly enough, this sturdy warrior, Francisco Fajardo,went to Cumanl, only to be taken at midnight and killed by strangling, on the order of Cabos. The report of Pedro de .Miranda on the wealth of the mines in the San Francisco valley whetted the appetite of the Governor of Caracas and made him more determined than ever to subdue the Indians and open the mines. Since no one was available who had the peculiar qualities to pacify the Indians as had Fajardo, Governor Pablo Collado believed that the man he sent must be a trained and experienced warrior. This led him to choose Juan Rodriguez Suarez, who had distinguished himself as a soldier in New Granada, and as one of the founders of Pamplona and Merida. 50 25 Attempts of Juan Rodrfguez Suarez Juan Rodrxguez Suarez faced a serious problem when he attempted to conquer the Indian tribes of the Caracas valley. The major obstacle was the young chieftain Quaicaipuro, the dauntless warrior of the Teques Indians, who was opposed to any intrusion of the Spanish to the area. Suarez won five heroic battles against Quaicaipuro on his way to the val- ley of San Francisco. Thinking that he had broken the power of the Indians, he left his two young sons, some soldiers, and slaves at the ranch that Fajardo had founded and went on to make further explorations. In his absence the Toromaya chieftain, Paramaconi, attacked those at the ranch and only one soldier escaped death. 32 Quaicaipuro, who now had allied with him all the Indian tribes of the area, continued his attacks on Suarez; and in 1561, Suarez was killed in combat with the Indians, on his way to repel Aguirre. 33 He had asked help of the governor who had sent Luis de Narviez with one hundred men. The Meregotos and the Arbacos met Narvaez and his men in combat and destroyed all but three of them, two Spaniards and one Portuguese. 3^ In the meantime the Indians had killed Suarez. Now the valley of San Francisco had no Spanish settlers and both Luis de Narviez and Juan Rodriguez Suirez were dead. Paramaconi and Quaicaipuro still were the most powerful warriors and had practically every Indian chieftain of the mountains, the inner plains, and the coastal area allied on their side. The Indians continued their attacks on the Spanish for sometime after Losado arrived in the valley before they were subjugated. Success of Diego de Losado ' The third attempt to found a city in the valley of the Quaire was 26 authorized by Governor Pedro Ponce de Leon, who arrived in Venezuela in 156^. Lith difficulty, he persuaded Diego de Losado, who had distinguished himself at the founding of El Tocuyo, to undertake the task . 55 Losado, a man of some fifty years accepted but reluctantly, due to his advanced age, perhaps feeling that he had served the crown well and was not anxious to assume such a heavy responsibility. Diego de Losado set out for the Caracas valley with 136 nobladores . or settlers, and a company of others which included soldiers and servants. 56 Among the pobladores . were three sons of Governor Ponce de Leon: don Fran- cisco, don Rodriguez, and don Pedro; a few of the pobladores are reported to have taken their wives and children with them, but only the names of Elvira de Montes, wife of Francisco de Vides and Xn6s de Mendoza, wife of Pedro Alonso Galeas, are found in the account of Enrique Bemardez Jiiffez. 57 On the way to the valley of San Francisco , Losado and his party were at- tacked by Guaiciapuro, but the Spanish won a decided victory even though their losses were heavy. On another occasion the Indians set fire to the forests where Losado* s men were resting, but the Spanish were not forced to retreat nor were they captured by the Indian braves.-*® In the face of grave difficulties, Losado continued his way to the valley of San Francisco to found a town. Although we can be sure of the year, 156? , as the date of the founding of the city, we cannot be sure of the month . 59 Some accounts tell us that it was April and others that it was July. Losado named the city for his own patron saint, Santi- ago, or St. James, and for Governor Ponce de Leon, and indicated that it was in the midst of the Caracas tribes by adding the name Caracas to it. Thus the name was officially Santiago de Le<$n de Caracas. Today only the 2? the Indian portion of the name is used to designate the capital city of Venezuela. The city grew so rapidly for awhile that in 1568 Losado established the city of Juestra SePtora de Caravalleda near the sea coast of Caracas , on the former site of El Collado to take care of the increasing number of people in the area.^ Thus, by the end of the year 1563, there were two thriving towns in the province of Caracas, designated as cities in an Spanish documents, where earlier there had been only two small struggling •pueblos . or villages. Caracas would remain through the years, but Cara- valleda was soon abandoned* and later the port city of La Guaira was es- tablished. On April 1, 1568, Losado called the first session of the cabildo, or town council, the members of which he had named . ^ Losado made the repartimiento of lands and encomiendas of Indians, and the nobladores began to build their homes, which were crude shelters at first, and later more comodious and comfortable wooden buildings with roofs of thatch. Pimentel reported in his Relacion that three or four houses were being built of stone and adobe with tile roofs. ^3 Although the Act of Founding for Caracas was lost, one may readily reconstruct its contents and the scene that occurred on the day of found- ing, for the ceremony was prescribed by precedent and law by 1567.^ Don Diego de Losado, the founder, with his companions, had the responsibility of deciding on the location of the main plaza and the sites of the church and the building for the cabildo. Then the place for the rollo . or pillar of justice, would be marked by a cross of wood. Losado, astride his horse and with banners flying and sword in hand, proclaimed in a loud voice. 28 that on this site was settled "in the name of God and the Xing" a village that would bear the name of Santiago de Leon de Caracas, named for the patron saint of Spain and the Governor of Caracas. He would have vowed that it would be defended against any who might attack. The sign of pos- session would then be made by thrusting the sword into the earth, and all those present would have replied, "Viva el Rey." The Act of Founding would then have been signed by Losado the veedor, and the secretary. The plan of the city of Caracas sent to Spain by Governor Juan de Pimentel with his report to the king in 1585 shows the central plaza with twenty-four blocks arranged around it; the streets run east-west and north-south and surely must have been wide in the cold places and 0 narrow in the warm places. -' The church and other official buildings were located facing the plaza as were the homes of some of the founders. Because the first structures xvere temporary, wooden buildings, they were easily burned. In 159^ when the English pirates Preston and Sumner set fire to the city, it was almost completely destroyed. ^6 There is no proof of who actually built some of the first houses, or whether or not Losado built a house. By the early part of the seventeenth century, buildings were constructed in the usual Spanish style with stucco walls, iron grAllwork on windows, gates of iron, and roofs of red tile around patios of red tile. Many travellers have mentioned the lack of variety in the kinds of houses, and their colors in this city, from its early history down to the last two decades. The Indians continued to plague the residents of Caracas, and in 1569 Losado decided to put an end, once and for all, to the difficulties caused by Guaicaipuro. In order to justify his actions, by due process 29 of law he indicted Guaicaipuro for all his crimes of murder and rebellion, and ordered him to be seized. The Infante Francisco, having been selected alcalde, undertook to cany out the order. With 80 men and under cover of night he went to a place on the plateau where he could direct the ma- neuvers and observe the events, and from there he sent some soldiers and a few faithful Indian guides, to seek out Guaicaipuro. When they finally came to his house, they hoped to surround it and take Guicaipuro captive with little trouble, but they did not take into account the cleverness of the Indians. Guaicaipuro was in a house with twenty-two excellent marks- men with bows and arrows and the sword which he seized at the time of Suarez* death. In addition, the Indians, aroused by the noise and con- fusion of tne incident in the otherwise still night, came to the aid of their chief, brandishing clubs. In the attempt to enter the house to protect Guaicaipuro many of them were killed by the Spanish. Oviedo y Banos says that, "the Spanish became weary of seeing the defense of this barbarian, and so they threw a bomb of fire in the house."6? Guaicai- puro then decided that it would be better to die at the hands of his ene- mies than to die in the flames, so he opened his door, and made a stirring speech, so vividly reconstructed by Humbert: Ah! Spanish cowards! Because valor failed to conquer me, you resort to fire. I am Guaicaipuro whom you seek, and who has no fear of your proud nation, but fortune has put me in the position where courage cannot defend me. Here, take me, kill me, for by my death you will be free of the fear that Guaicaipuro has always caused you. 6® After this he and his twenty-two warriors went out to meet the Spanish and there met their death, demonstrating the bravery and daunt- less spirit of Guaicaipuro to the end . it is thought that he fell on 30 his own sword. This was as bloody and cruel a battle as any that Guaicai- puro had inflicted on the Spanish in the past. It would take another ten years to subdue the Indians in the Guaire valley. There are some who ascribe the honor of founding the city of Caracas to Fajardo, some to Suarez, and others who insist that the honor is due Losado. As early as December, 1567, Governor Ponce de Le<$n, in a letter to the crown, made the statement that Losado "colonized a town of Santiago de Leon de Caracas, with no little honor due me, Ponce de Leon, in such an important undertaking."? 1^ Governor Juan de Pimentel in his Relacion wrote that, "Losado was the pacificator and rebuilder of the two desolated towns, the one named San Francisco, now called Santiago de Le<$n de Caracas; and the other El Collado, now called Nuestro Senora de Cara- valleda, establishing them on their original sites. "?^- Fray Aguado in 1581, described Losado as "the conqueror of the province and the one who rebuilt the towns where they had been earlier. "?^ Oramas gives the credit to Suirez, basing his argument on the fact that there were still Spanish in the Guaire valley when Losado arrived. 73 Each of the three leaders who went into the Guaire valley be- tween 1559 and 1567 deserve an accolade of honor for their contributions, Francisco Fajardo, whom it is agreed founded only a cattle ranch, did secure information about the valley and its inhabitants that was valuable to those who went into the valley later. There is some doubt as to whether Juan Rodriguez Sulrez founded a town, but it is true that whatever type of settlement he did make on or near the hato of Fajardo, the Indians burned it. Great honor is due him for his valiant efforts at pacification and conquest of the Indians. His was a brave attempt and his losses were 31 grievous. It was Diego de Losado who made the definite settlement of Caracas in the midst of the gravest of dangers and difficulties. , 32 -Juan de Pimentel, "Relaci&i geografica y descripcion de la provincia de Caracas y gobemaci6n de Venezuela , “Boletln de la academia Nacipnal de la Ilistoria . Tomo X, No. 39 (Julio-Setiembre de 1927) 231-41. This was a report of the entire area of Venezuela made by Governor Juan de Pimentel between 1572 and 1585. 2 T.R. Ybarra, Young man of Caracas (New York, 1941), 122. 3 Ibid . ^H.J. Mozans, Up. the Orinoco and down the Magdalena (New York, 1910), *«>. ^Edward B. Eastwick, Soqth fa a, Morxcan Republic: with the history, of the .Loan of 1864 (2d ed: London. 1868), 40. Edward Eastwick was an agent of the English Bondholders Associ- ation who was sent to Venezuela to adjust the public debt owing to the Association. Failing in his task, he was harsh in his criticism of the country in parts of his book. 6 Ibid . ?Joseph Luis de Cisneros, DescrJ^y.ljn ^act^e_la.^r,?yincia de Benezuela fsicJ published in 1764 (Madrid, 1912), 57. 8 Preston E. James, Latin American. A geography (New York, 1942), 51. •'Marco Aurelio Vila, Informe de Estacion Meterologica . Mimeo- graphed (Caracas, 1957)* 10 Pimentel, 00. cit . , Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 3, 234. ^Marco Aurelio Vila, Monograffa geografica del val'le de Carr, cos (Caracas, 1947), 24. 12 Ibid. . 14. -^Pimentel, op, cit .. Tomo X, No. 40 (Octubre-Diciembre de 1927), Art. 19, 284. 1 **Vila, Iru'orrae . X l6 17 3 lbid . Ibid. Ibid . lo Fred A. Carlson, Ge v of Latin America (New York, 1952), 309 x 9vila, Informe . 20 Pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 30, 234-35 , 33 21 EI Universal (Caracas), August, 1956, 1-7. 22 A,ct.as del cablldo de Caracas, minutes for May 7, 1613, Torao IV (Caracas, 1951) » 54. And numerous other citations throughout the colo- nial period in the Actas . 2 3pimentel, op. cjt .. Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 1, 231-32; Jos6 Oviedo y BaRos, La „h igtaria .. do la conquista y pool:. cion de Venezuela . First printed in 1723, Reproduccion Facsimilar de la Edici5n Hecha en Caracas en 1824 (New York, 1941), 225-28} and Julian H. Steward (ed.). Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, 1948) , Vol. 4-, 475. 2^Pimentel op, , cit . , Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 1. 232. 2 ^Vila, Monografia geogr^flca . 52. 26Ibid. ^ Handbook of South American .Indians . Vol. 4, 476. 23 0viedo y Baflos, op. cit .. 195. 29 :fandbopk.,.af . ..South American Indians. Vol. 4, 476. 3 2 Ibid . : and Vila, Honograflr. geogr&ica . 54. 3 -Vila, op. cit . 32 roid . 33pimentel, op. cit .. Torao X, No. 39 » Art. 14, 237-38. 34 Ibld. . 239. 35ifagdhook o_f...South American Indians. Vol. 4, 478. 3 ^Pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 5, 235. 37lbid . 3 3 Ibid . . Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 9, 237. 39ibid . ^ Ibid . . Tomo X, No. 39» Art. 2, 232; and Enrique Bernardo Ifuftez jq fundacion de dc Santiago de ieon Caracas (Caracas, 1955) » 6. Pimentel states that Fajardo came to tierra firme the first time in 1558 with nineteen men and his mother, Isabel. ^Luis B. Oraraas, Conqaista,^ colo|ii^ac.ion de los Caracas (Caracas, 1940), 10, 18. The three creoles who accompanied . 34 Fajardo to tierra firme were Juan and Alonso CarreHo, his uncles, and Pedro Fernandez. See Francisco Javier Yanes, Historia de Margarita ———. (Caracas, 1948) , 9. 42 'Ibid . ^3Yanes , op. cit . , 10 44.'Jules Humber, Historia de la Colombie et du Venezuela (Paris, 1921), 46. ^3 ibid . ^Ibid . j Oramas, op. cit .. 19. ^Ndffez, La fundacion . 6; Oramas, op. cit .. 21. ^Humbert, Historia . 46. Ibid . . 50-52. The Margaritans were so angered over the heinous crime of the death of their native son, Francisco Fajardo, that a party of Margaritans was dispatched to the mainland to kill Cabos in the same manner. See Yanes, op. cit .. 10. 3°NiS!Tez, La. fundacion . 6. Juan Rodriguez Suarez, bom in Merida de Extremedura , Spain, went to Colombia as a young man. He was chief of the expedition that founded Pamplona in 1549 and served as an alcalde in that municipality. In July, 1553, he was appointed chief of the expedi- tion which founded Mlrida de las Caballeros. Later he joined his comrade, Diego Garcia de Paredes, who founded the city of Truijillo in 1560. While he was in Truijillo he was recommended to Governor Pablo Coladdo and was appointed to settle the Guaire valley. See Oramas, op. cit .. 22-27 ; and Carraciola Parra Leon, "Juan Rodriguez Suirez," Cronica de Caracas (Junio- Julio, 1951), Nos. 6 y 7, 3^38. op. cit - 51oramas, .. 21 ; and Oviedo y Baflos, op. cit .. 259 62 . 52 lbid . . 24; and Oviedo y BaRos, op. cit .. 264-65. 33 Ibid . . 32} and iftSRez, La fundacion . 6. There is some question as which Indian chief was actually responsible for the death of Suarez. Some say it was Guaicaipuro, and some say Paramaconi. They were both in the area at the time, from the evidence. See Oramas, op. cit .. 28; and Humbert, » 51. ^Ibid . . 7 . 35ibjd . . 8. Very little is known of Diego de Losado since few records have been located that concern him or his family. Some records have been located recently that do tell a little of his background and his descendents. See Jeronimo Martinez Mendoza, "El fundador de Caracas," Cronica de Caracas (Julio-Diciembre de 1957)* Vol. VIII, No. 34, 126-32. 56pimentel, op . cit . . Tomo X, No. 39* Art. 2, 234. 35 ^^UitPfez , La i'undaci&i . 16. ^^Ibid. . 9j and Jules Humbert, Les origenes venezueli&mes (Paris. 1905 ), 53 . 59ibi£., li; Pimentel, op, clt .. Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 2, 234. °°Pimentel, op. cit . olSee Actas del cabildo de Caracas. Tomo I (Caracas, 1943) , Prologue xi. 62 Ibid . °3pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 40, Art. 31, 288. °^See NiSJfez, La fundacion. 15-16, for an excellent description of the founding of a municipality of a town in the New World, in which he assumes the activities in the founding of Caracas. °5pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 40, opposite page 284. ^°.William Eleroy Curtis and others have written that it was Francis Drake who burned the town, but it has been accepted generally that it was not Drake but another English buccaneer, Preston, and his companion, Sumner who did it. See William Eleroy Curtis, Yeaezuela - A land where it is ^.uwa:,s summer (Not York, I896), 39-41} and Oviedo y BaHos, op. cit .. 607- 14. Oviedo y Baflos describes the burning and tells that it is Drake who was responsible for it. ^Oviedo y Baflos, op. cit .. 64. ^Oramas, op. cit.. 14. °9 lbid . 7°0ramas, op. cit .. 40-45. ^Pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 2, 234. ?2 Fray Aguado, Historia de Venezuela . Reprint (Caracas, 1951), 96. Written in 1581 and republished several times. CHAPTER XI THE PEOPLE OF CARACAS Caracas has undergone many changes in recent years, and none more notable than the increp.se in population. All adult Caraquenians will reminisce at any time on the many changes in the city, especially on the growth in size. To a man they will describe the charm of the small city of the past with nostalgia, while in the next moment they will exalt over the large size of the city of today. The fulfillment of the dream of a great and powerful city in this region of tjerra £Lrae « the Caracas valley, was not rapidly nor easily achieved. Indeed this dream did not become a reality until a valuable mineral resource was found, even though the mineral was not the gold or silver so desired by the Spanish colonial officials. The petroleum in the region of Maracaibo , known to the Indians and to the early Spanish settlers, but which was considered of no great consequence by them, was the spring-board of economic activity that has brought wealth to the Venezuelan nation and has been the major factor in the growth of Caracas. From the time of the entrance of the Welsers in 1525* through the struggles of Francisco Fajardo, Juan Rodriguez Sulrez, and Diego ae Losado from 1550 to 1567, it was the lure of gold that en- couraged the settlers to remain in Venezuela, to seek further development of the colony and to found a city in the Quaire valley. The vicious at- tacks of the Caracas Indians, and the epidemics of small pox, measles. 3 6 37 dysentery, and colds all served to halt temporarily attempts at settle- ment from time to time but not to stop them though these hindrances must surely have discouraged the settlers. With the inspiration of visions of affluence and wealth that could be theirs, they continued on in the face of obstacles that would have turned back less hardy souls. Further encouragement was given the vecinos or legal citizens of Caracas when in 1577 Governor Juan de Pimentel moved the capital of the province of Caracas from the hot, coastal town of Coro to Caracas. One can imagine the surge of optimism that must have swept the new capital city. There must have been a noticeable increase in population with the addition of even a few royal provincial officials and the entourage that accompanied them to Caracas. Then there was the added prestige of being a citizen of the capital of the province. The designation of Caracas as the capital city would serve to attract other settlers from within the province as well as from other provinces. The name of Governor Juan de Pimentel may well be recorded with those men of yesteryear honored by Caraquenians for his moving the capital to this delightful highland valley from the low, hot, dry seacoast! Had he not done this, of course, it is certain that another governor would have, and before long. Surely the Spanish colonial officials, accustomed to the cool, Mediterranean climate of Spain, would not long have retained Coro as the seat of govern- ment of a province that possessed such a delightful highland valley as that of Caracas. Growth of Population It is impossible to ascertain, with any reliability, how many people lived in Caracas during the first 200 years of its history. For s 38 one thing, it is often difficult to determine whether a writer referred to the province or the city when speaking of Caracas. Oh the other hand only small segments of the population were reported by some authorities, especially in the early years. Governor Pimentel stated that there were only fourteen of the 136 pobladores . who accompanied Losado to Caracas, . "-L living there in 1582 Four others, he reported, were in Caravalleda, the seaport, at that time. It is assumed that in the fifteen-year period from the founding of the city to 1582 that the majority, if not all, of the remainder of that lusty group had died, either from disease or Indian attacks. The only other reference Pimentel made concerning population was that there were between 7,000 and 8,000 Indians in the province of o Caracas. One can assume that most of these lived in and near the capi- tal city in Caracas valley, since the Indians were in encoraienda . From records of the colonial government in 1580, there were 2,000 people in the city; and by 1696, there were 6,000 Bishop rlartx mentioned the **18,000 souls" in Caracas in 1771.^ According to these figures the growth of population was exceedingly slow until the latter part of the eighteenth century, or almost 200 years after its founding. Indeed, declines in popu- lation were more apt to have occurred instead of increases, due to such disasters as earthquakes and epidemics of disease. The growth continued at a slow pace until well into the present century. 3y the end of the eighteenth century there were several scholars who had travelled or lived in Venezuela for several years and who wrote of their experiences. The excellent accounts of these men who were close observers give us a wealth of information. Each one made an estimate of the population of the capital city. The first of these travellers to write of his experiences in Caracas , ^ 39 was Count Louis Philippe de Segur, from France, who estimated the popu- lation of the capital at 20,000 in 1783.^ Francisco DePons, an agent of b the French government, ascribed 42,000 inhabitants to it in 1302 while Alexander von Humboldt, the German scientist, judged the number of resi- dents as 40,00 in 1800 and 50,00 in 1812. ^ Agustfn Codazzi, the Italian geographer who spent several years in Venezuela, recorded the population at 29,320 residents in 1829 in his Resumen de r:eograf£a de Venezuela . This lower figure given by Codazzi might be accounted for by the decline of population during the wars of independence. As valuable as these ac- counts are, they were, to a great extent, mere observations, and not based on actual enumeration. The official national censuses of a nation are the only sources of information with any degree of reliability on the number of people in Caracas. In the eighty-four years since 1873 » when the first enumeration was made, there have been seven other enumerations, but these have not occurred with any degree of regularity as have the decennial censuses of the United States of America and several other nations. There was a lapse of twenty-nine years between the third census in 1891 and the fourth one in 1920 ; only six years between the fourth in 1920 and the fifth census in 1926; and only five years between the sixth in I93 6 and the seventh census in 1941.° This irregularity of official censuses may not actually consti- tute a severe handicap in a demographic study of Caracas, since the years of enumeration were those in which there was the greatest change in popu- lation. A far greater handicap in the use of the census data is the omission of basic data such as age by categories, occupation, and birth and death rates. Another difficulty for the researcher is that much of ^ 40 the data for some censuses was never published, so that its use is limited. In 1956, the only data published which was available in 1950 was that concerning the Federal District and that of the state of Anzoategui. 10 The national censuses show the slow growth of the population of Caracas to 1926, and the extremely rapid growth after that year. The first census in 1873 s®t the population of the ten original parishes of 11 Caracas at 48,897 residents. The second census of 1881 recorded a small gain. There was an increase of 7,741 persons or 1,105 per year between 11 the censuses of 1873 and 1881. In the ten years between the second census in 1881 and the third census of 1891 there was a net increase of 1 16,791 persons, or 1,679 persons per year. ^ These increases, small as they are, are emphasized by the still smaller gain in the twenty-nine year period from 1891 to 1920, when there was an increase of only 19,783 persons, or 682 persons per year . This small increase is in striking contrast to that of the six year period from 1920 to 1926, when there was the larger increase of 43,041 persons, or 7173*5 persons per year. 1^ since 1926 the annual in- crease has spiraled upward so rapidly that Caracas is now listed among the larger capital cities of the world. From 1926 to 1936 there was a net increase of 68,804 persons or 6,880.4 persons per year; 11 and in the five year period from 193 6 to 1941 there was a gain of 55,683 persons, or 11,137 per year.-*-? The greatest annual increases in population were found between the last two censuses of 1941 and 1950. between these two 1® censuses there was an increase of 226,034 persons or 25,111 per year. Thus, from 1941 to 1950 there was an increase of 109 per cent; and from 41 1920, when the extremely heavy gain began, to 1950 there was an increase of 536 per cent. The recent increases in population in Caracas are enormous for any city, even in the present period of rapid urban growth in all parts of the world. Caracas is one of three cities in Latin America which has either doubled, or almost doubled, its population in the last decade. It is true that the increase in the population during the first two hundred years was small indeed, and only slightly more rapid from then until after 1925 » but the actual growth since that date has been phenomenal. This rapid growth, attributed to the petroleum development and the attendant government " policy of "sembrar el petroleo , or “sow- ing the petroleum," has occurred only in the last four decades of its nearly four hundred years of existence. Metropolitan Area Caracas, a relatively small city until well into the twentieth century, is one of the fastest growing cities in the western hemisphere. Its rate of growth , which has spiraled upward so rapidly in recent years, is one of the highest in the world. The population has spread beyond the official boundaries of the city, and even outside the Federal District. The people living in the newly-developed areas, even though they are out- side the official boundary of the city proper, should be included with the population of the city of Caracas if census data is to be of the greatest value, and since the new suburbs are not incorporated towns. Census data is highly important to the planning of programs of public services and means for careful enumeration of the total urban population of an area is 42 essential. This was made possible on October 13 , 1950, when the national government issued an official decree designating, for the first time for any city in Venezuela, the metropolitan area for the city of Caracas so that it might be used in compiling data from the National Census of 1950, which was made on November 26 of that year. 20 The population data for 1950 used in this study will include the metropolitan area, and not just that of the city of Caracas proper, unless otherwise stated. The metropolitan area, by decree of December 3, 1950, included the ten parishes of the Departamento Libertador which have long consti- tuted the geographical and political area of the capital of Venezuela; and, in addition, includes the new suburbs to the south, west, and east that have been developed for the expanding urban population. 2^ These new suburbs include four parishes in the Deoartamento Libertador of the Federal District and five municinios in Distrito Sucre in the state of Miranda. Geographically, these are the only directions in which it is possible for the population to expand. The high and rugged Avila Moun- tains form the northern limits of the city, and mountains limit the western boundary of the city, leaving only a part of each of four addi- tional parishes in the southern part of the Federal District that can be utilized for urban settlement. The only other directions in which ex- pansion can take place are to the south and to the east, where the scat- tered hills are not very steep nor high, and the plains are broad. The Importance of the designation of the metropolitan area of this great city is indicated in the census data for 1950. The ten original urban parishes had only 495,064 inhabitants in that year, while in the new metropolitan area there were 693,896 persons. There were 73,125 persons 43 in the municipios of the state of Miranda , which were included in the metropolitan area, and 125,707 persons in the Departamento Libertador . making a total of 198,832 persons outside the ten original parishes of 2**' Caracas who live in a contiguous area. These people call themselves Caraquenians , and certainly they depend upon the city of Caracas for their livelihood and for many services. The designation of a metropolitan area was met with a strong op- 2 position, especially from the Mirandans. ^ They were fearful that the government might use this as a first step in setting up a new political boundary for the capital city. This would have deprived the state of Miranda of income and of territory in the municipios named as part of the metropolitan area. No state in any Latin American nation, nor any other nation, is willing to lose territory, and especially when it means a heavy financial loss. Another complaint made was that the other municipios of Miranda deserved the same improvements made by the Federal government as those included in the metropolitan area. The opposition displayed indicates the lack of understanding of what was meant by the decree, and also indicates the very slow growth of Venezuelan cities, since this was the first time that a need had arisen for designating a metropolitan area for a city. Such designations ordi- narily are readily accepted, since people tend to take great pride in claiming a large population for their major cities. Venezuelans are suc- cumbing to the lure of numbers, and announce with pride the great popu- lation increases of metropolitan Caracas. The metropolitan area of Caracas had an estimated population of 1,320,000 persons in July, 1956, in contrast to 693,896 set by the census ' ^ 44 cu in 1950. The Census bureau had predicted only 1,402,000 for the area for i960, so whether the later prediction of 2,664,000 for 1970 will be too small or too large remains to be seen . Racial and National Origins After the Indians were finally subdued and became a part of the Spanish colonial scene, the majority were assimilated, and Caracas has long been described as a mestizo city. To be sure, there are families who proudly trace none save white ancestry; in some families there are only a few mestizos or Indian members; and there are other families which are predominantly mestizo . Negroes were taken into Venezuela as slaves in the colonial period, although never in very large numbers. There has been some assimilation of the Negro population, but no specific data is available to indicate to what extent. In Caracas one may judge that there has been a good deal of fusion of the Negro race with the mestizo . The census data in Venezuela does not differentiate between races, except for an estimate on scattered groups of pure Indians. There are no full-blooded Indians in the Federal District according to the more recent census data, and only a very small number in the nation.*'® Venezuelans comprise the heavy majority of the population in Caracas, as has been true for most of her history, but in recent years an increasing number of foreigners have migrated there, as well as to other areas of the nation. With the development of the petroleum indus- try, and the location of the home offices of the oil companies in Caracas, a sizeable white population has been attracted from the United States and from England and Holland. After the Spanish Civil War many Spanish Re- publicans arrived, and other Spaniards who wish to seek a new life 3 45 elsewhere. Following World War II the Venezuelan government approved the immigration of numerous displaced Europeans, a goodly number of whom set- tled in Caracas. In 1941 one out of every twenty-one residents was a foreigner, or 4.6 per cent of the population was foreign-bom, while in one 1950 out of every seven persons, or 13.6 per cent was foreign. 29 In 1955 the proportion had increased to approximately one in every five, or comprised 19.7 per cent of the population. 3° The largest number of foreign-bom residents in the metropolitan area of Caracas in 1950 was from Spain, the second largest was from Italy, and the third 1 largest was from Portugal. The estimate for 1955 showed a larger number of residents from each country than was true in 1950, but no change in the place occupied. The United States was in fifth place in the number of foreign-bom residents in Caracas in 1955.32 The largest number of citizens from the United States are located in the oil-producing areas. Of the 11,539 citizens of the United States listed as residents in Venezuela 2 in 1950 , 3»9 W were in Caracas, and of the 12,948 in Venezuela in 1955* 4,532 were in Caracas. 33 Population Characteristics Ag£ Caracas has a youthful population. In 1950 there were 235,664 children under 15 years of age which was 33.9 per cent of the total popu- lation.-^ This is in comparison to the nation as a whole in which the children under 15 years of age represent 41.9 per cent of the population. 33 The difference between the proportion of the population under fifteen years of age in Caracas and in Venezuela is typical of the usual population pat- tern. In the urban areas of the United States 24.7 per cent of the 46 population was under fifteen in 1950 while the proportion for the nation 3 as a whole was 26.7 per cent. ^ The proportion under fifteen years of age for the city of New Orleans, Louisiana, a city which has approximately tne same population as the metropolitan area of Caracas, was the same as for the urban area of the United States. 37 Caracas has a high proportion of its population in the dependent ages in comparison to those in the producing ages. The high proportion of young people under fifteen, added to the proportion over sixty-five years of age, gives a ratio of 62.4 dependents for each 100 producers in OQ 1950. This is lower than for Venezuela as a whole which has 36.6 de- pendents per 100 producers. 39 The ratio for the metropolitan area of Caracas is higher than for the total population of the United States which had 46.6 dependents per 100 producers in 1950, and is higher than the ratio for the urban population which had 36.9 dependents per 100 producers in 1950. ^ This data indicates that Caracas does not follow the usual pattern for urban areas, since it has such a high proportion of dependents, although the relationship between the ratios for the urban area of Caracas and the urban national population is typical of the usual pattern of popu- lation. Sex There were 3^7*016 males and 3^6,800 females in metropolitan Caracas according to the census for 1950. ^ This sex ratio of 100. 03 males to 100 females is unusual for an urban area, in which a far lower ratio of males is the more usual occurrence. Interestingly enough, in Caracas males predominate at all ages except for those of age ten through 47 nineteen years, and those over age seventy-five. It is not until age seventy-five that there is a preponderance of females over males, and then the ratio jumps to 2.56 females for each male or 38 males per 100 females. The over-all equal proportion of the sexes in this large metro- politan area is the result of several factors. First, the tremendous buil ding program in Caracas with its heavy labor demands has been the de- termining factor in the heavy migration of males from within the nation. Second, the enormous migration of females from within the nation were lured to the capital by the high level of economic activity. Third, im- migration from abroad, which has been encouraged recently, has brought a large number of males. Among the 30^*305 residents of Caracas who had migrated from with- in "V enezuela the ratio was 83.1 males per 100 females, while among the 94,419 residents who had been born outside the nation, the rate was 224 4*5 males per 100 females. As is usually true the preponderance of immi- grants from foreign nations is male, while the internal migration is usu- ally weighted in favor of females. A heavy internal migration of males occurs only when some large-scale economic activity attracts them, as it has in Caracas. Fertility The determination of the rate of reproduction in a city is highly important, for information about fertility and mortality sire necessary to the planning of programs of public health, child care, education, and eco- nomic development. The first essential in estimating the rate of natural increase in population is the information on the rate of reproduction. 48 This must then be related to the facts on mortality and migration, since cities increase only by immigration and natural increase. The rate of reproduction may be determined by two indices: the birth rate and the fertility ratio. Church records have usually been the best source of in- formation in Catholic nations and yet they are not as valuable in Venez- uela as in some other Latin American nations since birth rites are not as important there. It has not been the custom to baptize children until they were at least a year old. Many Venezuelans will say that this custom developed in those years when so few children lived to be a year old. This attests to the high infant mortality in earlier years. The later age for the baptism of children may reflect also the extent of legitimizing of natural children. iiie birth rate, which has been the only determinant for the rate of reproduction until recently, is the number of births per 1000 of the population. In 1941 this was 35.3 for Caracas, and 1950 was 33.8.^ For Venezuela the birth rate in 1941 was 33.3 per 1000 and 36.2 in 1950.^ These are extraordinarily high rates of reproduction. The birth rate in 1950 for New Orleans, Louisiana was 22.1, and 24.2 for urban America.^ There are several problems concerning registration of births in Caracas that do not permit accurate accounting. First, there are many births unattended by a physician or midwife. These may be births of legiti- mate children whose parents follow traditions which do not permit a male physician to minister to a woman, especially at the birth of her child. On the other hand a majority of the illegitimate births are unattended; especially is this true of the extremely poor and uneducated. 49 The midwives are untrained and unlicensed, and yet they ply their trade, leaving in their wake infections, pain, and even death. Another problem is the negligence in the registration of births •which are attended by physicians. According to a report of the Census Bureau, there were only 15,396 births registered for the year 1950 in the Federal District, but births in that year were still being reported in 1955.^ In 1951, 6,500 births for 1950 were registered; in 1952* there were 800 more; in 1953* 422 more; in 1954, and 1955, 300 more. These to- taled with the 15,896 actually recorded in 1950, accounted for 24,918 kQ births for that year but it took five years to secure the data.^ One may be reasonably certain that even then all births were not recorded. The fertility ratio ,which relates the number of females, aged 15 has to 44 inclusive , to the number of children under five years of age, been developed the last fifty years, and used to advantage in demo- graphic studies. It may lose in importance in areas where infant mor- tality is high, but even so it is still valuable as a measure of what T. Lynn Smith refers to as "effective fertility, or the reproduction that is not liquidated during the first few years of life."49 in Caracas the number of children under five years of age per 100 women in the age group 15 to 44 inclusive was 53 lor 1950, compared to the national ratio for Venezuela which was 79.5.^° Both of these are high fertility ratios. The ratio for 1950 for the Federal District of Brazil was 36 . 3. For com- parison, the fertility ratio for Mew Orleans, Louisiana, in 1940 was 44.2 and for the urban areas of the United States was 44.^ Whether the birth rate or the fertility ratio is considered, it is evident that many babies are bom each year in Caracas, and if the registration of births were more , 50 accurate , the number would be far higher, l-iortality Mortality rates are as difficult to obtain as are birth rates. The same negligence in registration holds for deaths as for births. One can only make use of the available data. In 1950 there were 6,29^- deaths or a death rate of 8.67 per 1000 inhabitants . 53 This is lower than that for the nation as a whole which had a death rate for an ages in 1950 of 10.9 per 1000 persons.^ The fall in the death rate in Caracas from 1936 to 1950 has been significant. It was 18.6 per 1000 inhabitants in 1920 and fell to 8.6 for 1950.*^ The fall in the death rate for the nation as a whole has almost kept pace with that of Caracas. In 1936 it was 17. 9 per 1000 inhabitants and in 1950 it was 10.9 per 1000. -56 These decreases in death rates for Caracas and for Venezuela are due to several factors. Scientific knowledge of preventive and creative medicine and knowledge of nutrition have been invaluable. Caraquenians as is true of the people of most Latin American nations, are medicine conscious, and the majority will take any medicine available to them. Their awareness of the powers and benefits of antibiotics is attested to by the sales of street peddlers of thermometers, hypodermic syringes, and antibiotics, without licensing the sale of the latter. It is hoped that such widespread use of the "miracle medicines" are really proving more valuable in the control of infectious diseases than they may be doing harm with such indiscriminate use. Improved nutrition has been a determining factor in the decreased death rates. Information relative to nutrition has been spread by private 51 and by governmental agencies. School lunch rooms established in 1945, and milk served free to needy children beginning in 1953, have been in- valuable in improving the health of many people and in teaching the im- portance of better dietary habits. Of even greater importance, perhaps, has been the improvement in housing for a large segment of the lower socio-economic group, with modem sanitation and water facilities. All these factors, along with increased wages and salaries for the working people, which make it possible to procure the means to better health for infants and adults, cannot be depreciated in the decreased mortality, -marital Status Caraquenians do not marry as early as do the people of the United States. Not until age 25 are Caraquenians living in the married state in large numbers. In 1950 there were only 20,201 persons married by age 24, with 15,241 of these being females and only 4,960 being males. 57 onjy 24 females of this number were younger than 15 years of age. There were 63,050 single males and 49,369 single females in the age group 15 to 24.58 Carriage is not shunned by Caraquenians, but neither are formal ties of marriage held necessary by a sizeable number of inhabitants. By age 24 in 1950 there were 12,077 persons living with a mate without formal marriage rites being performed, and by age 29 this number had increased to 23,503 persons. 59 The largest number of the 24,643 males of all ages having shunned formal marriage, but not living in the single state, were in the ages of 25 to 39, in which there were 14,817 males; of the 23,580 females not formally married and not living in the single state, the largest number were in the ages 20 to 29, in which there were 12,858 fe- males. There were 53,212 persons over the age of 15 years, or 7*37 per 52 cent of the total populations, having shunned the formal ties of marriage but not living in the single state, while 23.9 per cent are legally mar- ried. 61 Carried women in Caracas can expect to be widows at an earlier age than in the United States. By age 59 "the number of widows equals the number 62 of married women in Caracas. In the United States it is age 69 before this 63 is true and in Brazil it is age 6I. In 1950 of the 3.7 per cent for the total population bereft of one mate, in Caracas 3*2 per cent are women. 64 Divorce does not figure large in the lives of the inhabitants of Caracas, but it is more prevalent than in some other Catholic nations. The 1950 census set the total number of divorced persons at 4,723 with 3,181 of these being women. By far the largest number listed as di- vorced were in the age group 45 to 59, with the women in the majority. At every age the number of divorced women exceeds the number of divorced men by at least two to one, indicating the rate of re-marriage of the men. From the above trends, it may be concluded that the high birth rate or the high fertility rate may be expected to drop. A lowered birth rate should be off set by a lowered mortality rate for both infants and adults, with the advances of modern sciences in health and nutrition. Thus the natural rate of increase, the number of births over deaths, should continue to be high. Internal migration to Caracas may well be expected to decrease as other areas of Venezuela initiate industrial and agricultural programs, but this decrease may well be off set by a con- tinued foreign immigration , 53 Pimentel, op. cit .. Tomo X, No. 39, Art. 9, 237. 2m. OS V * Konte Sa ^P®rio > La. poblacifo del area metropolitans de_Caraca£. -f ^ 5^ v (Caracas, 1956), 4-5. Separada de Cuadernos de infomac:*ci(5n econoaica . ( Caracas (Noviembre-Diciembre, 1956) , and (Enero-Febrero 1957 ). +ibid. °sm- ^ t!,e si teyrq fiy:aa, „„ « ar . .y. pynw *» yi Africa during 1801. iao2. 1301. and 13* (..ew York, 130b), Vol. 3, 84; and Alejandro Humbold y A. Bonpland, Vi^je a lgs, reKipnes egulnoccjales del naevo continente (Caracas, 1942), Vol. XX, 3H» Agus C azzi » Besuraen de geograf£a de Venezuela (Caracas, . ~ XSrrO/ ^ ^ ?J } lOIUO U| 336# ^Montesino Samperio, op. cit .. 1950, Cuadro I, 56. ^An excellent summary has been published since then. See Octavo cejigg_p,en.eral de poblacion. Tomo XII, Parte A, Resumen general de la repaeliea (Caracas, 1957). Hereinafter referred p-arje-ren to as Resumen r 1950 • 11 Primer_ censo de la republics: 1373 . Primera parte (Caracas, , % 1874), 13. 12 e g. JX^do .censo de la republics: 1381 . Primera parte (Caracas, 1881), U9. ^ Xbid .; and Tercer censo de la republics: 1891. Tomo I (Caracas 1891), 41. and Saaftfl, qert? o de la reylblica: 1920, in Boletin del ^ xaisterio ae romento (Caracas), Tomo II, Numeros I and II (1920), and XII (1921). and kUln,to. censo naclonal £2J&§. e^tados unidoa? de Venezuela: 1926 . Tomo I (Caracas, 1926), 12-16 . *** Segb censo de poblacion. 1936. Tomo II, Resumen general, (Caracas, 1938), 7. ^j^id.; and s4ptjma censo nacional de poblacion. 1941 (Caracas, 1945-1947), Tomo III, 7. l3 lhid.; and Octavo censo de poblacion. 1950 (Caracas, 1957), Tomo XII, Resumen general de la poblacion . Cuadro 4, 6. The Bureau of the Census in Venezuela is well organized and its officers are making every . 54 attempt to improve the methods of census-taking and the compilation of data* It is to be deplored that Venezuela did not follow very closely the form agreed on by the nations in the Western Hemisphere for the Census of the Americas in 1950. There are numerous problems related to census-taking for which the Census Bureau is not responsible. For instance, the present problem of inefficient and delayed reporting of births and deaths is not going to be resolved without some legal and social changes. 19 The other two are Bogota, Colombia; and SSo Paulo, Brazil. See Montesino Samperio, op. cit .. 6l. 20 Decreto Numero 647 de la Junta Militar de Gobiemo de los Estados Unidos de Venezuela, Gaceta Oficial (19 de Octubre de 1950), Numero 23 , 357 . 21 22 M^m Art. 1. Ibld. 23 P.ctayp, censa general de poblaci6n. 1950 Tomo XU, Parte A, dg.sumen general de la Republics . Cuadro 4. 6 . 24 Ibid. •^in various interviews the writer was apprised of the opposition to the governmental decree designating the metropolitan area for Caracas; and see Montesino Samperio, op. cit .. 4-5. qer.sjfll ae e^tadistica aglgtfo y censos nacionales . Caracas (oetiembre de 1956 ) , 32; and Octavo censo general de poblacion. 19^0 . Kesumen general . Tomo XII, Cuadro 4, 6 . ‘^Montesino Samperio, op. cit .. 6 . 2 AnJiaria. eyfeadjgtlca de Venezuela. 1961 (Caracas, 1954), 30. 29 Montesino Samperio, op, cit .. Cuadro XXV, 82. 30 Ibid. 31 Octavo censo general de poblaci&i. 1950 . Poblaci6n urbana y rural y lugar de nacimiento (Caracas, 1955 ), 118-22. 2 3 Montesino Samperio, op. cit .. Cuadro XXV, 82. 33 ibid .. Cuadro XIV, 69 ; and Cuadro XXV, 82. 3^egumen general. I960. Cuadro 67b, 215 35 lbld . , Cuadro 65 , 207. 36 Seventeenth . decennial. census of population. 1950 . Summary of population . Vol. II, part 1 (Washington, D.C., 1952), Table 97 , 173 . ^ . 55 dgc , census of the population. 1960 . Charac- teristics of the population. Vol. II, Part 18, Louisiana (Washington, D.C., 1952), Table 10, 23. 3 Resumen general , 1950, Cuadro 67b, 215. 39 ibid . . Cuadro 71, 246. ^ Seventeenth^de_cennial census. 1950. Suaraary of population . Vol. II, Part 1 (.Washington, 1952), Table 97, 173. ^ Resumen general . 1950, Cuadro, 67b, 215. 42 lbld . ^Montesino Samperio, on. clt .. Cuadro, XXI, 76. ^Resumen general. 1950, Cuadro 67b, 215. ^5 Ibid. . Cuadro 15, 58. 46 £eveaik.eeAth, .decennial census of the population. 1950 . Charac- teristics of the population . Vol. II, Part 18, Louisiana, Table 10, 23; and Suraaary of population. Vol. II, Part 1, Table 97, 173. ^hontesino Samperio, op. cit 19-20. . , ^Ibid. ^.Lynn Smith, -ragil. people and institutions (Baton Rouge, 1954) , 188. 50p.esutqen general. 1950, Cuadro 67b, 215. 51smith, op. cit .. 192. 2 " Sey^teenth decennial census of the population. 1950. Sumaarar of the ..population. Vol. II, Part 1, Table 97, 193. -^ Demographic year book. 1955 . Population Censuses (New York, 1955), Table 12, 402; and Table 25, 655. ^Hontesino Samperio, op. cit .. Cuadro VIII, 63. 55 ibid . ; and Demographic year book. 1955 . Table 25, 655. 5 57 6Ibid . ReSumen general . 1950, Cuadro 67b, 215. 58 59 60 61 62 Ibid . M. Ibid . Told . °3 Smith, opA . Cit. , 175. ^ Resumen general . 1950, Cuadro 67b, 215 ^5ibid. Figure 2. The Conee.io Municipal Building 56 / CHAPTER III THE COLONIAL CABILDO OF CARACAS Early Development The municipal corporation of Caracas, more usually called the caoildo in the Spanish colonies, is an excellent example of the opera- 1 tion of local government in a frontier colony . In Caracas it enjoyed the distinction of having secured and maintained a greater degree of autonomy throughout the colonial period than did most of the Spanish colonial municipalities, at the same time that it had imposed on it many regulations in common with all colonial towns. Although the ca- bildo was the institution on the lowest rung of the ladder of hierarchy in Spanish colonial government, it did not lack importance . As in other municipalities, this was the one institution in which the creoles could serve, and it was the only colonial institution which was allowed any degree of local autonomy. With Caracas allowed more autonomy than the majority of colonial municipalities, and with this power exerted with zeal and aggressiveness by the capitulares . or councilman, the cabildo 2 vras truly an important institution . The municipality of the Spanish colonies, which was quite similar to the Roman civltas . or city-states, was a natural type of settlement pattern. ^ The structure of the municipality consisted of an urban area centered around a major plaza with its adjacent agricultural lands. It ha rt been strengthened in Spain by the necessity of concentration of the 57 58 Spanish during the long years of struggle against the Moors. The value of a cluster pattern of settlement had been proven in wars, in the ease of trade, and in mutual benefit to such an extent that it was quite natu- rally transferred to the Uew nrla. With so large a portion of the co- lonial area devoted to agricultural production this was an ideal pattern. The larger geographical area included in the rural and urban areas, under one governmental body, encompassed a larger population than if the rural area had been separated, and this gave broader powers to the cabildo . or town council. An interesting aspect of Spanish colonization was that munici- palities in the New World, in general, were granted greater autonomy than were those of the mother country, especially during the fifteenth and six- teenth centuries. This was the early period of Spanish conquest and colo- nization which was undertaken with extreme zeal by the Spanish monarchs. The towns of Castille and Aragon, recipients of the privilege of local autonomy in their early history, an inheritance of the Middle Ages when the rise of towns was highly important in all European nations, had lost a great portion of their independence by the time of the New World con- quests. As a result, the citizens, desirous of more local political power, rebelled against the crown, as is evidenced by the Coamunero Re- U volts of Castille in 1520-1521. These incidents indicated to the crown the fact that too autocratic rule was not acceptable to local citizens, and while the Castillian cities did not gain the privileges they desired, their revolts, no doubt, did temper the attitude of Spanish royalty toward colonial town autonomy. The desire of the Spanish monarchs for colonial expansion was so intense that a far more liberal policy was allowed to the 59 first colonial municipalities founded in the New .orId than to those of the Peninsula. Fernando and Isabel were alerted to the fact that too stringent regulations on citizens in their local political unit could serve only to discourage colonization. This Spain was not willing to risk at any price. The greater local independence which was permitted New World mu- nicipalities by Spain in the early period of colonial expansion does not imply the existence of democracy, not by any stretch of the imagination. Neither the selection of the officials nor the manner of operation of the cabildo was democratic. The cabildo of Caracas, as in most all other colonial municipalities, was a self-perpetuating body, with the outgoing officials selecting their successors. On the other hand as we shall see, this body of local representatives in Caracas was allowed more freedom in the selection of its officials, and more privileges than were some of the Spanish colonial towns. These municipalities of the New World, which were allowed greater autonomy at the time of conquest than were the Iberian towns, very early lost almost all their independence. The crown encroached more and more on the rights and privileges granted to all colonial municipalities until little power was left them by the eighteenth century. A serious loss of power occurred when the sale of offices was inaugurated. In addition, the towns were limited in economic and political matters by the vast booy of legislation passed by the Council of the Indies. Royal policy had evolved to the point that uniformity in the town plan and in all details of organization was minutely prescribed by the organi time Caracas was founded in 1567. The physical plan and political » . 6o zation of the municipality of Caracas was similar to that of other Spanish colonial municipalities , an evidence that there was extreme uni- formity among the New World municipalities by the end of the sixteenth century. Indeed, almost every phase of municipal life was regulated by the crown by the time that Caracas was founded. Emperor Carlos V had been largely responsible for the development of a strict regulatory poli- cy regarding the founding, the plan, and the organization of colonial municipalities during the sixteenth century.^ The enormous number of decrees issued by him directly, or through him by the Council of the Indies and added to those already in existence, imposed rigid uniformity in plan and organization of Spanish municipalities in the New World This regulatory policy concerning colonial municipalities was tightened during the reign of Felipe II, who followed the pattern es- tablished by his father. The "Royal Edict of 1573 M or the "Royal Ordinances of 1573 » Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns" and which overlooked no aspect of municipal organization, is indicative of the absolutist policy of Felipe II, not only in regard to urban settlement, but to every phase of political authority.^ The Royal Edict contained the most pertinent of existing legislation and precedents which had been followed in the founding of towns, in addition to much new legislation, all based on the most careful town planning to that time. The Edict was prepared in consultation with a host of specialists, which accounts for its inclusion of requirements regarding location, health, economic ma tters, and political powers. Felipe II continued to strengthen royal power over municipalities in the New World throughout his reign, as did the monarchs who followed him. The larger and more important colonial 61 municipalities which had never enjoyed the degree of autonomy allowed to the smaller and less important ones, soon came to have no independence at all. By the eighteenth century even the less important municipalities were victims of the encroaching regulatory policy of the mother country, with little freedom allowed to them. Caracas, a municipality in a fron- tier province, while a victim of this strict policy of the crown did re- ceive some special privileges, and maintained whatever autonomy was allowed with great diligence. Caracas enjoyed a distinction in the size of its cabildo. , or council, from the time of its founding. The privileges of two alcaldes there were only four ordinarios . or major-justices , was allowed , although number of regiaorea to six regldores . or councilmen, for many years. The was raised to eight in 1594 when the sale of offices was inaugurated, but Caracas was not given the status of sufragen, or diocesan seat, which the number allowed it eight reaidores . until 1634.? This irregularity in of councilmen was accounted for, no doubt, in the Act of Founding Caracas, for this document usually designated the status of a municipality and ordinarily this deterroined the number of officials in the cabildo . unless otherwise stated. Unfortunately the Act of Founding of Caracas has never been located, A metropolitan city, designated as a ciudad . had two alcaldes town, had two nwiinari ns and twelve regidores ; a diocesan, or sufragen a pueblo , or small village, alcaldes ordinarios . and eight regidores ; and according to the Laws of had one alcalde ordinario and four regidores , officials, defies the Indies.® Caracas, with its irregular number of to the conclusion that it must these regular classifications. This leads 62 have been given a special privilege of tiro alcaldes ordinarios in its Act of Founding. Officers of the Cabildo Duties of Officers The most important officials in the cabildo were the alcaldes ordinarios. Their position was superior to the rercidores . or council- men, and all other officials; and in the cabildo they were succeeded in importance only by the governor or his lieutenant who presided over that body. The alcaldes . limited to two by law, were known as the alcaldes of the first, and second vote. 9 They presided at fiestas and .juntas , or cabildos abiertos . and assumed any responsibilities of the cabildo that required personal ad- ministration in the civil or military government. The alcal ris of first vote was charged with presiding over the sessions of the cabildo in the absence of the governor and the lieutenant governor; otherwise the were not to sit with the reaidores "except where custom may have intro- duced to the contrary . In Caracas custom had "introduced to the con- trary ," for on numerous occasions the two alcaldes are found present in the cabildo chamber with the governor and the lieutenant governor when the re^idores met. The alcaldes not only met with the reg:idores in Caracas, but voted with them on January 1 in the selection of officials for the new year until 159^ > although it ’was not legal. On June 15, 1594 an ordi- nance was passed in the cabildo which provided that since there were now reeidores oerpetuoa . the alcaldes ordinarios would not sit with the 63 regidores except on the absence of the governor or lieutenent governor, and that henceforward the alcaldes would act only in the capacity of justices. 11 This ordinance seems to have been adherred to for in numerous absence of years on January 1, the two alcaldes were present only on the the governor and the lieutenant governor. On occasions the law was vio- lated still further by the alcaldes voting with the regidores. For ex- ample, on January 1, 1606, the two alcaldes were present and voted in 12 the elections of the new officials. judicial of- The chief function of the alcaldes , by law, was as ficers. ^ As in other colonies, one alcalde handled civil cases and the the other, criminal cases. The judicial power of the alcalde derived from Castilian Town of the Middle ages; and the type of cases to be tried were prescribed by law. 1^ The sentences of the alcaldes could be appealed to the cabildo and from the cabildo to the auaiencja .^ Selection The first members of the cabildo were appointed by Diego de Losado, the founder, as was the custom, and they met in session for the first tine 1^ cabildo met regu- on April 8, 1568. After that year the members of the larly on or near January 1 each year to elect by viva voce, or open nomi- nations, their successors, since the term of office was for one year, 1 '' in subject to the approval of the governor. This privilege was limited salable. 1^ The refldores 159d when the offices of the regidores became 1 _ and also se- continued to select the alcaldes ordinarios after that date, de la heriaan- lected several other officials. Among these were the alcaldes fiel ejecutor, or inspector d§d, or justices of the agricultural areas; the executors oi the de difuntes , or of trade and business; the .iuea de bienes, 64 estates of the deceased; and the procurador general , or municipal attorney. A period of three years was required to intervene between holding the office of alcalde . and two years for the office of regidor . according 1 to law. ^ In a twenty-year period only once was it ignored and that was in 1624 when Alonso Felix de Aguiliar was re-elected alcalde after having served in I623. 20 There were times when the cabildo of Caracas disregarded the law, but the governor, who had to approve the elections, could with- hold approval until the provisions of the law were met. This was the case on January 1, 1590, when Governor Diego de Osario 0*1 refused to approve the election of an alcalde . He maintained that the election was illegal since the required period had not elapsed between the last post held and the one to which the alcalde had been elected. Not only was it illegal, but as he pointed out, a continuation of this practice would prohibit many worthy noble citizens from serving in the 22 cabildo. Again on January 1, 1790, Governor Guillelmi refused to approve the election of an alcalde because the proper interval of time had not been observed. 23 The cabildo protested and the entire body was angered at the Governor for his interference in the free operations of its activi- ties. The regidores remained in session for fourteen hours, finally electing another alcalde after the Governor had threatened the cabildo with a fine of 300 pesos. The session was closed at twelve-thirty at night. If they thought their troubles were over, they must have been sorely vexed when they learned the next morning that the governor had re- fused to approve the second nominee for lack of a residencia of a former office held for the elected alcalde . 65 In the late afternoon of the second day, one Antonio Mata was ap- proved as alcalde . The Governor assured the cabildo that he had not based his earlier decisions on whims but on laws. Despite the assurance of the governor, the protests of the cabildo reached Felipe V, who, According to Bayle, acknowledged that laws were often interpreted loosely. 2^' After the elections were held, the results were carefully tallied and inscribed in the minute books, the ceremony of the oath of office was held as soon after the election as possible, usually the day following the elections. This was an impressive ceremony, with the outgoing of- ficials placing their varas . the symbols of authority, on a table in the front of the council chamber, which were then delivered to the new offi- cers as they swore to a faithful performance of duty. 2^ Rotation in office was customary procedure in the council, as was multiple office-holding. According to the minute books of the cabildo . a resddor of one year might become an alcalde the following year, or vice versa, prior to 159^ • As more offices were sold, there were fewer oppor- tunities available for rotation. Multiple office-holding was limited after 1609. On January 20 of that year an ordinance was passed which pro- 26 vided that no regidor could be named as alcalde ordinario . A royal cedula sent to Caracas stated that no member of the cabildo who had re- sponsibility for one major office could hold any other office. 2? If an official in the above categories accepted a second office, he had to re- sign one of them within two months. This did not preclude regidores from serving as fieles ejecutors, or inspector of weights and measures, and of the trade and business; and a .iuez de bienes de difuntes , or executor of estates of the deceased. These and other posts, which were remunerated 3 66 either in annual salary or in fees, were highly desired. The requirements for office-holding were similar to those in other municipalities. The alcaldes and regjdores could not be selected among those who dealt in contracts of goods in the cities where they served nor could thqy be shopkeepers or tavern operators; and they were requested to be of good repute.^0 In addition the alcaldes were required to be able to read and write. No one indebted to the king could be chosen as a councilor, but this was not always adherred to in Caracas, according to Bayle.^9 To rectify this all cablldantes were required to present a statement issued by the officials of the Real Hacienda on January 1 each year to the effect that their accounts were paid in full. This was evaded also, for the king issued another cedula which ordered that a list of debtors be taken to the cabildo on December of each year by the offi- cials of the real hacienda, so that there would be no questions as to the financial status of those to be selected as officers of the cabildo. 30 The alf6rez real , or royal herald , who was also the standard bearer, came to be the most highly desired office in the cabildo of Caracas, as in other Spanish colonial towns. He had the best and most prominent seat in all ceremonies, and as standard bearer led all pro- cessions in which the cabildo participated. Diego de los &£os presented first time a title for the office of alflrez real on 2-Iay 27 , 159^, the 1 the office had been sold by the crown in Caracas. He paid 1000 ducats, valued at eleven reales each, for the office, and his title for life gave him the best seat in the cabildo and the same prerogatives, including the same salary, as the councilmen. notary, was a position The position of escrlbano . or secretary and 67 2 of importance and heavy responsibility This officer vras charged with keeping the minutes of the council, which he was under oath not to di- vulge. The minutes served as records of property ownership; as records for prices of goods and limits of taxation; and a complete record of all activities of the town council. 33 several royal officials of the province also sat in on the sessions of the cabilclo . The governor, lieutenant governor, or captain general could serve as presiding officer of the cabildo. In the absence of these, the alcaides could preside on January Hacienda 1, when the new officers were chosen. The officials of the Real , or Royal Treasury, of the province could sit in the sessions of the cab- the other lido . although there are many instances when they did not. On hand there are many instances when the governor, lieutenant, and at least one alcalde sat with the cabildo in its sessions, although it was spe- 3^ cifically prohibited by law. There were two separate municipal offices of nrocurador general. The nrocurador general . or attorney of the cabildo . presented a variety of problems and requests for consideration by the town council, but the nrocurador did not have the right to vote in the cabildo . There was, in at addition, a nrocurador general . or minister plenipotentiary, selected irregular intervals to represent the municipality at court in Spain. Sometimes he was sent for a specific period of time, but more often was sent with specific requests without regard to the length of time needed in Spain to present the case, or cases, for the municipality and to se- cure the request, or requests. Caracas utilized to the fullest the privilege of direct contact or ministers with the court of Spain through nrocurador generales, ^ 68 plenipotentiary. Procuradors were sent for specific purposes and were maintained at court over an extended period. These advocates were charged with a wide variety of requests ranging from special privileges for the governor of the province or the alcaldes ordinarios of the city to in- sistence on two ships of register each year from Spain, to the use of perals as money to a contribution from the royal treasury for building a hospital, to relief from tax payments. Procuradores were sent to the audiencia with less important problems, and sometimes the audiencia was appealed to prior to sending a nrocurador to Spain. The first nrocurador sent to Spain was Simon de Bolivar, the first of the illustrious Bolivar family ever to enter Venezuela. He was serv- ing as contador . or royal treasurer of the province, at the time he was chosen nrocurador general to Spain. He was chosen by an assembly of representatives from the cities of the province on December 6, 1539. The seven towns represented were Caracas, Carora, Barquisimeto , El Tocuyo, liaracaiba, San Sebastian, and Valencia. The royal agent who struck terror among the citizens in Caracas was the .iuez de comision who was sent by the audiencia to conduct special investigations. The members of the cabildo were often at his mercy, as were the rest of the citizens. The audiencia must have availed itself of every oportunity to send a :iuez de comision to Caracas, and the penalties must have been heavy. Among the "Itens" that Simon de Bolivar took to Spain on his trip as the first nrocurador general was a request that the 36 anrHpmtvia of Santo Domingo not be allowed to send .iueoes to Venezuela. September This request was granted by a decree issued in San Lorenzo on ^ 69 1591 which specified that .iueces de collision not be sent to the Kooernacion of Venezuela except in the most serious of cases. The residencies . or trials of royal officials at the end of their office, were often conducted by members of the cabildo . Yihile some of these were long drawn out affairs, they seemed to have caused less furor in Caracas than in some provinces. The councilman were ready to assume their responsibilities and were proud of their offices. When the ,iuez de resideneia of Margarita tried to extend his authority to Caracas in 1600, on the death of Governor Antonio Gonzalez, who was rumored to have left such a large estate, the cabildo appealed to the audiencia .-^ The ruling of that body was that Caracas was not under the authority of the ,iuez de resideneia of Margarita, and forbade him to go to Caracas to preside as ,1uez de bienes de defuntos and as ,iuez de resideneia of a large estate, for which he would be well remunerated. Salaries It may be assumed that neither the mayor-justices nor the council- men were paid a salary for their services prior to 159^» for no statement concerning salary appears in the minutes of the cabildo to that time. The seven regjdores who on June 15, 159^ » had presented titles to offices they had bought from the crown, made a request on July 5* 159^ » that their salaries be paid as provided by the provisions of the sale of office. 39 The sum of eight ducados does not seem to be a large enough sum to demand so soon after induction into office for which each councilman had paid that the 250 ducados . but, the governor allowed this salary and asked 0 cabildo pay it.** There may well have been numerous instances when salaries of town 70 officials were not paid, for in many years money was scarce in Caracas and the income of the cabildo was embarrassingly meager. At such a time there was difficulty in meeting the more urgent needs of tne town. Since the conciliar members were of the landed aristocracy which produced the valuable agricultural goods, and since office-holding was a signal honor for the creoles as it was in other municipalities, a few demands may have been made for salary. The problem of salary for the procuradores who went to Spain was acute at times since Caracas did not often have the large sums necessary to support a minister at Court. Sim<5n de Bolivar was to be paid seventy reales of silver valued at thirty-four maravedis for each day, holidays included, for two years. This was a large sum, but he gained many 1 .iiercedes . or privileges for Caracas.^ In January, 1593 » there was con- cern over the payment of the salary of Esteban Adarce de Santander who was in Spain. 212 It was agreed finally that he could be paid part of his salary in hides and flour, which were to be sent in the galeons to Spain. In December, 1593 » Francisco del Castillo volunteered to act as procurador general without salary since he was going to Spain; and his offer was ac- cepted.^ On May 4, 1590, the cabildo recalled Licenciado Pedro de Liano, 2 who had been in Spain for five months as procurador . ^ The memorial sent to the king stated that since the province and the municipality was poor, and since Liano, in company with an alguacil . had been given excessive salary, they must be recalled. » s 71 Rights and Duties of the Cabildo of Caracas The fiflhi lrin of Caracas developed unique local characteristics while it possessed general functions that were common to the majority of colonial municipalities. Caracas received numerous special concessions from the crown which added to its distinction from other -Jew World muni- cipalities. These local powers, ordinary and extra-ordinary, known col- to lectively as a fuero . were not issued as a single charter by the crown colonial municipalities, as had been customary in Castille and Aragon prior to the period of conquest and colonization . ^ The fuero in the hew World was a "loose aggregation of laws" derived from several sources. These included: the privileges extended to the founder of the town; the rights and duties stated in the Act of Founding; those decrees pertaining to the local government of all colonial towns issued by the crown or by the Council of the Indies with the approval of the crown; and the special 1'''7 concessions granted by the crown to the municipalities from time to time. The cabildo of Caracas, as in other colonial towns, exercised fairly extensive power in the rights and duties common to all cabildo . Its duties included the maintainance of the jail and roads; the in- spection of hospitals; the supervision of local market supplies and the regulation of prices for the protection of the populace; the levying of a militia for defense prior to 1777, when Spain provided for a permanent militia in the colonies; providing an adequate water supply; and the pro- vision of a local police to maintain order in the town. Another duty and that posed enormous problems was the provision of port facilities were the levy- protection for the port. Among the rights of the cabildo the granting of ing of local taxes; the issuance of building permits; 72 land to citizens; the conferring of legal citizenship on request of those desiring it and having met the qualifications; direct contact with the auaiencia and the court of Spain; the calling of cabildo abierto » or an assembly of citizens; and the induction of local and provincial officials into office. The councilmen displayed a sincerity to duty and a consider- ation for their fellow citizens by the manner in which they conducted the affairs of the town throughout the colonial period. There were the re- curring calamities, the epidemics of disease, especially small-pox that took heavy toll of life; and earthquakes that created havoc among the people and wrought much damage. Problem^ All these and many other problems were the responsibility of the cabildo . The patience of the councilmen must have been severely tried with the almost constant recurrence of many of these problems. In addi- tion, finances, as has been stated, were unstable, and often the treasury was empty. Famine . —Food supplies were often scarce in the extreme. Some of the famines were due to infestations of locusts; some to the caprices of weather; and some were due, in part, to the sale of maiz or corn, and trigo, or wheat, to the contrabandists, who bought up such commodities to sell to other colonial towns. When maiz or trigo were in short supply the cabildo earnestly endeavored to remedy the situation. In 1613 the lack of food became acute during the small-pox epidemic, which added to 0 the seriousness of the situation/’” The crops, of necessity, were cur- tailed that year, and the following year, due to the heavy toll from 73 sinall-pox . The cabildo passed an ordinance that prohibited the taking of any raaiz or trigo out of Caracas even at night, after a census was taken to ascertain the available quantity in the city indicated a very short supply. A regjdor was sent to Cumana to buy 3»000 fanegas of com, which were paid for by the cabildo in sugar, sarsaparilla and hides. y In 1619 during another scarcity of harina » the cabildo again ordered a survey to determine the amount needed for seed and the amount needed for food. -5° Such inventories were necessary before the cabildo could ascertain whether any available quantities for sale outside the city should be bought. There are many instances of food shortages throughout the colonial period. Lack of Goods .--Another problem that often arose was the lack of goods from Spain. While this problem was one familiar to other munici- palities, it was acute in Caracas on several occasions. Spain seemed to be neglectful of supplying the province of Venezuela with necessities such as clothing, salt, wine and oil for the Holy Communion. The minutes of the council of Caracas are full of complaints about the lack of ships from the flota or galeon , and ships of register. Numerous were the re- quests to the cabildo that Spain be urged to send goods by the flota, or occasions galeon , or by ships of register. There were requests on many for Venezuelans to be allowed to take a ship from Venezuela to Spain to secure goods. In 1603* when the city needed goods so acutely and it had been three years since a ship of register had put in at the port of La Guaira, a request was made to the cabildo for permission for Francisco Desque to take a ship to Spain to secure goods. ^ This is one of several such requests, indicating the few ships from Spain. The lack of supplies 74 from the mother country continued through the years and was an important factor in the establishment of the monopoly trading corporation, the Caracas Compary. Even this Company was not able to solve this problem desired goods, adequately , and on many occasions the city was without throughout the colonial period. Water Supply . - -The water supply in Caracas was, and is today, a serious problem. From the first years the torrential rains caused the drainage ditches to clog during the rainy season. These had to be cleared and new ones often had to be dug. One who has visited Caracas today can easily imagine the situation following a flash flood prior to the advent of modern drainage system. The minutes of the cabildo are filled with discussions pertaining to the water supply. To store a supply of water and to see that it was properly piped to and from the storage supply was a serious problem. On April 9, 1600, the alcaldes were ordered to see to the provision of water. A place for storage was to be prepared and a repartlmiento - or allocation was to be made so that no water would be wasted. On March 26, 1607, a new ca.ia or area for water had to be made and the water was to be distributed in the fine cuadras the city had built earlier. The cost was to be prorated among the citizens since the city had no oropios .-^ On September 10, 1612, ISanuel Alvarez was named as fllp-uAcil del agua of acequias . or supervisor of water and drainage ditches, with a salary of three-hundred reales a year, which would be paid by a repartimiento among the citizens.-^ He was charged to see that the persons cleaned and repaired their own acequias and kept them in good condition. Diseases. —Disease was a major problem despite the fact that ^ 75 Caracas was a highland city in a tropical area. Small-pox was the most devastating of diseases, but there were other diseases such as typhoid, yellow fever and malaria. Loss in private and public income, loss of life, the ensuing short supply of laborers, and the disruption of affairs economically and politically, were among the more grievous losses re- sulting from the small-pox epidemics. The cabildo shouldered its responsi- bilities when such epidemics occured. Since isolation of the ill was the only known control of the epidemic, every precaution was taken to isolate the victims to prevent the spread of the disease. An area outside the city was set aside for those who were ill and it was placed under guard. severe epidemics occurred, the During 1614-1615 , when one of the more cabildo provided for the salary of a doctor and a nurse. ^ Doctor Manuel de Roche and the nurse, Anna Haro, were employed at this time . The salaries were provided for by the levying of a special tax on meat which was sold in the markets on Saturdays and Tuesdays. A cabildo abiertp was called and it was agreed that a tax should be levied but "only for the 7 duration of said illness, and for no longer."*'^ Small-pox continued to scourge the land every few years wreaking its havoc until after the intro- duction of the small-pox vaccine. On its perfection the government ordered the vaccination of the populace. posed seri- Earthquakes . —Earthquakes wrought their destruction and founding ous problems for Caracas. The first heavy earthquake after the Fire, of the city was in 1641, and it destroyed most of the buildings. build- which ensued, completed the destruction of the city, with its many 8 the city was ings of wood with thatch roofs.^ It was some time before rebuild homes, restored to some semblance of order. It took time to 76 churches and other buildings. The earthquake of 1812 was another severe one, and its impact on the independence movement is well-known.-^ There have been many lesser quakes that have wrought destruction but none have been so severe as these two. Port Facilities . —Provision of port facilities for Caracas was a difficult problem, and aid from the crown was forthcoming only on request, and that was often meager and insufficient. It is surprising that Spain did not more readily assist in the building of harbor facilities, and a fort, especially in an area abounding in corsairs. There was a natural harbor on the coast of the Caracas province which made it easy to provide port facilities, but the building and maintenance of a fort was a problem; and it must be remembered that there was no established town at the port during the early part of the colonial period. During the first years in the history of the city of Caracas the little town of Caravellada was lo- cated near the harbor and the present site of La Guaira. It disappeared 60 by 1585 in retaliation to Governor Rojas. The area was not populated again until Diego Osorio who served as governor in 1589 to 1597 founded La Guaira in 1589 . In between the disappearance of the pueblo , or town, of Caravalleda and the founding of the town, La Guaira, port facilities had to be maintained, and a fort was needed to protect it from enemy at- tack. In 1601 the councilmen began discussion of plans for a fort at La Guaira. Such heavy expense was involved that it was necessary to ask aid of the king. In July, 1603, Simon de Bolivar, Real Contactor, or treasurer, and Nicolas de PeHalosa, a regidor, presented to the cabildo, for approval, 62 of a memorial to send to the king. In it a request was made for the use war, plus 1500 ducats a year, which had been allotted for prevention of 77 the accumulation of royal fines for ten years to pay for the expense of building a fort at La Guaira. The expenses of some artillery and six artillerymen, six soldiers and a chief were paid from the Camaras, but this was not enough protection. Twelve additional soldiers and two ar- tillerymen were needed and a request was made for their expenses to be paid from the Camaras . The caoildo of Caracas asked the privilege of appointing the alcaide . or chief of the fort, and a request teas made also for additional equipment because the artillery was of such light iron, and not sufficient for protection from enemies. In 1605 the cannons of short-range type, which had been secured were covered with rust and often when shot the soldiers were killed.^4. Artillery and cannons of bronze to be sent by the galeones from ilargarita were ordered by the governor. This was an urgent situation since ships had been seen in the port of La Guaira. The fort was more often than not in need of repairs. Roads .—The building and maintenance of a road from Caracas to the seaport was another never-ceasing problem. The old Indian trail was used for a time, but it became eroded with its many sharp curves and steep grades throughout most of its length after each heavy rain so that it was often impassable. For instance in 1603 it was decided in the cabilao that a new road, partially by a new route, must be opened. °5 The cost of the road was divided as equally as possible among the vecinos , or citi- legal citizens, and moradores . or the residents who were not legal zens. The encomenderos supplied the Indians as laborers, while the other citizens paid the expenses either by contributions of money or food. In November, 1603 after the rainy season was over, the road was reported in bad condition and was in need of repairs.^ This was repeated in January, 78 1605 when repairs had to be made to open the road again. ^7 These situ- ations are reported over and over again until the modem highway was con- structed recently. Municipal Finances The cabildo had several sources of revenue such as the leasing of land and other properties, the levying of taxes, and the collection of fines. The administration of the bienes municipales . or nroolos « which included land and other properties, provided the cabildo with roost of the money for its maintenance. The sums provided by the prooios were never large and there was no money in the municipal treasury on numerous oc- casions. The administration of the bienes comunales . or communal lands, and the bienes municipales . or propios . comprised a major responsibility of the cabildo . The cabildo of Caracas administered the bienes communales , or communal lands with care to see that they were not utilized for the benefit of just a few citizens. Vihen Tomas de Aponte requested a particu- lar one and one-half fanep;ados of land in February, 1601, his request was denied since the land was in the eiido . or commons. Infringement by the citizens on the e.iidos was a source of difficulty and had to be wa watched with care. In 1607 the cabildo was apprised of a serious infringe- ment on the e.iido by several citizens, and a committee of an alcalde and a regidor . was appointed to survey the land in the vicinity of the e.iido and to report back to the cabildo . Those who were illegally using land of the e.iido were to be fined, and any land of the bienes municipales used without legal right was to be sold or leased. This action provided 79 money for the municipal treasury, and also protected both the bienes comunales and the bienes municipales . In 1600 the procurador for the city asked that an estancia . or farm land, owned by Diego Alonso be re- leased since it was needed to increase the e.iidos y pastos , or commons and pastures. The granting of solares . or lots, and cuadras . or a block of four lots, was a major duty of the cabildo in the early history of the city. The sons and other close relatives of the pobladores . or first settlers, took precedence in the allocation of land, and were required to pay little or no money. Francisco Infante, a son of one of the pobladores who ac- companied Losado to Caracas, appeared before the cabildo on October 20, 1 1600, to make a request of twenty fanegados of land.? He reported that he had taken care of four sisters, three brothers, and his mother for ten years, and had provided dowries for those who were married and still had one sister at home. He said that he did not have enough land to keep the Indians he possessed in encomiendo busy, and that if he had some additional land he could provide some goods needed by the city. He was granted the twenty fanegados for a perpetual tribute of twenty pesos of gold each 72 year.' In comparison, Hartln de Games, who was not a poblador . was granted three fanerados for a perpetual tribute of ten pesos annually Captain Garcia Gonzalez de Silva, one of the early pobladores of Caracas and a man who distinguished himself as a conaui stador of the valley of the Quaire, was granted a cuadro of four lots, with one lot to be used for a mill, and no tribute was to be paid. 7^ Those who were granted a solar or a cuadro were required to live on the land or to build a house on it with- streets. in one year, and were required, also, to take care of the adjacent 30 The right to use the water of the numerous streams, which flowed down the hills and through the city for the operation of mills of various sorts, was secured by a special grant of the cabildo /5 Payments on the solares and cuadras were often delinquent. This was a source of friction especially when the salaries of the officers of the cabildo were in arrears. The escribano . Domingo de Santa liarla , in 1600 urged the cabildo to order the several citizens who owed for land i to make their payments to the town treasury, since his salazy was two years past due, and there was no money in the treasury/^ In 1621 Pablo 7 de Ponte, escribano . reported that his salary was past due/* There are other instances when landowners were delinquent and the city was without propios. The levying of taxes was another source of income for the munici- pality. Each negro slave introduced into the colony was taxed one peso of gold/' Goods that were imported were taxed one-third of their value and the goods were required to be displayed to the official in charge within nine days of importation /^ This was evaded as often as honored ( apparently, and the shopkeepers were warned. Shopkeepers sometimes showed their goods and proclaimed the third, but sometimes failed to pay it. In 1604, a warning was issued to shopkeepers to manifest their goods in nine days or pay a fine/0 Levies were made on the transportation of goods from La Guaira to Caracas as well as on the goods sold. A levy was made of five reales for each jug of wine transported from La Guaira to Caracas, with four reales going to the meleteer and one to the cabildo . Each carga of clothing was taxed one tomxn. The concession of shops, taverns and slaughter houses was another . ° i . 81 source of income. The cabildo decided to limit the number of shops to four in 1603» since there were so many that the proprietors could not make enough profit to pay the rent and taxes due the municipal treasury. 33 The slaughter houses were a source of special income, with levies made for particular purposes as in I6l4-l6l5 when money was needed to provide a doctor and a nurse during the epidemic of small-pox, as has been men- ak tionea. In 1603 a proposal was made and approved by the cabildo to pave three streets at one tarda or two varas long and one vara wide This was opposed as being too expensive when the people had so little money. VJhen income was not sufficient to meet the requirements of the municipality, a levy, or a repartimiento . among the citizens could be made, departimientos were made in Caracas quite often for the repair of roads, which was a never-ending problem in Caracas with its rolling lands Q/ and heavy rains. The road to Aragua needed repair in l602.° This was an important road for the Aragua valley produced many goods for export. Captain Garcia Gonzalez de Silva, an alcalde , and .artoloml Masabel, a - rerdaor . were charged with the responsibility of making the repart miento among the encomenderas for the repair of the road. 3 In Janu- ary, 1603, the road to La Guaira was in serious condition and the city 33 would provide had no proplos . It was proposed that the encomenderos moradores the oeonlas . or Indians as laborers, and the other citizens and , or residents without legal citizenship, would pay the necessary sum of money for the overseer and other expenses involved in the repair. ’9 The proposal was accepted and a reportiaiento of 100 pesos of gold was made. On April 19, 1605, another repartimiento was necessary for the sustenance ^ , 82 of the Indian laborers.9° Fines were levied against the jailer in 1604. The cabildo levied a fine of one-half peso for each time the al^nacil y alcaide . or jailer kept them waiting at the door of the conce.io building on the day the sessions were held. 9^- To be sure the caoildo was attempting to impress the jailer with the importance of the councilors rather than to collect funds for the treasury. Indeed if the jailer had kept the councilors waiting again, he would not have been retained to pay the fine, no doubt. This is one of several incidents which demonstrate the determination of the cabildo to assure that everyone was made aware of the importance of the position of its members. Unusual Privileges of the Cabildo o.^.-14e .AlcaMes.to ^vern WefiSS ii i The cabildo of Caracas very early became a powerful body, its alcaldes eventually assuming, by royal permission, the responsibilities of the office of the governor in cases of vacancy. The trend toward this unusual authority began in 1557 » ten years before the founding of Caracas, when Governor Arias de Villacinda in his will ordered the alcaldes ordinarios of the cities of Venezuela to assume the duties of 2 the governor on his death until the arrival of a new governor. In 1560, in proeuratorial assembly in the city of Barquiesimeto, Sancho Briceno, a native Trujilloan, was chosen as orocurador to the Court of Spain to secure royal approval of the proposal made by Villacinda.^ A royal c4dula was issued by Felipe II in Toledo on December 8, 15^0 authorizing the alcaldes ordinarios in each city in Venezuela, on the death of the governor, to assume his powers until the new governor was named. ^ The audiencia interferred with the cddula by continuing to name interim governors, as it had been privileged to do prior to the cedula of I56Q. The members of the cabildos had become so incensed over the action of the audiencia on the numerous occasions of vacancies in the office of governor that when the Governor and Captain General Fran- cisco Davila OrejiSn Gaston died on September 13, 1674, the alcaldes in the various towns assumed the authority in their jurisdictions .95 on January 1, 1675 the annual elections were held and the new alcaldes of Caracas assumed the interim authority, not only of Caracas, but of the entire province, supervising the alcaldes in the other towns. 9^ On February 10, 1675 » the Bishop don Fray Antonio Gonzalez de Acuna, wrote the king asking permission for the alcaldes of the towns to continue to govern the territory under their local jurisdiction with the alcaldes of Caracas to supervise them. 9? The reasons given by the Bishop were re- counted in the cldula of April 2, 1676 : Whereas don Fray Antonio Gonzalez de Acarta , Bishop of the Cathedral of Caracas in the Province of Venezuela has given an account of the death of the Ilaestre de Campo don Francisco Davila and . . . that the alcaldes ordinarios are governing. He says it is necessary that they the alcaldes of Caracas have the super- vision of the entire district since they are subjects of high character. The other cities are, for the most part, small towns and in cartas aldeas , and the alcaldes in some are mulatoes, others there are no capitulares . Whereupon some serious diffi- culties have occurred during this vacancy in the cities because the alcaldes ordinarios were considered as almost absolute in authority. For the above reasons he says it would be advisable to order that the alcaldes ordinarios of Caracas have super- vision in political and military matters over the alcaldes in the other towns, and that the audiencia of Canto Domingo not send an interim governor. In regard to the vacancies in the parishes of Sebastian, the Bishop shall post Nirgua , Guanaguanare, and San an edict in the city of Caracas to secure applications of indi- viduals to present to the alcaldes of Caracas in order that they s 84 may name them in conformity with the Royal Patronage. The permission granted by the cedula for the alcaldes of Caracas to exer- cise absolute authority in political and military matters in the entire province was expressed as follows: I declare that, in those cases where there may be a vacancy in the office of Governor in the Province of Caracas either by death or some other unfortunate event, that the audiencia of Santo Domingo not name an interim governor. The alcaldes of the city of Caracas may exercise absolute authority in political and military matters in all the province as they exercise it in their city, and the alcaldes of the other towns shall obey them. Further- more, I declare that in such cases of vacancy the right of Royal Patronage shall reside with the said alcaldes of Caracas in order that persons may be presented to them for approval. The president of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo ignored the cedula of April 2, 1676, and named as interim governor, Juan de Padilla y Guardiola, who was at the time an oidor . or judge in the same audiencia . When Padilla appeared before the cabildo of Caracas in June, 1676, to present title to the office, the nrocurador general recommended that Padilla not be received 1 as interim governor. ^® The cedula of 1560 and 1676, which have been men- tioned, as well as the one of 1673, were cited as sufficient reason for refusing to accept Padilla as interim governor. Another oidor of the same audiencia, who was in Caracas at the time, on route to Cuman^, attempted to force the cabildo to accept Padilla, but the councilmen remained ada- l01 mant in their stand. The cabildo was so determined to exert its prerogative that it don ^oan named a procurador general to the court of Spain, in the person of confirmation by the king of the cedulas de Arrechederra , to obtain further province to the issued earlier delegating authority of interim rule of the 102 to the king alcaldes. Arrechederra was given 3»°0° pesos to present 35 when he made his request for confirmation of the special privileges 10 granted to the alcaldes of Caracas. ^ The king concurred in the re- quest and in a new cedula issued on September 18, I676, decreed that the audiencia not name interim governors for the province of Caracas, and that Juan De Padilla not be admitted as governor. The crown recog- nized the right of media anata as having been satisfied by the cabildo with its payment to the Koyal Treasury of 3,000 silver pesos, valued at * eight reales each. 10 1 An interesting aftermath of this episode was that the oidor Padilla had an attorney to institute proceedings against the alcaldes of Caracas, so keenly had he felt the rebuff by the cabildo . The charges were preposterous. The suit asked for 6,000 pesos for the damages caused by Padilla. The attorney alleged that the alcaldes not only refused to give Padilla possession of the office of governor, but provoked the people to riots during which time the people tried to kill Padilla, and would have, had he not ceased his efforts to gain approval for his of- fice. The attorney alleged further that the alcaldes of Caracas, recog- nizing "the seriousness of their crim^' 1 offered Padilla 16,000 pesos if 10 he would not report to the audiencia the events that occurred. ^ Records do not reveal the final disposition of this case, but evidently no .iuez de comision was sent and no fines levied against the members of the minutes the cabildo . for some record of those would appear either in of the cabildo or in other records. No doubt the case was rjol pressed, and no penalties were levied. This whole event was an attempt on the part of Padilla to appease the hurt caused him by being rebuffed by the cabildo of Caracas and by having to defend himself and the audiencia . 86 before the Council of the Indies and the court of Spain. There was al- ways the possibility that he might be able to clear his name and show the members of the cabildo of Caracas as ruthless, unprincipaled indi- viduals. This was not the turn it took, for certainly the alcaldes has followed legal procedure most carefully, if vociferously, and they had royal confirmation for their retions. It was the audiencia that had erred, not once, but on numerous occasions. This was just once too often to suit the cabildo of Caracas. In 1694 another occasion presented it- self in which the cabildo could exert its prerogative when the governor, Diego Bartoloml Bravo de Anaya, was making his regular visits to other 10 towns in the province. ^ This was considered by the councilmen as a vacancy in the office of governor, and another opportunity for the alcaldes to assume the total authority in the absence of the governor. The cedula of September 18, 1676, had stated that the alcaldes were to assume authority **when the office of governor was vacant by death or by other misfortune 1,10 ^ Thus this time the cabildo did not receive confir- mation, but instead, a new cedula was dispatched on August 26, 1694, by 10 Carlos II. ® It decreed that the absence of the governor from Caracas to attend to official duties in the province was not an occasion for the exertion of provincial powers by the alcaldes conceded by other cedulas .~°^ Another instance when the alcaldes exerted their privilege was when Governor don Bicolas Eugenio de Ponte resigned his office due to 110 illness. When he left Caracas to report to the audiencia of Santo Domingo, and to resign officially, he left the maestro de campo , don Francisco de Berrotarr^n, with interim powers until he went to Santo 111 Domingo. Berrotarr^n asked the cabildo to excuse him from all 37 authority as governor because of his age and infirmity, but this was per- haps the better part of valor on his part. He must have been aware of the strong feeling of the alcaldes and the regidores of Caracas regard- ing the royal designation of the alcaldes and the rule in case of a va- cancy in office. The cablido excused him from his duties as governor without any hesitation, and declared that the alcaldes should govern the TTO province in view of the privilege accorded them by the crown. ' This was an occasion when the members of the cabildo decided on a public proclamation to announce the assumption of provincial rule by the alcaldes of Caracas. Aims and troops were requested to use in making the proclamation.^1^ When these were denied them by the royal officials, the members of the cabildo seized the royal standard and marched into the street and with swords in hand, shouted “Viva el rey," so determined were they to demonstrate to the town the accession to power of the alcaldes . This act set off the spark of enthusiasms that soon swept out of bounds, resulting in a riot. When the furor was finally quelled, one of the alcaldes who had great tact, spoke to the crowd and thanked the people for their loyalty, and then plead with them to return to their homes at 111 once. Surely the councilmen had no intent to cause a riot, and could be excused easily for their evident desire for military pomp as they pro- claimed the authority of the alcaldes as interim rulers of the province. Although granted this power by the crown by a cedula of December 21, 16?6, it was not often that the audiencia permitted it. Too, with the sparse population centered in a small area, any news spread rapidly; and ary pretext for excitement was an opportunity not to be lost. This is lived in this mute testimony to the drabness of life for many people who 88 small highland municipality, for it only was the venting of pent-up emo- tions; and not a revolt against any individual. In 1720 the special privilege granted to the alcaldes was cir- cumvented by the Viceroy of the newly-created Viceroyalty of Bueva Granada . under which Caracas was governed from 171? . On September 11, 1720, the Viceroy, Jorge de Villalonga, having suspected the Qovernor and Captain General of Venezuela, Marcos de Betancourt y Castro, of en- gaging directly in contraband trade suspended him from office. 1^ Villalonga appointed Licenciado Antonio Jos6 Alverez de Abreu, an attorney for the newly-created audiencia of Santa Fl de Bogota, as Governor and Lieutenant Captain General of Venezuela for the period of the suspension. The Viceroy, evidently informed of the zealousness of the councilors of Caracas in having their alcaldes exercise their prerogative of interim rule, ordered the cabildo to receive Abreu, with a penalty of the pri- vation of their offices and a fine of 4,000 pesos. The cabildo informed Villalonga of their right of interim rule, but he replied with a decree on February 26, 1721, ordering that Abreu be given possession of his of- fice, reiterating the penalties, and adding the proviso that if the cabildo refused to accept Abreu, that every member of the cabildo would be taken prisoner and sent to the Royal Prison of the Court of Santa F4 de Bogota. After having parlayed the question from September 11, 1720, the cabildo acquiesced eight months later on May 2, 1721, and accepted Abreu as the interim governor. This was a period of intense activity of the contra- bandists along the Venezuelan coasts, and Villalonga was a loyal colonial official of the crown. He was not going to risk the loyalty of councilors at such a time, when they had been found at times to encourage the . « 89 contrabandists Governor Diego Portales y Meneses bestowed his authority on Bishop Juan Sscalona y Calatayud when he left Caracas to visit the other towns of the province in 1722. Although Governor Portales had reported Iiis action to the crown and had received royal approbation, he iras apprised of the authority of the cedula of September 18, 1676, which stated that the office of governor was not vacant when he left Caracas to attend to his duties in other parts of the province, nevertheless the ire of the citizens of Caracas was aroused. The alcaldes ordinarlos of Caracas, Jos4 de Oviedo y Baflos and Jos4 Carracquer reported the situation to the Crown, showing at the same time the irregularities that could occur in Ll such a case.' 9 Confronted with the petition of the alcaldes % the king issued a cldula on January 17, 1?23» which forbade any Bishop of Caracas to assume political authority and provided that the alcaldes were to as- sume all responsibilities of the governor in his absence, and that in the absence of the Castellano or the Subaltern of La Guaira they would assume command there. -^0 a provision was included at this time which forbade the 121 clerics to try civil cases. This was another instance in which the cabiido was jealously guarding its own rights and not out of any ill will to the illustrious Bishop Juan Escalona y Calatayud. This cedni was reversed ten years later. In 1733 » after the monopoly trading company, the Real CorapaftCa de Guipilzcoa, had been es- , tablished in Venezuela a special decree was issued in Spain providing for the successor of the Commandante martin de Lardiz^bal in case of his 122 death in Caracas. Lardiz^bal had been named smaai&SSk?.* a position the which tos superior to that of the Governor and Captain General of , 90 Province. As coramandante he was the chief administrator of the Company, and had been delegated to make a special investigation of economic and political conditions of the province. 123 "With extensive activity of contrabandists and with some disapproval of the Caracas Company at this early date, the king presumed, evidently, that the Bishop, a royal ap- pointee, would be more loyal than the alcaldes . and on October 15, 1723 it was decreed that the Diocesan Bishop of Caracas should succeed Lardi- z4bal if he died before he completed his investigation. 12^ In fact it was Lardiz^bal himself who advised the crown to annul the special privi- lege of the alcaldes to rule. His presentation of the harm of such an arrangement resulted in the complete repeal of the privilege of the al- caldes ordinarios in the cldula of September 14, 1736. In this c4dula v the authority, in case of any vacancy of the office of governor, was con- ceded to the lieutenant governor and auditor of war, an office created on June 20, 1728. This ceduja repealed forever a special privilege of the alcaldes ordinarios of Caracas which they had held for more than 150 years, taking into account the period of time they had the authority to rule in the city plus the time they were privileged to rule the province. Removal of a Governor from Office The cabildo assumed authority beyond those expressly granted when it ordered to be arrested Governor Diego Gil de la Sierpe, who was serving as interim governor, after having served only a very short time in office. In a cabildo abierto in 1623 it was agreed by the citizens that he was no longer acceptable to the citizens as a governor because of his heinous 12 crimes. ^ He was then arrested and soon sent to Spain. The denounced 91 governor also made severe accusations against the councilman. This was an instance which demanded royal investigation. The /iuez de collision sent from Santo Domingo at the request of the crown was Licenciado Francisco Medrano. He was instructed to verify the numerous accusations of the cabildo against Oil de la Sierpe, and those which he made against the members of the cabildo . or at least against some of them. Medrano levied heavy penalties against those who were accused. Whether or not he was prejudiced against the citizens of Caracas in this particular case because the ex-governor was the son of an oldor « or judge, of the audlencla of Santo Domingo, Medrano levied heavy penalties against a number of the cabildantes . The total amount 12 levied against individuals was JO ,000 ducats. ® In addition, the cabildo paid 6,000 ducats to send a orocurador to the Court of Spain, and was responsible for the salary of the .iuez oesouisador from Nuevo Relno , a special investigator, to assist Medrano. The fines were so severe that many of those judged guilty had to sell their jewelry and family heirloons in order to make payments on their fines. Captain Juan Vasquez, one of the accused councilmen who died before the investigation was completed, was accused and found guilty of being instrumental in the arrest and imprisonment of don Gil de la Sierpe. His widow was forced to pledge several family heirlooms in addition to the money payment made to requite the penalty levied against her husband. Among the valuables that she pledged were such articles as a silver salt cellar, a matching silver pitcher and tray for cups or glasses, each overlain with gold and ornamented with blue enamel; a large silver serving plate and twelve matching small silver plates; and a piece of jewelry in the likeness of 92 12 Nuestra Seffora de la Concepcion with forty-seven diamonds set in it. ^ All of these were pledged for only a part of the fine levied against the former councilman. Truly the Caraquenians had reason to fear any .Iuez de coaision . but even such instances of heavy fines did not deter the citizens of Caracas from acting on their own whenever they deemed the time ripe, regardless of the .iuez de comision . The Church and the Cabildo The members of the cabildo were loyal to the church and its af- fairs, and maintained an amicable relationship with the bishops, priests, and monks of the church, for the most part. There was little interference of the church in political affairs throughout the colonial period. Typical of colonial municipalities, much time was consumed in sessions of the cabildo of Caracas attending to religious duties. Consideration of plans for holy days received the greatest amount of time. 3y 1612, the cabildo had vowed to celebrate five holy days in 1 honor of saints for respite from certain calamities. ^0 These five days were to honor San Jorge . or St. George, intercessor against future plagues that would destroy seeds of their crops as in 159^} San Pablo Hermitano . or St. Paul, intercessor against small-pox and measles; San Sebastian , or St. Sebastian, against Indian attacks, especially for protection from the poisoned arrows; the Virgen de Rosarja . the Virgin of earthquakes; and the image of Copacabana which was housed Rosario, against > addition, in the Josnital del San Pablo . intercessor to secure rain. In there were other holy days such as Santiago, or St. James, the patron saint of the city which was celebrated in July; or Christmas; and El B^g. de Corpus, , 93 or Easter. Some of these were celebrated very simply with a mass on the holy day, or vespers on the eve of the holy day, followed by mass on the saint’s day; and some were elaborate affairs, and carefully regulated. For instance, El Dia del Santiago was celebrated with a mass, and a bull fight; and with a dramatic production in some years. The Caraquenians were diligent in their attendance to religious duties, and the cabildo assumed the initiative of securing the support of the populace. In the first few years of the history of the city, when the buildings were of wood and thatch, this seemed not to impose a very heavy expense on the city; but when brick and stone was used, it was a different situation. On October 4, 1600, Simon de Bolivar contador . or treasurer, and Juan de Guevara, regjdor . proposed to the cabildo that the citizens be asked for alms to aid in the building of the convent and chapel San Jacinto, and this was approved. 1^'2 On Janu- ary 26, 1601, Simon de Bolivar appeared before the cabildo again to re- port that more aid was needed to complete the San Jacinto convent, and proposed that alms be asked of all the citizens; and he asked that a book be provided for recording the names of donors. ^3 The first convent for xromen was proposed to the cabildo in February, lSr?.1^ since there were several daughters and nieces of discoverers and settlers who did not have sufficient dowry to make a proper marriage, the cabildo was advised that a convent for women, mon.ias . was needed. There were ten women who would form the nucleus for the order of Santa Clara. The widow of the former regjdor Bartoloml de Kasabel, DorTa Mariana Bilela de Masabel, and her mother Juana Vilela, who was also a widow, offered to give their goods and land if the cabildo 94 would grant the privilege of a convent and assist them. It was reported that they had seventy Indians in encoiaienda and the king would approve the use of these Indians in building the convent, and the city of Caracas would assume responsibility for it. DoFJa Juana Vilela had four other daughters, in addition to Doffa Mariana, and two nieces, in addi- tion to the other young women who were daughters of friends, who would form the nucleus of ten. This convent, built on the land where the present capital building now stands, was disbanded in 1830 by president Guzman dlanco. There were at this time numerous monasteries housing many men. The first to build a convent were the Franciscan monks who eventually built a permanent building which stands today as a beautiful testimony of their devotion to God, with its spacious rooms, its lovely broad 1 tile verandas, its intricate iron grillwork and beautiful open patios. ^ The Central University was located in it after the expulsion of all monasteries in 1745 until Ciudad Universitaria . the new campus of the Central University, was completed. ^6 At present it houses the Academia Jacional de la Historla . and several other learned societies. The number of convents for women and for men became so numerous that one writer described the city by the phrase, "Caracas is a Con- vent. ,, '^7 whether this was due to the devoutness of the entire citizenry or to a favorable location in a diocesan city may be argued. One writer who has given careful attention to the history of the church in Venezuela states that the number of convents had no direct connection with the 1 s devotion of the citizens, to religion. 3 Incidents are described to show enjoyed by that the processions and ceremonies of the many holy days were . . 95 the Caraquenians , who were attendent to activities of the church Mention is made of one or two incidents in which the cabildo was not to be dominated by the church leaders. On one occasion the cabildo became quite disturbed over the fact that the canons of the church were to carry bright purple parasols with gold handles in a religious procession in 1723 which would make them more spectacular then the members of the cabildo. 139 In spite of all the devotion of Caraquenians to religious affairs, there were periods of disruption and bitterness between the cabildo and the bishops. Caracas in particular, was fortunate in many of the bishops who served it. There were such scholarly and devoted bishops as Juan de Escalona y Calatayud, Diego Baflos y Sotomayor and Antonio Gonzalez de Acuffa; but not all demonstrated the patience and benevolence of these raen. One who is remembered as a man of strong and unchanging will and of short teroper was Bishop Juan de Bohorquez, whose cathedral was in Coro, and in whose diocese Caracas was located. In the attempt to show the authority of his office, a most unfortunate series of incidents occurred. On March 6, 1616, the Governor don Garcia Giron in company with the Governor of Margarita, Bemaldo de Vargas Machuca, and the lieutenant general of li/0 Caracas, Captain Juan de Guevara, attended mass at the cathedral. The two governors had chairs and pillows taken into the church for their use, and the lieutenant general made use of a cushion. During the mass, the bishop, who was visiting the city, made an announcement that no one would be permitted to bring in such equipment. IiZhen the cabildo met on Monday de morning, it dispatched Bartoloml de Masabel, regidor . and Bartolom^ Monesterio, nrocurador general to go to the bishop to ascertain the reason . 96 1^ for the announcement and for whom it was intended. 1 They reported that it was intended only for the lieutenant general, and not for anyone else. Since the time was drawing near for the celebration of St. Thomas Aquinas, which, of course, would be attended by the cabildo en masse , the decision was made to attend the Church of San Jacinto rather than the Cathedral as was their custom. On second thought, that decision was rescinded and it was proposed that the cabildo go to the convent of the Church of San Francisco. The cabildo was so incensed over the situation that the pro- curador was authorized to impose any recourse against the Bishop that he saw fit. Immediately the Bishop issued many ex-communications against liLO Caraquenians In the midst of the harsh pronouncements of Bishop Bohorquez, a new governor, Francisco de la Hoz Berrio, arrived in Caracas. On July 31, 1617, Governor don Francisco de la Hoz Berrio, a devout man, proposed twelve holy days a year, one each third Sunday of the month. -^3 This was approved by the cabildo . In addition he proposed the formation of a Cofradxa de las esclavos del sanctissimo sacrament . or a Lay Brotherhood 1 of the Slaves of the Holy Sacrament. ^ This proposal was approved and the cofradxa was organized. The zeal of this pious man was not sufficient to calm the angry Bishop Bohorquez who was wreaking vengeance on the city at this time, and none of these were accepted as a penance for Caracas. The cura-vicar of Caracas, Licenciado Gabriel de Mendoza, a man of sour disposition, refused to give his blessing to the city during the cele- bration of Christinas and Hew Year’s and daring Twelfth Night. The cabildo used its prerogative to send a report of the incidents to the king by way of the Chancellery at Santo Domingo. In the meantime the 97 cabildo decided to give the bishop another opportunity to resolve the difficulties that had arisen. Nonetheless, on October 23, 1618, Borhoques was still demonstrating short temper as was the vicar, who showed disre- spect to the royal standard. 1^ This was allowed to go by the board since word had come that a new bishop was on the way. The cabildo experienced another unpleasant situation with the vicar Gabriel de Mendoza in 1623 . The secretary of the council, Pablo de Ponte, and the aisraacil and portero . Miguel Jeronimo, reported on May 20 , 1623 , that the benches for the cabildo were not in the church in their designated place and that the order had come from Bishop Fray Gonzolo de Angulo on April 24, 1623 . They were back of the two side doors, the one leading to the cemetery and the other near the altar of the Souls of the Dead; and this was a serious blow to the capitularea as removing the benches. The cabildo appealed to the audiencia for the right to have benches in the designated place so that the cabildo could attend the religious ceremonies in the cathedral as befitted such political leaders."^ The question had not been resolved by the time plans were com- pleted for the observance of the city’s patron saint, Santiago. It was decided that the cabildo would take the royal standard and attend in a 1 body the church of the Convent of San Francisco. ^0 It was not until September 12, 1623, that the provision from the audiencia at Santo Domingo was read in a session of the cabildo in Caracas which resolved the pro- 1 1 blem. -^ It ordered the vicar, Gabriel de Mendoza, to place the benches back in the designated place in the cathedral, and further ordered the 152 to attend church in the cathedral in a body the next Sunday. The cabildo demonstrated that it was not to be treated with any disrespect, 98 not even by the bishop of the diocese. 99 ^Also called the conceio . ayuntamiento . and rerimiento y. Justica . In the Actas del caolldo de Caracas the term cabildo is used more often in referring to the town council, and will be used in this study. ^he term canitulares refers to the members of the cabildo . civil and ecclesiastic. 3Roger Bigelow Merriman, The Rise of the Spanish Empire (New York, 1936), Vol. I, 137-97. 4 Ibtd. . Vol. II, 32, 65-131. 5Juan de Solorzano y Pereyra, Politica Indiana (Madrid, 1930), Vol. I, 403. 6 "Royal Ordinances concerning the laying out of new towns," -jlspaqta itf^majl..^tg.rical Review, IV, (November, 1921), 743-53; V, (May, 1922), 249-54. 7see Actas for various years on or near January 1, the date of the annual elections. 8Recopilacion de las leyes de los reinps de Indias (Madrid, 1341), Libro IV, Titulo VII, Ley ii. 9 lbid . , Libro V, Titulo III, Ley i. 10 Ibid . , Ley xi. i:L Actas del cabildo de Caracas . minutes for June 15, 1594 (Caracas, 1943), Tomo I, 381. 12 Ibld . . minutes for January 1, I606 (Caracas, 1950), Tomo III, 15. ^Reconpilacion . Libro V, Titulo HI, Ley i. 14 Preston Moore, The, cabildo in Peru under the Mapsbarzs, 1530-1700 (Durham, 1954), 100. ^Constantino Bayle, Los cahlldos seculares en la America hspaHol (Madrid, 1952), l6l. l8see Chapter I of this study. -^See various Actas for January 1. 1 -' Actas . minutes for June 9, 1594, Tomo I, 370-74. ^Bayle, on. cit .. 106. 3 . 100 20 Actas . minutes for January 1, 1623, Tomo V (Caracas, 1956), 259-62. 21bayle , op. cit . , 118. 24 22Ibid. 23 Ib^d., 135. £bid* 2 3see Aetas . minutes for early January in any year. 2^ Actas . minutes for January 20, 1609, Tomo III, 188. 2?Actas, minutes for January 1, l6ll, Tomo II (Caracas, 1950)* 259-63. 2%ayle, op. cit .. 106. 29 Ibid. 30 ibid. . 107. 3 etas . minutes for May 27, 1594, Tomo II (Caracas, 1946) , 358-64. 2 3 Recopilaci6n . Libro II, Titulo XX, Ley xxxi; Ibid., Libro V, Titulo VIII, Leyes i, iii, and vi. 33ibid . 3^Actas . minutes for April 29, 1594, Tomo I, 354; Ibid . minutes for November 2, 1594; and Ibid . . minutes for May 8, 1604, Tomo II, 205. 33ibid . . minutes for December 4, 1589, Tomo I, 108-109; 111-14; and Ibid . . minutes for March 23, 1590, Tomo I, 135-45. 3 6 ibid., minutes for March 23, 1590, "Iten 13" in the "Instrucci<5n," Tomo, I, 139. 37lbid . . minutes for May 25, 1592, Tomo I, 188; and Ibid ., minutes for September 2, 1593* Tomo I, 284-86. 3 Ibid . . minutes for September 26, l603, Tomo II , 146-64; and Ibid ., minutes for September 30, 1603, Tomo II, 165. 39 Ibid., minutes for June 9, 1594, Tomo I, 371; and Ibid ., minutes for July 4, 1594, Tomo I, 384-85* 40 iojd . for 4llbid. . December 4, 1589, Tomo I, 108; and Ibid ., minutes April 25, 1593, Tomo I, 2*10-54. 42 Ibid . . October 27, 1602, Tomo II, 80-81. 7 101 ^3 ibid . , minutes for July 20, 1593 » Tomo I, 272-73* ^loid . . minutes for May 11, 1596, Tomo I, 442-43, ^Moore, ot>. cit . , 13-23. 46 Ibld . . 65. Ibid . . 64-76. ^ A. etas . minutes for June 12, 1613 (Caracas, 1951)* Tomo IV, 45-46. ^Md. -5° Ibid. , minutes for May 10, 1619, Tomo IV, 290. Karina was used for meal and flour. ^Ibid. . minutes for June 25, 1605, Tomo II, 254-55* and Ibid., minutes for June 27, 1605, Tomo II, 256-60. 5 2 Ibid. , minutes for April 9, 1600, Tomo I, 523* 53 ibid . . minutes for March 26, 1607, Tomo I, ?4. 3 ^Ibid . , minutes for September 10, 1612, Tomo IV, 23. 3 3 ibid. , minutes for October 25, 1614, Tomo IV, 55* and Ibid ., minutes for November 18, 1614, Tomo IV, 64-65. 56 Ibid . 5 Ibid . . minutes for October 26, 1614, Tomo IV, 57-58. ^^Alejandro Ibarro, "Temblores y terremotos en Caracas," Cronjca de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1956), Nos. 26-27 , 576. 59Viliam ELeroy Curtis, Venezuela-A land where it is always summer (New York, I896), 53-54. ^°The citizens dispersed and refused to return to Caravalleda when Governor Luis Rojas insisted on naming the officials of the cabildp . See Jos6 Gil Fortoul, La hlstoria constitucional de Venezuela (Caracas, 1942), Vol I, 32. 61Ibid. ^2 Actas . minutes for July 30* 1603* Tomo II, 133-38. ^3 ibid . ^Toid . . minutes for June 15, 1605, Tomo I, 417. 7^ . . . 102 6- 5 ibid . . minutes for January 4, l603» Tomo II, 95-99* A list of 88 citizens, vecinos v moradores . were listed in the repartimiento The total amount was 150 pesos and 4 tomlnes . 88 Tomo I, roid . , minutes for November 2?, 1603, 183. Tomo I, 238. °^Md. , minutes for January 8, 1605, 88 Ibid . . minutes for February 5> Tomo II, 72; minutes for February 6, 1501, Tomo II, 73; and Ibid ., minutes for February 28, loOl, Tomo, II, 7^. Ibid., Ibid . , rainutes for April 11, 1607, Tomo II, 124-25; and minutes for April 28, 1607, Tomo III, 126-27. 7° 7- Ibid . . minutes for July 19, 1600, Tomo II, 21-22. Ibid. 71ibid . . minutes for October 20, 1600, Tomo II, 47-49; and minutes for October 27, 1600, Tomo II, 49-51. Fanegada often spelled Hanegada in Actas. One fanegada was the equivalent of 1.73 acres. See J. Villasana Haggard, Handbook for translators of Spanish historical docu- ments (Austin, 1941), 77* y*Ibid . 73Ibid . 7 ^Ibid . . minutes for January 13, 1603, Tomo II, 107 ^ Ibid . , minutes for June 23, 1600, Tomo II, 17-18. 7 ^Ibid . , February 6, 1603, Tomo U, 115* 7 Tomo IV, 2+* ibid . , minutes for May 4, 1621, 5 7&Bayle, op. cit .. 315. Peru 79ipjd . . minutes for October 27, 1602, Tomo II, 80. In the cabildos required the proprietors to show their list of goods bought for sale within three days. See Moore, op. cit., 163. 30 Ibid ., minutes for March 27, 1604, Tomo II, 196-97* 813ayle, op. cit .. 315. 3 Ibid . Actas, minutes for July 30, 1603, Tomo II , 138. 3^See Footnote 55 of this chapter. 8 ^Actas . minutes for July 14, 1603, Tomo II, 131* 3 . 103 3° II, 81-82. Iold . , minutes for November 6, 1602, Tomo pp. 87Ibid. 33 Ibid . . minutes for January 4, 1603, Tomo II, pp. 95-96. " ibid . 9° Ibid . . minutes for April 19, 1603, Tomo II, pp. 124-25. ?3 Ibid . . minutes for April 3» 1604, Tomo I, pp. 198-99* 92Hdctor Garcia Chuecos, La caoitania de Venezuela (Caracas, 1945), p. 2. 93 found in Actas del caoildo ibid . . pp. 2?-28, this cddula is also de de Caracas . Tomo XXIV, folio 295, Archivo del Concejo Municipal Caracas. Unpublished. 94 95 96 Ibid. Ibid. . 4. Ibjd. 9? Actas . Tomo XXIV, folio 295, Archivo de Concejo Municipal. Un- published. 93 Garc£a Chuecos, La caoitania . 28-29, Garcia Chuecos reports that this Real C'edula is also found in Registro de Reales ^espachos de 1.691. a 1696 . Segundo Seccion de Real Hacienda, Vol. 24, folio 172, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 99ibid . 1Q0 de Ibid . . 29-32, Real Cddula reported also as found in Registro reales desnachos de 1691 a 1696 . Segundo Seccion de Real, Vol. 24, folio 172, Archivo General de la liacion, Caracas. 104 101 10 ^Ibid 103 Ibid 32. roid . . 30. . , 31-32. •» M- 10 lo6 10? laid . . 6. Real Cddula Ibid .. 32. Ibid., 31-32. 10 reported found in Registro.de Ibid. , 32-33, Real cldula also Hacienda, , Vol. 24, reales despachos de 1691 a 1696 . Segunda Seccion de Real folio 172, Archivo General de la Uacidn, Caracas. 1Q9ioid. I10 de Ibid .. 33-34, Real cldula reported as found in Registro Real Haciends, Vol., reales desnachos de 1706 a 1714 . Segunda Seccion de Caracas. 20, folio 43. Archivo General de la liacion, 112 113 ll4 m loid . Ibjd. . Ibld . &24* 2 104 in Reales c4dulas •^•5 ibid. , 34-35 , "Auto and Carta" also found y tltulos, 1701 a 1723, Seccion Real Hacienda, Toroo 451, folio 190 vuelto, Archivo general de la naci<$n, Caracas. ll6 Ibld . , 36-38, Auto. ^Ibld . . 38. 118 Reales c-ldulas titulos roid. . 38-39, Real Cldula as found in y Archivo 1701 a 1723 . Seccion Real Hacienda, Vol. , 451, folio 300 vuelto, General de la Nacion, Caracas. 119 120 121 Ibid., 9. , 38-39. Ibid. 122 in Reales cldulas . t£tulos rpid . . 39-42. Real c4dula also found folio v patentee de corso. 1726 a 1732 . Seccion Real Hacienda, Vol., 441, 74, Archivo General de la Macion, Caracas. 123lbid. 1221 ordenes Ibid . . Real C4dula, 44-45; as found in Reales c4dulas. rtvipinaies. 1711 a 1749 . Segunda Seccion de Real Hacienda, Vol. 19, folio 36, Archivo General de la Naci<$n, Caracas. 125 Ibid., 45-47, Real Cldulas and found in Toma de raz6n de reales cedillas desoachos. txtulos y noabranjentos. 1736 a 174). Seccion Real Archivo General de la Nacidn, Caracas. Hacienda , Vol., 425, folio 28, I28 found in Reales cldulas . Tomo X, Ibid . , 49-51; Real Cldula as folio 264, Coleccion de Documentos, Archivo General de la Naci6n, Caracas. ^ 4ctas . minutes for December 31, 1623, Tomo V, 257* 128 Ibid . . minutes for October 19, 1624, Tomo V, 373-74. "Las Condenaciones fecha por el real consejo de Indies en el Pleito de don a-n de la Sierpe y el eabildo de esta ciudad" in Actas, Tomo V, xxv-xxvii. 129 ^O v. Ibid . lbid . , "Prologue," Tomo IV, ^Isee minutes of the Actas for several years during the weeks just prior to July 25, the day of the celebration of Santiago. 13 ^etas , minutes for October 4, l600, Tomo II, 47. 133 Ibid . . minutes for January 27, 1601, Tomo II, 66. 1 February, Tomo V, 160-63. 34^bid. , minutes for 11, 1617, 1 Art. 289. 35pimentel, op. cit . , Tomo X, Uumero 4), 36, 136-rhe old Franciscan monastery building is now called the Palace of the Academies. Serie 137Ar£stides Rojas, Leyendas historicos de Venezuela , Segunda 75-140. (Caracas, 1891), Chapter V, "Caracas Fud un Convento," . 105 1 3®Mtay Watters, A ilistory of the church in Venezuela, 1310-1930. (Chapel Hill, 1933)# PP. 44-4-5. 139 4 SM* . 5. -^° Actas . minutes for March 7# 1616, Tomo V, 97-100. l4l I42 ^Ibid. lbld. rold . minutes for July 31# 1617 > Tomo IV, 197-198. ^ , rold . , There were other cofradlas which were formed in Caracas. The earliest found by the writer was the one propsed by Sim6n de aolfvar in May, 1600, which v/as called the Cofradxa del dulce homore de Jesus , and was attached to the Convent of San Jacinto. See Aetas , minutes for May 27, 1600, Tomo II, 11-12. •^ Ibid . . minutes for January 7# 1617, Tomo IV, 155* minutes for October 23, 1618, Tomo IV, 234-240 -^ Iptd . , minutes for May 20, 1623, Tomo V, 203-206. •^ Ibid . , minutes for May 22, 1623, Tomo V, 206-207. l49 Ibid. 150 laid. 1 ^^bid. , minutes for September 12, 1623, Tomo V, 227-228. ^Ibld. CHAPTER IV THE ECONOMY OF CARACAS IN THE COLONIAL PERIOD Economic Conditions, 1567 to 1730 Agriculture was developed in the valley of Caracas by the first Spanish settler, and remained the predominant economy until well into the twentieth century. Vihile the early settlers sought opulence from the gold mines, the necessities for existence had to be secured. Caracas, secluded by rugged mountains from an easy contact with near neighbors, had to produce much of her food supplies, but little did those first hardy eonauistadores and pobladores of the Gu^ire valley, lured by the gold of the Teques Indians, suspect that agriculture would be the source 1 of wealth for more than 350 years." Those Spanish settlers, with a long tradition of agricultural development, took advantage of the fertile soil, and the abundance of sunshine and rain to produce food and other necessi- ties for themselves as they continued their quest for gold. Their first efforts were well rewarded. The first foods produced were maize and several other cereals, sugar cane, and beans. In addition, cattle and swine were introduced to provide meat. The hides from the cattle proved to be a valuable source of income as an export. By 1607 tobacco, cacao, and hides, all of which were in great demand on the European market, were exported from the port at La Guaira.-' Once attention was given to the production of goods for export, yields increased rapidly. Caracas was well-known for its excellent tobacco and cacao by the seven- teenth century. 106 10 ? Tobacco Tobacco was the first crop produced on a large scale for export from this province. This was due in large part to the rapid and wide- spread use of tobacco in Spain, as well as the rest of Europe by the seventeenth century. Tobacco, with its heavy yields per acre, and with its high demand, was a most advantageous crop for the Caraquenians . In 1601 a total of 15,^25 pounds were exported, and in 1607 the increased II production made possible the exportation of 35*800 pounds. Tobacco was a major factor in the rise of contraband trade in Venezuela. European corsairs were first lured by the lucrative trade of tobacco, and continued their pursuits as the Caraquenians added other crops. The clandestine trade proved of importance to some Caraquenians, for they secured higher prices for their tobacco and bought needed goods at lower prices from the corsairs than from the Spanish. But even more important was the regularity with which they could count on the corsair ships, especially the Dutch, in contrast to the extreme irregularity of £ the ships from Spain. The illegal trade in tobacco contributed to the almost complete neglect of other crops for a few years. The crown and the caoildo of the city of Caracas became alarmed over it on numerous occasions. In 1605 the cabildo asked the audiencia of Santo Domingo to issue a decree suspending the cultivation of tobacco since there were no existing means of control- ling its production and often the governor •’had less courage that he should” in repressing the illicit commerce.^ This request, granted by a the decree on August 25, 1606, prohibited all cultivation of tobacco in provinces of Venezuela for ten years, except that the governor was author- 108 ized to issue licenses on his own judgment.^ Barinas, an inland province, was not included since it was 80 leagues, or 2^0 miles, from the sea coast. The repression of this crop was disastrous for there was little else on which to depend for a livelihood. In February, 1612, after Garcia Giron became governor he reported to the king that, ‘'there is not one real in the entire province, and 90,000 ducados are due His Majesty??^ Sancho de Alquiza, who was one of the governors during the time the cultivation was prohibited, was harsh in his repression of the contra- band trade. He executed the captains of several" enemy vessels caught in Venezuelan waters, and even sentenced to death several Venezuelans who 0 were accused of conniving with foreign corsairs.'*" Arcila Farfas, who has examined the official correspondence and reports of Alquiza, describes his manner as "petulant and servile" to the crown, and ruthless in his at- tempts to rid the province of the contraband trade. ^ To say the least, although his attempts were vigorous, he was not successful in bringing illegal trade to a halt. Strong feeling developed between the Spanish and the foreign planters. Mention is made of the "extran.leros cosecheros" , or foreign planters, in a most disparaging manner, even to making them responsible for the illegal trade, according to a report from the cabjldo to the crown in 1600. The bitterness continued or Governor Sancho de Alquiza, in the letter of June 15, 1607, reported on the foreigners who were living in Caracas. In the account of his quelling several Indian insurrections, mention is made of the Portuguese settlers. He reported that in the single district of Santiago de Leon de Caracas there were forty-one Portu- 12 field hands. guese, six of whom were encoraenderos . and nine of whom were ^ ^ 109 Garcia Giron, the governor, was the royal official who was able to get the decree of 1606 rescinded, and who encouraged the increased production of tobacco. The Guaire valley, and its associated valleys, and the coastal lowlands, of the province of Caracas comprised the major producing area of tobacco in the New World until the middle of the seven- teenth century. The yield increased so rapidly that 91 >000 pounds were exported in l6l5» the largest amount exported from Caracas in the seven- teenth century, according to official records. The price of tobacco fluctuated as greatly as did the production. Tobacco sold at the rate of 25 reales per arroba . or each 25 pounds, in l6o6; and it rose to 50 reales per arroba in 160?.^ The continual price fluctuation, from one-half real to two reales per pound during most of the seventeenth century, was a handicap. It became more stable near the end of the century, but this was of little importance, since tobacco was not a major crop at that time. From 1695 to 1700 the price ranged from 32 to 40 reales per arroba . In 1620 neither the Dutch nor the English could meet the demand for tobacco. Only 23,000 pounds were exported from the English colony 1 of Virginia in 1615, and none from any other English colony. ^ Production increased rapidly in Virginia and also in Cuba by 1615 . The European demand continued to rise to such an extent that there was no question of a market for all the Spanish colonies could produce until the latter part of the seventeenth century. By 1680 the Chesapeake Bay area produced 1 40,000,000 pounds. ® In 1621 there was an argument between the royal officials of the province and the cabildo over the amount of tobacco that was available for export to Spain. In a cabildo abierto.. ^ 110 held on May 28, 1621, it was agreed that the small amount of 2,000 arrobas , or 50,000 pounds of tobacco could be produced in Caracas to remit to Spain. This was the amount that could be produced by the more important families of the city of Caracas and not the total yield of the provinces. The price was fixed at seven and one-half pesos per arroba . or 2.36 reales per pound, which seems to be a high price for that year on a close examina- tion of price. 20 This, then assured the selling of the tobacco of the more prominent families legally, thereby gaining the good graces of the crown. On the other hand the small farmers, especially of the interior, were not prevented from producing tobacco to sell to contrabandists in exchange for goods desired by the province to keep up the economy. The acts of the members of the cabildo give rise to speculation as to whether the cabildo was acting in the best interests of the crown. Perhaps some of its members may have hoped to gain licenses to produce tobacco, and then sell it as they wished. At the same time they could prevent some foreigners living in Venezuela from gaining the same privi- lege. Tobacco ceased to be a product of importance in Caracas by the latter part of the eighteenth century. Although the decree forbidding its cultivation was rescinded it never again played the importance it had earlier in the century. This was due to the fact that Barinas, a province south of Caracas, had found markets for its tobacco, legal or illegal. Another factor was the competition that tobacco from Caracas had met after the English introduced the production of aromatic tobaccos in their New World colonies. By 1701 on3y 2,922 arrobas of tobacco were exported from s . Ill 21 La Guaira . After that year tobacco was of little importance as an ex- port in the economy of Caracas. Cacao Cacao was the second important crop developed for export in the Caracas Valley. It was exported from La Guaira as early as 1607* as has been mentioned, and at the elevated price of 96 rea'les of silver per each 22 fanega . or each 110 pounds. The amount exported for several years was quite small according to the Treasury books, but had increased substanti- ally by the time the demand for the Venezuela tobacco decreased. The consumption of cacao in Spain and in other European nations increased with such rapidity that the crown employed several measures to encourage its production. Highly important among these was the rescinding of the almoiarifazgo or export duty, in Venezuela from I638 to 1650 Cacao proved to be quite valuable to Caracas. The province had 1*679,800 cacoa trees which produced. 33 »l6l fanega annually; and by 1720 pjh only 1,000 fanegas were consumed in the province. This is notable in- 2 crease when compared to the exportation of 6,137 fanegas in 1656. ^ Cacoa has been commonly purported to have been introduced from Hew Spain, where it was a native crop, into Venezuela and into several other Spanish colonies, but this may not have been the case, according to Arcila Farias. He cites as proof that cacao was native to Venezuela, the finding of some ancient earthern pots of the Indians near Lake Tacarigua now known as Lake Valencia, in central Venezuela in recent years which contained email amounts of cacao. 2^ Although cacao is not mentioned by Governor the crops mentioned as an Juan de Pimentel in his Relacion . it was one of export from Caracas to Hew Granada and to Spain in 1579 by Rodrigo de 112 Arguelles and Gaspar de Parraga in their description of the Lake Jlaracaiba area. 2? Whether it was a native plant or one introduced into certain regions of the province, the landowners of Caracas, ever alert to new sources of income, began the planting of cacao on their lands once they realized its importance. Direct trade seems to have been opened between La Guaira and Vera Cruz in 1620 due to the production of cacao. This product was sent to New Spain for reshipment to Spain. Four or five ships carrying cacao pQ sailed annually from La Guaira, and in some years as many as eleven. a Although the amount and the price of the commodity fluctuated greatly, the Caraquenians continued its production. When trade was allowed between New Spain and Peru a serious argument arose in Caracas, for cacao, one of the Peruvian goods was illegal, for only wines were allowed to be exported from Peru to New Spain. The objection of the cabildo of Caracas was so strong that in 1672 the Council of the Indies ordered the Viceroy of Peru not to permit the exportation of cacao from Guayaquil to New Spain. 3° At the same time the viceroy of New Spain was charged not to allow the entrance of cacao from Guayaquil, This ensured Venezuela of a monopoly on cacao in New Spain, which was of major importance to her economy, and with the de- cline in demand for Venezuelan tobacco after the English colonial pro- duction increased, another highly valued crop was of extreme urgency. In spite of the crown’s attempts to protect the Caracan monopoly, some of its representatives in America would evade or circumvent every law possible. Even after the c4dula of 1672 which forbade New Spain to receive cacao from Peru, the practice did not cease, when reprimanded for allowing the entrance of cacao from Guayaquil, the Viceroy of New . - 113 Spain, Jose Sarmiento Vallardes, wrote to the Council of the Indies on April 22, 1698, that it was impossible to prevent the entrance of all cacao under certain circumstances 3 L je explained that some ships con- taining Peruvian goods had arrived in port at Vera Cruz following a storm at sea. These ships needed repairs, and while in port the ships* captains had brought cacao in to New Spain. He asked that this cacao be allowed entrance at double duty rate. The council of the Indies approved of this and without any particular reprimand to the Viceroy. Proof that the cacao monopoly was a lucrative one is the approxi- mately 500,000 pesos received annually from Hew Spain until the end of the eighteenth century. This was a large enough sum to take care of the ex- penses of the province of Venezuela, and to provide a sound basis for the monetary system.^ Some writers have assumed that this annual payment from New Spain was a subsidy, but a careful examination proves that it was not. Arcila Farfas who has spent much time in the study of Venezuelan economy, states that there is no record in the treasury books of New Spain of annual subsidies being sent to Caracas, and an examination of the treasury books of Caracas by the author of this study certainly does not show the receipt of annual subsidies. 3 5 Subsidies were sent from New Spain to Cuman£, but in the judgment of the writer they were not sent to Caracas. Qn occasions situados were sent from Caracas to Trinidad, Margarita, and to Maracaibo. 3? There are four occasions on which the cabildo of Caracas requested subsidies for specific purposes, which seems 3° to prove still further the lack of annual subsidies to that province. Commercial Fluctuations Legal commerce dwindled between Caracas and Spain during the latter , 12A part of the seventeenth century and the first quarter of the eighteenth century. The statement has been made often that few or no ships arrived at the Venezuelan ports during this time. DePons, a French traveller in Venezuela, in the early part of the nineteenth century, wrote that only two ships of register came to Venezuela from Spain in the last half of the seventeenth century. 39 Gil Fortoul, a Venezuelan historian, reports that no ship from Spain arrived at La Guaira, Puerto Cabello, or Maracaibo . ho from 1?06 to 1721. Humbert, a French historian, accords the arrival of £n only one ship at La Guaira from Spain between 1700 and 1728. A report of the Caracas Company made in 17*+9, states that not more than five ships arrived from Spain between 1700 and 1728 and that none cleared a Venezuelan 2 port from 1706 to 1711.^ Despite the fact that trade between Caracas and the mother country, and the Mew World colonies declined to a very low ebb by the opening of the eighteenth century, there was a small flow of goods. One needs only to check the treasury books to agree with Arcila Farias that six ships came from Spain from 1701 to 1721, one each in 1701, 1705* 170 6, 1712 1715» and 1720.^3 a check by the writer of this study indicated the en- trance of sixty ships from the Canaries, Vera Cruz, Santo Domingo, Curayao, and from some French possessions between 1703 and 1708.^ During this same period there were ninety-four ships which left La Guaira carrying cacao, tobacco, aftil for dye, cotton and sugar. ^3 Further examination provides a basis for concurrence with Arcila Farias in his statement that nineteen ships arrived from the Canaries alone between 1701 and 1718; and a total of 170 ships arrived from other places at La Guaira between 1701 and 1719.^ while it is true that this was not enough to provide the 115 Caraquenians with all the goods they needed and desired, at least they were not as completely cut off as has sometimes been indicated. The de- cline in trade with Spain was drastic in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. From 1725 to 1729 only 20,000 fanegas of cacao were sent to Spain and this was under private contract.^ Several factors account for the decline in trade with the mother country. First, there was the irregularity with which Spanish ships were sent to Venezuela whether by the galedn or by the ships of register through- out the colonial period. Second, Venezuela was not on the direct and regu- lar route of the flotas or galeones . and the ships of register held to no regular schedule. As a result, Venezuela was often without necessary goods on many occasions. Often there was not even wine or oil enough for the Holy Sacraments of the church.^ In an attempt to correct this situ- ation innumerable requests were made to the cabildo to ask Spain to send ships to La Guaira. When this proved of no avail, special requests were made on several occasions for individuals in Caracas to be given royal permission to take ships to Spain with goods to sell and the right to secure some of the direst necessities for the populace.^ After 1588 and the defeat of the Spanish Armada, Spain was never able to rebuild a strong navy, so the protection of goods destined for the colonies was more diffi- cult. There were several periods in which Spain had her attention diverted in wars to such an extent that she could give little consideration to colonial trade. The War of the Spanish Succession had a most disastrous effect on commerce with the New World when the flotas and galeones were withdrawn temporarily. Last, but far from least in importance as a factor in the declining 116 legal commerce, was the contraband trade. While one may be certain that the Indians and mestizos on small farms near the seacoast entered into trade with the corsairs who came to Venezuela there must have been some contact between the corsairs and the planter class. Otherwise there would not have been enough Illegal trade to have forced the imposition of such acts as the forbidding of production of certain highly valued crops near the seacoast. The contraband trade began in the early history of Caracas and continued at intervals throughout the colonial period. On June 5» 1595» it was reported in the cabildo that there were sixteen corsair ships 0 at La Quaira.^ Since this was prior to the building of a fort at La Guaira, the cabildo was asked to appoint someone to assume the responsi- bility of "arresting the captains and administering justice," since one alcaide ordinario was ill and the other was out of the city In 1?19 the Viceroy of Jew Granada, Count Jorge de Villalonga, suspended from office the governor of Venezuela, Marcos Betancourt y Castro, because of the report that Betancourt had engaged in illicit trade. The above in- stances may be verified, but the extent and importance of individual con- tacts with contrabandists must be deduced from many sources. Evidence points to a large amount of goods sold clandestinely in Venezuela, although it cannot be proven. After the commercial fleet system was abandoned, the contrabandists found it much easier to maneuver in Spanish colonial waters. By a Spanish decree in 1710 the French were allowed to enter American ports to buy certain goods. ^ This was an invitation to the French to secure contra- band goods. The English and Dutch had found easy entry into Spanish co- lonial ports, and the Dutch had long centered their activity on the 117 tobacco and cacao of the Spanish colonies. The Treaty of Utrecht was followed by the decline of French contrabandist activities in Venezuela and other Spanish colonies, but English and Dutch activities continued. Spain made attempt in 1720 to re-establish the flota system, but with little success. This made it possible for contraband trade to flourish throughout the Spanish empire. The monopoly trade system established by Spain was not intended to limit the amount of European goods to colonials, yet that is what it did; neither was it intended to prevent the flow of colonial goods to the European markets, but that was the result. No matter what good intentions Spain had when the monopoly system was established, it is observed that several barriers were raised which tended to restrict trade between Spain and her colonies. The crown, although concerned about the declining trade with Venezuela, seemed unable to halt it. Several attempts were made by private individuals to organize commercial companies, but little encourage- ment was given to these by the Spanish crown. But by 1720 the finances of Spain were in such a critical state, and commerce had declined to the point that something had to be done. Any sound program to step up colonial commerce with Spain could have gained attention in the early eighteenth century. Although Spain had tended to look with disfavor on commercial stock companies, the Basques were granted a concession for such a company to be established in Caracas. Economic Conditions, 1730 to 1784 The Caracas Company Organization . —The Real Compaft£a de Guipuzcoa de Caracas , one of 118 several commercial companies organized in the eighteenth century, was the only one which enjoyed any measure of success. This company, often referred to as the Caracas Company, was organized by a group of men from Guipuzcoa, a Basque province in northern Spain. An energetic, sea-faring people, the Basques had long been interested in the cacao trade. It is not known how long Felipe de Aguirre, the representative of the Guipiizcoans was in Madrid negotiating with Jos4 de Patifto , the Spanish Minister of Commerce, before securing the concession. Evidently he was there for some time, for there was an enormous amount of correspondence between Aguirre and his principal, the Count of PeHaflorida before the royal ctfduia, which granted the concession and stated the privileges, was sent to the Count of PeHaflorida in San Sebastian, Guipuzcoa, on September 28, 54 1728. The privileges extended to the Company by the Spanish Crown in the above mentioned cddula were most liberal.^ The Company was allowed to send two ships a year to Puerto Cabello and La Guaira, with authority to import to Caracas whatever type goods they desired, and to sell them anywhere in the province; and all ships could sail from San Sebastian but must return by way of the port of Cddiz for the collection of duty, after which the goods would continue on to Guipuzcoa without any further taxation. The privilege of determining taxation and fees to be levied was allotted to the Caracas Company as prescribed in the Pro.iecto de 172Q . which regu- lated trade with American colonies, except that no special privileges granted to the Company were to be negated by this regulation. The governor of Venezuela was named as the .iuez de conservador y commandante of the Company, and was given power over prizes, contrabandist seizures, and the 119 operations of Company agents.^0 While the king reserved the right to grant concessions of trade to any others who might request it, as early as 1732 » another royal cedula stated that no other concession would be given for trade with Venezuela.^ In 17^1 still another royal c^duia was issued, rescinding the article in the cldula of establishment in 1728 that reserved the right of the king to grant concessions for trade, which gave the full right of monopoly to the Caracas Company.^ It goes without say- ing that the Company assumed responsibility for suppression of the contra- band trade in the Venezuelan province; this would of necessity have to be done before the Company could operate successfully. A .junta of Ouipiizcoans set up the rules for the administration of the Company on November 17* 1728 . The Real ComoaftCa de Guipuzcoa de Caracas was the official title of the Company. It was to be a stock company of 500 pesos escudos for each share, with five directors to di- rect the operation of the Company. The directors were to receive 5000 pesos annually as salary and could own the shares of stock, but they could not be related by blood to each other. A stockholders' meeting was to be held every five years, with voting privileges for those who owned eight or more shares of stock. The Caracas Company was organized by private enterprize but had royal permission, concessions, and protection. The first ships set out for Venezuela on July 15, 1730* from Pasajes, the Guipiizcoan port . There were two frigates, the "San Ignacio” and the "San Joaquin," each with forty-six guns, and a galley, the "Santa Rosa," with twenty-four guns; and three months later another frigate sailed for Venezuela. The delay in sending ships until 1730 was due to the slowness in securing subscription of stock, for even with the 120 selling of stock in other countries permitted, after five years only one- Qj- half the 1,500,000 pesos originally planned had been subcribed. The choice of Venezuela by the Guipiizcoans is worthy of consider- ation. True as it was that trade between the province of Venezuela and the mother country was in a sad state, the potential wealth cannot be doubted. There is reason to believe that the entire Venezuelan colony was not in the state of utter poverty that some authorities have reported. The records of the ,-pa! Hacienda pertaining to the quantities of exports support this belief. For many years the Dutch, French, and English had found Venezuela a sufficient source of wealth to continue their contra- t bandist activities. Certainly there was never the great flow of money in Venezuela as in New Spain and Peru, but this was due not only to the lack of rare minerals that the other two colonies possessed, but also to the lack of encouragement and leadership for economic development on the part of the mother countiy. This lack of leadership is not difficult to under- stand when it is realized that Spain faced many problems during the entire period prior to the establishment of the Caracas Company in Venezuela. The potential wealth of the colony was substantiated as well as the low-level of economy in the report made by Pedro Josl de Olavarriaga who spent 1720 and 1721 in Venezuela as .iuez de comisos . His report, Instrucci(Sn general particular del estado presente de la provincia de emphasized the potential wealth as Venezuela en los aHos 1720 £ 1721 , much as the actual economic problems. ^ It included information on crops, natural resources, trade, consumption of goods, and political and military I arias' conditions; and maps of the coast and military forts. Arcila wnen he opinion that Olavarriaga was toying with such an idea in 1?20, ^ ^ 121 dedicated the report to "El Excelentxsimo Se3or Don Jorge de Villa Longa, General del .ieuya Re^ng. Conde de la Oaeva . Virrey . Presidents £ Ganit^n 11 the de Granada , is no doubt, correct. Olavarriaga was, moreover, one of first directors of the Caracas Company and sailed with the first fleet of . the Company that left San Sebastian on July 15 » 1730 Operations of the Caracas Company. 1730 to 1749 . —The success of the Company in its early years seems almost phenomenal. This may be cor- roborated by the records of the royal treasury of Venezuela, and the .ianifesto de 1749 , a financial report of the Caracas Company, which may be of some value in demonstrating the importance of the Company, if some 6** judgment is used. From 1730 to 1748 a total of 858,978 fanegas of cocoa were sent to Spain from all Venezuela, which was one-third more than was sent in the thirty years prior to the establishment of the Company.^ Of this amount, the individual growers and merchants were for responsible for 540,000 fanegas . leaving actually 318,978 fanegas which the Caracas Company was responsible.*^ The Company may be given credit, indirectly at least, for this increase because of its activity against the contrabandists and the monopoly granted to it in 1741. The Company claimed credit for the increase in the importation of Negro slaves. From 1715 to 1730 the Company reported that only 1,792 of slaves Negroes were introduced . Here the Company included the number which came in by the English Asiento of 1713. The English exchanged remained slaves for tobacco and cacao, which was a major reason the prices price was twelve so high. Although the price of slaves varied, the average bought cacao fanegas of cacao for a slave. When paid in silver the English which brought the at La Guaira at the rate of sixteen pesos per fanega , ^ ' 122 price to 192 pesos per slave. The greatest success of the Caracas Company in its early years was in the supression of contraband trade. The Company captured nine Dutch ships in one month in 1733.69 By 1737 it had been successful in taking so many vessels and so many contrabandists that the Dutch were be- ginning to make strong reprisals. In that same year the Dutch captured two Company ships that were loaded with tobacco and cacao.'70 The Dutch took the entire load and forced the crew to take some merchandise in ex- change and sign a sales slip for it. Another ship was sunk near Hisparfola and the cargo was seized. A heated and prolonged argument ensued between the Company Commandant, iiartxn de Lardiz^bal, and the captain of the Dutch ship over these two incidents and the imprisonment of Dutch sailors in 7 ~ the galley of the Caracas Company, but no concessions were made . Financially, the Caracas Company could claim some success. The price of cacao in Spain was lowered from 80 pesos in 1728 to 45 pesos in 1732, and was lowered still more in the years following. In 1733 the Company declared a dividend of twenty per eent.^3 in the Manlflesto de 1749 the Company proclaime its success by reciting many figures. It is next to impossible to find accurate enough records on the actual increase of the number and size of iaafii§ad&£> and the amount of cacao, and other goods produced in Venezuela at that time to make valid judgments. How- ever, one source of information on which an estimate of the financial suc- cess may be based is the record of the tithe or diezmos paid to the bishop of Caracas. This diezmos ranged from 8,000 to 10,000 pesos annu- ally before 1728, but after that increased to 20,000 pesos annually.^ In the four years prior to the establishment of the Caracas Company, 123 the duties received from all ships amounted to 1,541,646 reales or 192,580 pesos, whereas in the four years after the establishment of the Company it increased to 2,880,086 reales or 3^0 ,111 pesos. ^ This made it pos- sible for all the expenses of the colony to be met, and more than twenty silver ducados were sent to other colonies nearby for military expenses 0 and for building the fort at Puerto Cabello.? In 1734 Lardizibal dis- tributed 78,541 pesos after Venezuelan expenses were paid.?? The loans of the Caracas Company to the crown during the war years attest also to its financial status. A letter from the crown on New Year*s day, 1741, states that its only source of loans was the Company and the Cidiz traders.?® By 1744, a total of 7,211,891 reales and 5 marayedis or 901,486 pesos had been loaned by the Company to the crown. ?9 Opposition, 1730-1749 * —There was strong opposition to the Caracas Company from its first entrance into Venezuela. While much of the oppo- sition is credited to the disruption of the illegal trade, there are other valid reasons. The very fact that the cabildo of Caracas was not informed even of the request of the Guipiizcoans to organize such a company gave rise to strong antagonism. Since the cabildo of Caracas was one of the more powerful ones in the Spanish colonies and had a tradition of privilege from its early years, to ignore the cabildo was to invite its opposition. When the Company officials used their influence in the attempt to name Basques to the cabildo . that body became more vehement in its criticism. The price of cacao was another source of conflict. The Venezuelans had been able to sell directly to Spain, or to sell to the contrabandists and benefit from the high prices they offered. The growers received at least twenty pesos per fanega even when they sold to merchants in Caracas, 124 or La Guaira before l?30. b0 The Caracas Company continued to lower prices in Spain and in Venezuela, Whil* it was desirable to lower the price in Spain since it had been excessive, it was inexcusable to continue lowering the price in Venezuela to the point that the growers received no more, or even less, per fanega than it cost to produce it. The rate of reduction in price in the colony was so much greater than in Spain that the Company was still reaping a rich harvest while the growers often were not even making expenses. By 174? the Company paid only eight pesos per fanega for Q-1 cacao and yet sold it in Spain for thirty pesos. In that same year the Count of San Xavier estimated that it cost the growers at least eight pesos per fanega to produce cacao. In the years before the Company had a monopoly on shipping, the great landowners who were also owners of ships were in a more fortunate position than the small farmers who had to sell to the Company. In 1733 two situations developed that added flame to the fire of antagonism against the Caracas Company. The Company had imported so little necessary goods that the city was without flour, when a small-pox epidemic developed. The situation became acute. The cabildo met in special session the on June 8, 1733 » to consider these two problems. The treasurer of Seal Hacienda agreed to allow the importation of flour from foreign areas since it could not be secured from Spanish colonies nearby. But he decreed that the products exported in order to secure the flour would be required to pay double duty, and the flour imported would be taxed the usual twenty- one reales a barrel. The following year there was another shortage of flour. Tliis situation occurred over and over again. In 1749 the shortage of clothing was so great that more than a million pesos would have been ^ , 125 needed to bring in sufficient clothing to supply an adequate amount for Qh the population. There were continuous complaints from the Venezuelan growers and merchants about the Company. These concerned the delay of private ships V >? in getting to port and of private and Company ships leaving port, the failure of the Company ships to secure full loads, the low price of cacao the lack of cacao for private ships, and the bribery of the provincial of ficials by the Company. ^ In 1?3^ Lardizlbal, as coraaandante general of the Company, received a summary of these complaints from the Council of the Indies and was asked to reply. He ignored most of them and in a high-handed manner denied some, and replied that the private ships were not full because there was not enough cacao. In 1738 the cabildo of Caracas met with the factor of the Caracas Company, Nicolas de Francia, to resolve some of these problems. The agreement which was reached stated that the Company would carry on all the shipping, and in return would allow the Caraquenians half the space in the holds of the ships; and the Company would pay fourteen pesos a fanega for the cacao it bought Strang objections in the Ayuntamiento General were raised. The Marquis del Toro and the Conde de San Xavier were among the strongest objectors, for they were owners of private ships and were unwilling to grant the concession of all shipping to the Company, while Juan Primo Azcaino Gabriel Ibarra, Pedro Francisco de Ponte, Juan Francisco Arias, Vicente Blanco and Juan Blanco, who were growers, wanted the Company to take all the cacao offered for sale. A long and involved argument continued be- tween the principal shippers of Caracas, Toro and San Xavier, and the Council of the Indies. These two merchant shippers had been the major 126 shippers of cacao and other goods to Vera Cruz. In 1741 a c4duia was issued that forbade the Caracas Company to trade with Vera Cruz, and ordered the Company to correct all its illegal practices.®® This did not clear up the difficulties of trade in the province, evidently, for the Company and the traders continued in the same pattern as before the decree. The opposition to the Company was manifested not only by verbal and written complaints to Spain, but in actual revolts in Venezuela. There were three revolts which are worthy of consideration. The first of these occurred in 1732 when Andresote, a zambo who lived in the province of Yaracuy, led an armed group to patrol the roads to Nirgua and San Felipe in order to continue the contraband trade with the Dutch. ®9 The Governor, Sebastian Garcia Torres, used such vigorous and cruel means of attack against Andresote that the most prominent Caracans irqplored help from the crown. In answer, Martin Lardiz^bal was sent as iuez pesqulsa- dor £ oommandante aeneral to ascertain the facts. Lardiz^bal found that the Governor was guilty of many of the accusations, and he was able finally 1 to effect a period of peace and calm.^ He remained in Venezuela as oomandante general of the Company for many years. In 1741, in San Felipe again, another revolt occurred when Ignacio Vasasabal was named as teniente y .iusticia mayor of that city, with a view of greater suppression of trade with the Dutch. Again the Vene- zuelans refused to accept this Basque who had been named as a provincial official. When it was discovered that the alcaldes . the regidor and the escribano of the cabildo of San Felipe had directed the revolt. Governor Felipe be reduced from Zuloaga, following 4is duty, recommended that San 127 a ciudad to a pueblo . The king complied by temporarily reducing the status of San Felipe, and the Council of the Indies declared that it could find no accusation against Vasas£bal.93 These incidents are testimony to the strong revulsion of the Venezuelans to the Basques and the Caracas Company. This revulsion had spread to all parts of the colony by 17*4-8 and 17*4-9 • The serious short- ages of necessary goods, the extremely low prices paid to the growers for cacao, and the bribery of provincial officials by the Caracas Company are some of the major factors that increased the antagonism between the Basques and the Caraquenians. The attempts on the part of the Company to suppress contraband trade was perhaps another strong factor in this oppo- sition, although never expressed. That it was a factor is evidenced by the fact that most of the revolts occurred near the coasts where the il- legal trade was most prevalent. Revolt. 1749-1752 . —The revolt of Juan Francisco de Le«5n in 17*49 was the culmination of the opposition to the Caracas Company. It was another example of the resentment of all Basques because of the operation of the Company as well as of the unity of all segments of Venezuelan so- ciety against this common foe. The Canarians, referred to as isleffos . as well as the criollos . never failed to show their resentment. Juan Francisco de Leon, a Canarian by birth, was the capitjfa poblador of Panaguire and teniente de .iusticia of the towns in the valley of the Caueagua, east of Caracas.^ He owned a hacienda known as "El Guapo" in the valley of Caueagua near the town of Panaguire, and also owned a house in the city of Caracas. 95 The majority of the inhabitants de of the Caueagua valley were also isleffos and accepted Juan Francisco 128 Le<$n as their leader. The revolt of 1749 was touched off when Martin Echevarria, a Basque, appointed tenlente justlcio de cabo a Guerra of the Caucagua valley. 9^ Leon refused to accept him and at his direction the citizens of Panaguire sent word on April 3» 1749 » to Governor Castellanos in Cara- cas that they did not want a Biscayan nor "anything that resembled one. "97 when Echevarria arrived in Panaguire, Leon disarmed him and led a group of men in revolt to Caracas. It is recorded that "managers of haciendas, farmer, fishermen, shopkeepers, laborers, Indians, zambos and slaves" made preparations for this expedition, 9'3 This revolt, which began in April of 1749 , continued until 1752. A brief summary of the major events of these three years cannot be omitted. On the way to Caracas Leon received a letter from Castellanos which told him to remain where he was until April 23, 1749 » and asked him to state "point by point" what he desired, 99 Leon replied by letter that he would enter Caracas on Monday, April 20 from Chacao as planned, and 100 that he asked only for the total expulsion of the Basques from Venezuela . Having been warned that Castellanos planned to escape from Caracas before 101 April 21, Le<$n marched into the city on April I9. A cabildo abeirto . or avuntaaiento general , was held on April 22, 102 1749, to set forth the reasons why the Caracas Company was undesirable . With the city of Caracas under control of the cabildo and with faith in the promise of Governor Castellanos that the Basques would leave, Le<$n left Caracas. Again on May 2 and on July 11 he had promises that the Basques would leave. 10 3 He soon realized that none of the promises would be fulfilled, although the operation of the Company was at a standstill. 129 Leon went to Caracas on August 1, 17*1-9 * and again was naive enough to take the word of the governor that the Basques would be expelled, and dismissed the company of men who had accompanied him, only to be arrested. 101, He was brought to trial on September 1, 17*1-9, before Francisco Galindo QuiHones, oitjor of the audiencia of Santo Domingo. The trial was still in progress • ) > . when the new governor, Julian de Arriaga y Rivero, arrived on November 28, 17**9 • He was one of the more enlightened of the provincial officials and believed that leniency was the best policy. 10 ^ After talking to Leon, ' • **' ' v- * • y. It Arriaga gave him permission to go to his hacienda. It seems unfortunate that Arriaga did not remain in Caracas until he could effect a policy that would bring harmony between the Caracas Company and the citizens of Caracas. He requested to be relieved of his responsibilities as soon as possible, and was replaced in June, 1751. He went to Spain to serve as Intendent of i0c Cadiz in 175**, giving him only a year and a half as governor of Venezuela. The new governor, Felipe Ricardos, arrived on June 21, 1751, Hav- 10 ing suffered a stroke on the way from Spain. 7 He came with two major orders: to punish the rebels, many of whom were named; and to re-estab- TAG lish the Caracas Company. It is not known whether or not his temper was shortened by infirmity, but many Caraquenians and other Venezuelans felt its sting. Ricardos wrought such violence that the people became terrified. When Leon could stand by no longer he led a group to Caucagua 109 on August 17, 1751, but was forced to retire on August 20 , Many other smaller rebellions occurred throughout the colony, but Ricardos was able to break them up; and he placed a sum of 2,000 pesos on the head of Lein. Finally on February 2, 1752, Lein surrendered; his land was sown with 110 salt, his house was burned, and he was sent to Spain in chains. 130 Waether it was due to the leniency of the Spanish Courts, or to fear of the tumultous conditions in Caracas, at his death on August 2 s 17^2 in the royal hospital a Cldiz, Juan Francisco de Leon had been freed and his rights restored. Re-organization and Operation. 1757 to 1784 .--.Ricardos announced the cldula re-establishing the Caracas Company on June 24, 1751, and en- 1TO countered no difficulties. The Company was ordered re-established ac- cording to the provisions of the cldula of 1728, with one major change. Prices were to be set for cacao and other products by a committee composed of the governor, a regidor .and the Company's factor. The Company was ordered, also, to transfer its headquarters from San Sebastian to Madrid."*"^ In 1752 the annual dividends were set at five per cent, and a stock divi- dend of 100 per cent was declared for that year. The cabildo of Caracas asked, and was granted, the right for Venezuelans to buy stock in the 11 Company, and the right to regulate the trade with Vera Cruz, ^ The Caracas Company gained more privileges after 1752 and made several excel- lent changes. These, together with the support from the Crown, should have meant a successful period for the Caracas Company, but such was not the case. There were several reasons why the Caracas Company did not succeed as had been hoped. The contraband traders were more active than ever in 1752, although with the coast guard strengthened by the Company, the illegal traders were repressed to a degree for a while. During the re- volt years there was a loss in trade that was difficult to recoup. At- tempts were made by the Company to compensate for these losses by the es- tablishment of woolen mills, distilleries, a fishing company , and a flour ~ 131 mill. In 1761 it secured the contract to bring in Negro slaves, but these were not the profitable adventures they could have bean and thus did not strengthen the Company. 1 ^ The officials of the Caracas Company made a desperate effort to prove not only the value of the Company to Spain, but to make it a suc- cessful enterprise for those connected with it'. After Spain entered into war in 1762 and encountered a variety of problems, the Company issued Un Resumen de las Utilidades in 1765 to justify its existence, as it had is- ~ J~° sued the aanifiesto de 1749 . Un Resumen followed a report on February 14- , 1765, issued by a special .junta appointed by the King to consider com- merce with the American colonies. The latter report, a most liberal docu- ment, cited among the defects of the Spanish trading system, the Cadiz monopoly, the use of fleets, and the high duties on goods from America. The effect of this report, on the outstanding economic advisers to the Crown, is evidenced by the new policy of free trade first inaugurated on October 16, 1775 for certain of the Spanish colonies. Other colonies were added until all Spanish colonies had been granted the privilege of free L^ trade by February 28, 1789 when Venezuela and Mexico were included . The Caracas Company experienced periods of heavy losses. Many of these periods of difficulty were due to the Spanish situation domesti- cally and internationally, while others were due to problems within Vene- zuela. In spite of these losses and the dire financial condition of the Company by 1780, it had enjoyed a measure of success. In 1766 for instance, the Junta General of the Company announced a fifty per cent dividend in 1 stock, which would triple its original capital. ^ By 1771 the Company again had run into serious difficulty and by the end of that year its 132 liabilities far exceeded its assets, but by 1774 this had been corrected somewhat. 120 Fluctuation was typical of the financial history of the Company, The Caracas Company continued on until 1784, but was a very in- effective organization after 1765* It had ceased to be a monopoly com- pany after 1765 and its activities, aside from trading, had not proven very lucrative. Abalos, the Intendent, exerted influence to have the Company dissolved. 121 With the tremendous loss of ships during the war years and with the monopoly annulled the Company was not able to operate. On May 9» 1784, in the Junta General of the Company, it was decided to create the Company of the Fhillipines and to merge it with the Caracas 122 Company. Thus the Caracas Company experienced the failure that was sure to come. It was proof that monopoly was not the solution to the in- ternational trade problems and that monopoly did not benefit either Spain or Venezuela as the Crown had hoped. This was unfortunate for the mother country as well as for Venezuela, a potentially wealthy province. Economic Conditions after 1784 ToQacco Estanco The tobacco estanco which had been Established in 1779 had placed the cultivation and sale of tobacco under monopoly. 123 This monopoly came at a time when restrictions on trade were being abolished by the Bourbons of Spain on the counsel of several outstanding economists. The Spanish monopoly was established because of the increased demand for tobacco that resulted from the production of tabaco de polvo . or snuff. The fad of snuff-sniffing spread so rapidly that the demand for all types of tobacco surged upward at a tremendous rate. 133 The estanco . under the supervision of the Intendent, appeared at first to be successful. Abalos utilized his energies to the fullest in allocating areas for the cultivation of the tobacco, and in encouraging the citizens to produce it. During the last eight months of 1779 the harvest of tobacco amounted to 17,000 arrobas . and yielded 88,102 pesos in taxes It is interesting to compare this yield with the high yields in the early years of the production of tobacco. In l6l5» the province of Caracas produced 3,640 arrobas and in 1621, it amounted to 1^ 2,230 arrobas . The yield of tobacco in the province of Caracas did not continue to increase as anticipated but actually decreased, since many areas of the New World were now producing tobacco. In 1782 Abalos wrote to his friend, Josl de Galvez, the Secretary of State in Spain, to inform him that the hacendados could produce tobacco in Caracas in whatever amounts necessary to meet the demands for it.12^ Galvez replied that he had asked the cooperation of the Spanish ministers to the various European nations to ask that they publicize the availibility of tobacco in the Spanish colonies, and especially those of Caracas. This even did not bring the demands hoped for, and complaints against the estanco continued, since the hacendados were not allowed to produce tobacco independently. The cabildo of Caracas became so exasperated over the estanco that it requested the crown to abolish the estanco and to impose some tax to compensate the Royal Treasury. This request initiated in 1779, was not granted until 1792 when a cldula was issued which stated that the culti- vation and sale of tobacco would be completely free on condition that the 12? The Intendent same amount of tax be produced for the Real hacienda . 13^ suggested that the cabildo of Caracas name several representatives to solve the problem of additional taxation, To this the cabildo replied by suggesting that a Junta General or a congress of representatives from all the municipalities in Venezuela be held, since the problem was common to the entire province. The Junta General which was called only gave rise to a long and bitter argument, however, since the hacendados of Caracas and those of Barinas could not arrive at a common agreement .•'28 The citi- zens of Caracas had little interest in tobacco since they had lost most of the demand for their harvests, while the citizens of Barinas were highly interested in tobacco for they had been making heavy profits on it. The argument which ensued between the two Venezuelan provinces continued for six years without arriving at any decisions. The king allowed the estanco to be continued through the rest of the colonial period. It was continued, also, by the political administrators during the first years of the 12 republic . 9 Foreign Commerce Problems Foreign commerce had declined to a very low level by the time the Caracas Compary ceased operations in Venezuela. Cacao and tobacco were the only products in the province of Caracas that were of any value in foreign markets, and the latter had been superseded by the aromatic to- baccos introduced into the British colonies. Imports were limited since exports were limited. Reasons for the disruption of trade were manifold. Demands in especially for Europe for all goods declined due to the war of 1779 » and the luxury goods which were produced in the province of Caracas P Spain, involved in this war, had few ships available for trade in the New World. 135 In Caracas the lack of workers, falta de brayos . to produce exportable crops was another serious problem. The reduced flow of money which ensued from the decline in foreign trade intensified the situation, for then it was impossible to buy slaves to work on the haciendas to produce export goods. The Intendent Abalos had tried to solve the problem of the lack of workers in 1777 by initiating the sale of livestock on the foreign market, especially in the West Indies, which had never been permitted heretofore."1-^ The plan for the sale of mules, horses and cattle met with a measure of success, and the monetary returns made possible the im- portation of slaves as farm laborers. Then Abalos could initiate a pro- gram to encourage the production of larger yields of goods for export. Emphasis was placed on the production of grains, cacao, and cattle for their hides, and on the estanco . or government monopoly of tobacco. The increase was gratifying. By 1801 more than one million pesos in agricul- ’ tural goods were exported from Caracas.^ The attempts of Abalos to improve the economy by the importation of additional slaves had beneficial results, although the number of slaves introduced was never very large. From 1778, when the increased impor- tation of slaves began, until 1780 less than 1,000 slaves had been brought L into all Venezuela ." ' ;5 These were transported partly by ships from Spain and partly by English merchantmen to whom special grants had been made. The governor of Venezuela announced to the hacendados in 1?84 that an Englishman by the name of Edward Barry had been granted the privilege of importing 4,000 slaves to the Isle of Trinidad and these were for sale in ’" they any of the Spanish colonies."0 The hacendados were informed that 136 were permitted to secure slaves from Trinidad. In 1786, another grant was given by Spain to two English merchants from Liverpool, to transport 5,000 to 6,000 African slaves for sale in Habana and in La Guaira from May 26, 1736 to Auguat 31, 1787 • Twelve hundred slaves were to be left at La Guaira for sale at 155 pesos each. The first 439 arrived in June, 1786; and an additional 605 arrived in April, 1787 . ^36 The latter group included not only men, but women and children, which was in vio- lation to the provisions of the grant; but once there, they were allowed to remain by royal decree. A long and bitter argument arose in 1797 between the merchants and planters in Caracas over foreign trade. Trade had decreased to a low ebb and prices had dropped to a frightening level. In a Junta General of fifty-one hacendados held in Caracas in 1797, the blame for all the difficulties of the landholders was laid to the merchants. They were blamed for the excessively low prices of the goods exported, and for specu- lation on imports, especially during the war years. Some prices on imports had increased 150 per cent while prices on all exports decreased. The prices on cotton and coffee had dropped so low as to exclude them from the market. Cacao went from twenty pesos per fanega . or 110 pounds, to ten pesos; and aHil for dye declined from fourteen and one-half reales per pound to ten reales . Some hacendados had stored goods, refusing to sell at these prices, to find later that the goods had begun to spoil. ^3 The Junta General accomplished little except to inflame tempers. Despite the fact that complete freedom of trade was granted to Venezuela in February 28, 1789, the right to transport and sell Negro slaves was reserved to Spain, and to any foreign nations which were granted 13? the privilege ty the Spanish Crown for a period of two years. This right was extended for another two years on February 20, 1791.-^9 3y a royal decree of April 22, 1804, an extension in the Negro slave trade in Ameri- ca was made to Spain for twelve years, and to other European nations for l^J-O six years. The cabildo of Caracas registered a protest with the gover- nor and insisted that he send a memorial to the Crown, since several citi- zens of Caracas owned ships and wanted the privilege of transporting slaves for their province. As a result the cedula was rescinded for all Venezuela By 1795 the farmers near Caracas were producing larger amounts of coffee and were seeking markets for it. From the time of its introduction into the province in 1784, the harvests had risen annually. The soil and climate were excellent for its production. In 1796 there were exported from Caracas 4,800 quintals of coffee, and this had increased to 50,000 142-i' v quintals by 1810 . It was unfortunate that the entire economy of Caracas was disrupted by the wars for independence before coffee had reached any degree of stability in the international market. It was to be many years before coffee became a source of wealth for Venezuela. In 1804 the ports of Venezuela were ordered opened to neutral nations for the rest of that year, or until peace was declared. This did not stimulate trade as had been hoped. -^3 shipping ceased almost completely from 1801 to 1804. The royal officials were unable to offer any solutions to the problem, and the citizens of Caracas were not successful in finding a solution. The wars for independence followed very soon, and so there was no opportunity for improving the situation. Caracas was in a serious economic plight prior to the outbreak of hostilities and it became worse 138 during the war and in the first years of independence 139 •"See Chapter I of this study. 2Sduardo Arcila Farias, Economla colonial de Venezuela (Mexico, 1946), p. 68. 3 Lioro co^iln y general de la tessorerln . SecciSn Real Haciendo, Vol. 7, folio 85, Archivo General de la Naci5n, Caracas. 4 Arcila Farias, 81 • ^Pedro Jos6 de Olavarriaga, ^nqtruccijn.general ^jsarticu^ar , del estado..pre_s,ente de. Iruarovincja de Venezuela en los aHos X7Z<± y. -7.2a- . Archivo de Academia Nacional de la Historia, Caracas. This is the manu- script of a .iuez de comisi<$n made in 1720 and 1721 concerning the econo- mic situation of the Venezuelan provinces. 6mk- ? Actas . minutes for July 25, 1605 (Caracas, 1946), Tomo II, p. 381; and see the copy of the "Carta del cabildo a su majestad, el Rey, fechada 25 de Julio de l605," Archivo General de India s, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, in the Archivo de la Academia I'lacional de la Historia, Caracas. 8"Real c6dula de 26 de agist o de 1606," Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 15. A copy is in the Archivo de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, Caracas. 9 "Carta de Gobemador Garcia Giron, fecha de 18 de febrero de 1612," Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 15. A copy is in the Archivo de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, Caracas. The amount due the king was 47,000 ducados and not 90,000 ducados as re- ported by Gir6n, according to a letter from the royal officials in Venezuela written on June 26, 1612. See Arcila Farias, Economla colonial . 99-100, footnote 104. Arcila Farias, Economla colonial . 83. " 1 el roid . , 82; and "Carta del Gobemador Alquiza a su majestad, rey, a 5 de junio de 1607, Caracas," Archivo 'General de Indias. est. 54 caja 4, leg. 15 . Copy in Archivo de la Academia Nacional de la Historia, Caracas. 12 Ibid . ^Arcila Farias, Economla colonial . 85* l4 Libro comiln y, general de la tegorerja . Vol. 6, folio 102, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. ^Arcila Farias, Economla colonial. 85 , . » 140 16' Ibid •, 86 -^Melvin Herndon, Tobacco in colonial Virginia (Williamsburg, 1957) 41. 18 Joseph Robert, Story of tobacco in America (New York, 19^+9) , 18* -^ Actas, 1620-1624 . minutes for 2-lay 28, 1621 (Caracas, 1956), Tomo V, 58-59* 20 Ibid . 21 Libro coiaun y general de la tesoreria . Vol. 33, folio 378. Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 22 'Ibid., Vol. 7, folio 86 . Cacao beans were used as money, just as pearls had been used earlier. Metal coinage was often lacking in Caracas ‘^' Libro de Real Hacienda . Tomo XXIV, folio 57, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. ^Olavarriaga , op. cit . , 54. ^Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 90. 26 Ibid. . 88. 2 ^Rodrigo de Arguelles y Gaspar de Parraga, Eescripcion de la laguna de liaracaiba . Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 1, caja 1, leg. 1. Copy Archivo de la Academia Macional de la Historia, Caracas. 23 Arcila Farias, Bconomia colonial . 91. 29 Ibid . . 93 . 3° Real cldula . a 3 de marzo de 1695 . Archivo de concejo ••Junicipal, Caracas. 3 1 Arcila Farias, Sconomia colonial . 93. 3 2,,Real cldula, a 7 de febrero de 1699," Reales c6dula s. Coleccion de Documentos, Vol. 422, folio 116, Archivo General de la Naci<5n, Caracas. 33 see Libro comiln y general de la tesoreria for various years in Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 4 3 Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 105, n. 5^. ^ l4l --’-’Arcilla Farias, Coraercio entre Venezuela y Mexico en los siglos XVII y SVIII (Mexico)1950), 200. 3 u I'ojd . . An examination of the books of the Real hacienda in the Archivo General de la Naci<$n by the writer corroborates the conclusion drawn by Arcila Farias. 37J Toid . . 200. Expenditures from the Treasury of the province of Caracas are cited in the same work on page 200, n. 11. 38 Ibid . 39Francisco de Pons, A_ voyage to the eastern part of tlerra firroa . or..tne Spanish .iain, in South America during the years. 1301. 1302. 1803 . and 1304 (New York. 1806). Vol. II. 10-11. ^Josl Gil Fortoul, Ilistoria constitucional de Venezuela (Reprint, Caracas, 19*+2), Vol. I, 7*+. ^Jules Humbert, Leg orlgineg venezuelilnnes . Essai sur la colonizacion espagnole au Venezuela (Paris, 1905), 80. ^ 2Real CompaHia Guipiizcoana. otjcias historiales oracticas de los suceso.s_de esta Rea^ CompaHia desde su fundacion ano de 1728 hasta el de 1764 (Madrid, 17o5) • Herinafter referred to -loticias historiales . ^3see Libro coraun y general de la tesoreria for the years 1701 to 1721 in Archivo General de la Uacion, Caracas. '^'See Libro comun y general de la tesoreria for the years 1703 to 1708 in Archivo General de la Macx6n, Caracas. 43 Ibld . ^^Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 169; and see Libro connin y j-;eneral de la tesoreria for the years 1701 to 1719 In Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. ^ Loticias historiales . 27-28, 52-53* 48 For one example see Actas . minutes for June 27, 1605 (Caracas, 19*4-6), Toiao II, 25*+. ^9Ibid . 5° Actas, 1589-1600, minutes for June 5, 1595 (Caracas, 19*+3)» Tomo I, 82. 31 Ibld . 2 ^ "Real c^dula" and "Auto,” T.lbro cop-Sador- de » 142 titulos gue, corre desde 24 de raayo de .1701 hasta 26 de enero de 1723 , Seccion Real Hacienda. Vol. 451, folio 190. Archivo General de la Naci6n, Caracas. 53 lbid . ^Hussey, op. cit .. 60 . ^ibld . . 60 -62 . ^- ; Lioro copiador de titulos y reales cldolas. 173.2-1736. Seccipn Real Hacienda. Vol. 437, folio 4, Archivo General de la Hacion, Caracas. ^Hussey, op. cit .. 73. 8 5 Ibid.. 85. ibid . . 64; and Humbert, op. cit .. 90-92. ^Hussey, op. cit .. 65} and Humbert, op. cit .. 95 . 8 -‘-Humbert . op. cit .. 95 . 82 01avarriago , op. cit .. See entire study and especially Chapter III. ^Arcila Farias, Econoioia colonial de Venezuela . 171. M w ^"Eanifiesta de 1749, .ioticias historiales . 14-32. The Kani- 1' fiasto de 1749 was a defense of the Caracas Company made in 1749 » and was published as a part of Noticias Historiales in 1765 . Judgment and care must be exerted if use is made of this work. 65 88 67 88 Ibid . Ibid . rold . Ibid. ^Humbert, op. cit .. 10 7 70 Hussey, op, cit .. 75 . 71Ibid. 72 Arcila Farias, Econoraia colonial . 190. ?3Hussey, op. cit .. 72 . ^"ilanifiesto de 1749," lioticias historiales . 7 ^Hussey, op. cit .. 87; and "I-lanifiesto," -Ioticias Historiales . 76 Ibld . 77Hussey, op. cit .. 88. s 143 73 79 Ibid . . 7?. laid. 8o Arcila Farias, K;Cono^._colonJ^l .de, Venezuela , 205. 8l Ibld . . 206. 3 ~Hussey, op. cit .. 97. 83 lbid . . 312* Among the citizens called to be questioned about the food shortage and its dire effect during the epidemic of small-pox was the Regidor Josi Oviedo y Baffos, nephew of the illustrious bishop Diego isafios y Sotoraayor, and who wrote a scholarly history of Venezuela. See "expedi- ente sobre excasez de harina. Diverso . Colecci6n de Documentos, Torno XIV, folio, 379 » Archivo General de la Naci<$n, Caracas. S^gnrique Bernardo Mrlez, Juan Francisco de Leon, o el levantamiento contra la Compaftia Gujpuzcoana (Caracas, 1950), 75. This is an excellent study. Also see Aristides Rojas, Estudios Hist6ricos. Origenes Venezolanos (Caracas, 1891), Appendice de Documentos. ^Hussqy, op. cit .. 90-121; Arcila Farias, Econoaia colonial . 209- 216. 86 N\flfe*, op. cit .. 94. 87 88 Ibid . . Ibid . . 94-95. 8^ roid . : and Arcila Farias, Economia colonial, 219; and Hussey, 66. 9°Real c6dula in Lioro copiador de titulos y reales cedulas, 1732- 1736. Seccion Real Hacienda, Vol. 437, folio 4, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. ^T-Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 219. 9 2 Ibid. , 222. This appears to be the same person as Basarz^bal mentioned in Hussey, op. cit .. 115-117. 93Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 222-223; Hussey, op. cit .. 115-H7. 94jhtSez, op. cit .. 91; Rojas, op, cit .. 243. 95ibid . 9^iiuSfez, op. cit .. 91. M 97 "Carta de Francisco Leon de fecha de 3 de abril de 1749, Bxpedientes de la insurreccion de Juan Francisco de Leon . Tomo I, folio 5 vuelto, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 93;junez, Juan Francisco de Leon , 87. 99lbid . . 89. 100 "Carta de Juan Francisco Leon de fechada en Chacao a 20 de abril de 1749," Expedienteg _de la insurreccion de Juan Francisco Le&i , Colecci6n de Documentos, Tomo I, folios, 7 and 8. Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 101 iiil3ez, Juan Francisco de Leon . 89. 102 "Acta de la Asemblea que celebraron las notables de Caracas en la sala de ayuntamiento el 22 de abril de 1749, donde se reconoce, en vista del escrito presentado por Le<$n a traves de su abogado, los per- juicios que ha causado la CompaHla” in Aristides Rojas, Estudios historicos . Qrigenes venezolanos (Caracas, 1391), Appendice Documental, 6. 253* 10 3Rojas, op. cit .. 255* 10 **RuHez, Juan Francisco de Leon. 90. 1'; de setievabrc de 1749 . Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 130, caja 6, leg. 1. Copy in Archivo De la Academia Nacional de la Historia, Caracas. IQ^'iUnez, Juan Francisco de Leon . 92. 10 108 2bid . . 103. Jbid. 10 9Rojas, op. cit .. 263. 110 Rojas, op. cit .. 261-64. ^^Arcila Farias, Sxonorala colonial. 234. 112Hussey, op. cit .. 153. n ^roid. . 156. ^Jbid. . I63. ^Ibid. . 172. llo»»un resumen de los utilidades," .bticias historiales . 100-162. This is a part of the defense of the Caracas Company sent to the king in Spain. n?Ibid . 118 «ei Reglemento de Comercio Libre,” Reales ordenes . Colecci<$n de Documentos, Tomo X, folio 103, Archivo General de la Naci<$n , Caracas. ^Hussey, op. cit .. 236. 120’ Ibid . . 252-53. . s , 145 l2 lCarta de Abalos al secretaries universal de India s, don Jos6 de Galvez, fechada en Caracas a 27 de septiembre de 1780, Intendencia . Tomo IX, folios 109-110. Archivo General de la Naci<5n, Caracas. 122Hussey, on. cit .. 296. 12 3Real c4dula de 24 de junio de 1777 » Libro de reales ordenes sobre el estanco del tabacow Secci<5n Real Hacienda. Tomo 454, folios l-5> Archivo General de la HacieSn, Caracas. 12i4 Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 332. 125see this chapter, Tobacco, 109 -^Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 335* 12 ^Real C6dula de 31 de octubre de 1792, SeccitSn, Real Hacienda, Tomo 451, folio 78 vuelto, Archivo General de la Eacion, Caracas. i23Arcila Farias, Economia colonial. 343. 12? Ibid . . 346. 130 With shipping curtailed and the econort^r in Europe disrupted luxury items such as cacao, the major export good from the province of Caracas, found little demand. 1 31*'Auto de 14 de octubre de 1777 •" Intendencia . Tomo III, folio 1, Archivo General de la Naci<$n, Caracas. 13 2 Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 359* ^ ibid . ^^eal Orden dada en Madrid a 18 de febrero de 1784, Reales ordenes . Tomo VIII, folio 275 » Archivo General de la Naci<5n, Coleccion de Documentos, Caracas. 1 35Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 399* 13°See Reales c6dulas in Reales c6dulas . Coleccion de Documentos, Tomo IX, folios 87-93, 123, and 226. Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 137Arcila Farias, Economia colonial . 3^5* 138"Representaci6n de la junta general de Comercio," Diverso . Coleccion de Documentos, Tomo LXXH, folios 257-305* Archivo General de la Eacion , Caracas. 146 i 39npv6ai Qrden, dada en Madrid a 20 de febrero de 1771, M Reales cldulas, ColeccicSn de Documentos, Torao IX, folio 42; and ’'Real C6dula, a 24 de noviembre de 1891, Reales cddulas . Tomo XII, folio 75 » Archivo General de la Naci6n, Caracas. l2w Real C6dula, a 22 de abril 1804, Reales c6dulas , Coleccion de Documentos, Tomo VII, folio 224, Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. '' ' *” • 5 > , } l^Real C6dula, a 25 de enero de 1307, Reales c6dulas . Colecci<5n de Documentos, Tomo IX, folio 23, Archivo General de la NacitSn , Caracas. 1Zf2A. Arellano Moreno, OrIrenes de la economxa venezolana (Mexico, 1947), 183. -^3 "Real orden de 31 de julio de 1801," Actas del real consulado , Vol. 3, folios 37-40, Archivo General de la Racion, Caracas. CHAPTER V THE ECONCMT IN THE NATIONAL PERIOD From the Revolution to 1920 Disruption after the Revolution The years of the Revolution for Independence, the period in which Venezuela was devastated, also left Caracas in a deplorable state. She was unable to recover from her serious economic situation until well into the twentieth century after oil was produced commercially. Agricultural and pastoral activities were disrupted during the war years and it was not easy to re-establish them following the war. The heavy loss of life during the Revolution deprived the nation of manpower from which she did not quickly recover. This loss of man-power was both in leaders and in laborers. Her loss of men who would have supplied leadreship so necessary to stability was an irreparable loss. On the other hand the goods of ex- port not only were in small supply due to the lack of labor^ but also found little demand on the international market. Caracas, of necessity, became a town in which the residents Mate, drank, looked, and slept,” as colonial Caracas of 1615 is described.' With economic productivity at low ebb few of the residents could hope for very high standards of living. The relatively small number of families of wealth and social position were able to maintain their town houses and their haciendas and live fairly comfortably. It was the masses who were forced to live at very low levels of existence. Salaries and wages were 147 3 148 small, and the government income was insufficient to produce mass educa- tion, social benefits, or for road building to provide an ease of transpor- tation of goods to market to improve the economy. State of Agriculture Caracas, located in the heart of a predominantly agricultural and pastoral section of the nation, did not gain much wealth from the export of coffee, cacao, or hides. Coffee, which could be produced in large amounts in the Aragua valley near Caracas, did not yield any great wealth since the world demand was so small. The larger Brazilian crop was secur- ing the world markets more readily. Cacao , or the cocoa bean of the Cara- cas valley, was superseded by the cacao of Africa and other areas, so that it found low prices and little demand. Hides were often of inferior quali- ty because of deep the brand marks placed on the best portions J the damage to the hides by wounds and barbed wire scratches, and the sun curing which made them unsuitable for the tanning process later. 2 Attempts at Industry Few attempts were made to introduce industrial operations in Caracas or Venezuela during the nineteenth century. The first cotton factory established in Caracas was in 1853, and it proved to be a failure. It was not until late in the nineteenth century that one was established 4 which was a successful venture. This factory at Caracas and one at Valencia were founded by Venezue- lans. By 1884 cigarette factories and breweries were operating in Caracas.-’ A match factory was in operation in 1395.^ Slaughter houses were maintained, of course, as in colonial days to supply the city with meat. These few in- dustrial operations could not begin to supply the inhabitants with the goods they desired. The masses did without and the wealthier sought im- ports, if on a small scale. From 1920 to the Present Advent of Petroleum Petroleum was the resource that gave great impetus to wealth and development in Caracas as in all Venezuela. Production, begun on a com- mercial scale in 1917 » enables Venezuela to emerge from a depressed 7 economy.' The amount of oil exported was doubled each year from 1913 to 1928 when Venezuela arrived at second place in world petroleum production. As early as 1925 petroleum surpassed coffee in value as an export, and by Q 1929 petroleum represented 76 per cent of the total value of exports. In 19**9 the 500,000 bags of coffee represented only two per cent of the Venezuelan exports; petroleum amounted to 97 per cent.^ Government revenues began to increase enormously even in the early years of petroleum production. Government income from oil, which was very low in 1921, rose to over Bs 50*000,000 or $16,666,666 in 1929.^° Customs 1 receipts doubled in this same period. - By 1929 petroleum accounted for one-haif the government’s revenues and by 1938 for two-thirds of its revenues. 12 The government has improved the climate of investment for foreign- ers and for the nation. Under Juan Vicente Gomez several petroleum laws were passed, but he did not establish an attractive enough climate for foreign investors to rush to Venezuela. Other laws followed the 19^3 law, which was one of the most important ones to that time. This law unified and simplified company-government relations, and vastly increased the government’s income from oil. The intent of this law was to assure that - 150 the national government's revenues would now equal the profits of the industry. In 1945 petroleum taxes soared to Bs 276,000,000 and income taxes to Bs 52,000,000. Of the Bs 614,000,000 the government received from all sources more than one-ha.If was paid by the petroleum companies, L^ and if customs receipts were included, the percentage would be higher . This indicates the importance of the Icy ae l-iidrocarburos de 1943 to the national government. The petroleum companies moved their headquarters from i-iaracaibo to Caracas between 1935 and 1941. Not only was Caracas more comfortable climatically, but the new location placed the companies' offices near the seat of the national government. This location in Caracas as well as the additional national income precipitated a population increase and economic development in Caracas and in La Guaira. The inauguration of the policy, "sembra el petroleo," or "sow the petroleum,” in which portions of the income from the petroleum would be used for national development, was of tremendous importance. With the usual Latin American attachment for their capital city, the first public works programs were intitiated in Caracas, and through the year 1955 the largest ones were for development in Caracas. In 1941 a five-year plan of public works was initiated, the first of miny such programs. There were 40,000 Venezuelans occupied in this program compared to 6,500 public works laborers at any time during the 10 Gomez regime. Since then the number of people employed in public works projects has increased many fold. This has been a major factor in the in- ternal migration of men to Caracas in recent years. 151 Other Iiiaastri-;! , Development Industry in Caracas has developed at an unusual rate of speed in the twentieth century, although domestic goods are not produced in suf- ficient quantity to meet demand. There were 7,730 industries in Caracas in 1954- which included textile mills, breweries, pharmaceutical labora- tories, soap factories, a tire factory and a cement plant. The General Tire Company opened a factory in Caracas in 194-1, with one-half stock 1 sold to Venezuelans. ^ The government provided the site and made certain tax concessions in order to develop the rubber industry of the nation, and to make industrial investors of native capitalists. "9 In 1955 the General Tire and Rubber Company arranged to open a factory in Caracas to produce foam rubber, platics, asphalt and rubber tiles. 20 Cement was one of the industries which was developed when the de- mand for it rose rapidly on the inauguration of the public works programs. The national consumption increased from 40,000 tons of locally produced cement in 1938 to 215,000 tons in 194-3; and the amount of imported cement 2j increased from 137*000 tons to 4-21,000 tons in the same period. - The increase in local production of cement was necessitated during the period of curtailed shipping of World War II if the public works projects were to be continued. Then it was that large amounts of excellent limestone, some of it of 90 per cent purity, was located. The Venezuelan cloth and garment industry has made considerable progress during the twentieth century. From 194-2 to 1951 the amount of 22 textiles and garments imported decreased by 36.7 per cent. A perusal of the classified section of the Caracas telephone directory indicates the growth of industries in the last few years. In 1950 there were 1,777 152 spinners and weavers employed in the Federal District, which means Caracas, since there were no textile mills in other areas of the District. 2^ There 2h/ were 15»524 garment workers employed in Caracas in 1950 . Foreign Trade Importance of Imports . —Foreign trade is of the utmost importance to Caracas and to all Venezuela. From 1933 to 1949 Venezuelan exports increased 145 per cent and imports increased 290 per cent Among the Latin American nations, Venezuela is the second best customer of the United States, outranked only by MeodLco . The major imports in order of import- ance are machinery and vehicles, metals and metal manufactures, foodstuffs, textile fibers and manufactures, chemicals and related products, miscel- laneous products, wood and paper products, non-metallic minerals, and in- edible vegetable products. 2? The miscellaneous category includes such items as photographic goods, scientific equipment, musical instruments, office supplies, toys and sporting goods. 2® For the past few years imports from the United States to Venezuela have averaged $500,000,000 annually; and the total value of imports to Venezuela from all nations has averaged $670,000,000 annually. in 1951 the Venezuelan imports decreased but they began to increase in 1952. The 1951 drop was 4.5 per cent below the 1947-49 average, but in 1952 they rose 6.7 per cent above the 1951 quan- tum, which was higher than the 1947-49 level. In a careful survey of goods sold in Venezuela and in Caracas it is estimated that two-thirds of most of the types of imported goods were consumed in Caracas, the exception being heavy machinery, much of which would go the oil fields, the iron ore mines, and to Valencia, which is rapidly becoming an industrial center. Foreign-made goods are so 153 predominant in Caracas that one may well wonder whether ary of the do- mestic manufactures are sold there. The automobiles and clothing are from either the United States or Europe; cosmetics and medicines bear American labels as do shoes, china, bric-a-brac, and many other articles. Foods that are imported are largely from the United States and include dairy products, grains, and cereal products, fruit and fruit products. The ratio of consumer goods to total imports is always high, ranging from 2 41.4 to 50.3 per cent.^ In the Directory of Importers and Exporters of Venezuela issued by the Ministry of Foreign Relations are listed 677 firms for the city of Caracas engaged in foreign trade. 33 The majority of these firms are importers while some deal in both imports and exports. While some of these firms deal in specific goods, others handle a wide variety of goods. Importance of Exports .—Coffee is one of the most important of the exports, being one of the first sources of wealth for many Venezuelans, and second only to petroleum. Since large amounts of coffee are produced in the Aragua valley near Caracas, there are several coffee export houses located in Caracas. The increased world demand for coffee between 1924 to 1929, when 1,093 »000 bags were exported annually, decreased during the depression years. 3^ The situation of the coffee growers and exporters became so acute that the government provided an export subsidy in 1938* When the situation became more acute for all the coffee-producing nations, the United States and fourteen Latin American producing countries entered into the Inter-American coffee agreement which went into effect on April 16, 1941, and ran for three years. 35 This agreement embodied the export- quota idea, and planned for the outlet of 55 per cent of the coffee of 154 these fourteen nations. 3^ Venezuela was one of several nations which were allowed exports in excess of her previous shipments. 37 Since World War II, when the demand has been so great for coffee, Venezuela has had little difficulty in finding a market for her coffee which is noted for its excellent flavor. The largest buyer of the Venezuelan coffee is the United States, with Germany and France in second and third places respectively.3^ it is of great importance to her to maintain the exportation of coffee at as large a quantity as possible. Petroleum is the most important export in Venezuela, but Caracas benefits from it more indirectly than directly. Thus a presentation of petroleum exportation is not relevant here. True it is that there are a considerable number of residents of Caracas who are employed in the of- fices of the oil companies in Caracas who benefit directly from petroleum production and exportation. Nevertheless, it is the increased flow of currency in the nation that finds its way to Caracas which benefits the city of Caracas. Government Policy . —The central government, aware of the importance of foreign trade in the life of the nation, has encouraged both import and export trade. Inport and export subsidies have been granted, and no re- strictions have been placed on the purposes for which foreign exchange may be used. Excellent dock and harbor facilities make for an ease of ships entry and unloading.-^ Control measures have been adopted only as protection. Tariffs are largely for protection of goods which may be in competition with foreign goods. Surtaxes, excise and export taxes re other direct control messures used for protection. The indirect controls include import and ^ 155 export licenses, quotas, linked buying and state trading, labile the government has encouraged foreign trade, sanitary laws and customs regu- lations are enforced strictly.^ Although shippers encounter exacting regulations in trading with Venezuela, the enormous quantity of goods that can be sold makes the effort worth while. Employed Caraquenians in 1950 Caracas is a busy city. In addition to the 7*730 industrial plants in Caracas, there are 14,956 commercial enterprises, and 480 trans- portation firms. There are 427 restaurants, 32 night clubs, 128 hotels and 429 pensions, and there are several thousand other businesses oper- 42 ating in the city. There are also hospitals, schools, and other estab- lishments. These numerous enterprises demand the services of the residents of Caracas. There are 257*592 people gainfully employed in Caracas, 198,145 of whom were men and 69,447 of whom were women. ^ Of the 17,251 professional people in Caracas, 10,870 were men and 6,381 were women. Of the professional people more than 800 are doctors and surgeons, 250 are dentists, and 2,000 are nurses.^ In the industries there were 73*151 people, 60,023 of whom were men.^° There were 24,136 office workers, and 4 18,014 persons were engaged as salesmen in stores and on the streets. ^ Of the 38,051 people employed in domestic service, approximately two- thirds are women, which is to be expected.^ The large ma jority of the 9,022 men included in the domestic category were listed as barbers and policemen.^ Women have entered almost every field of endeavor in Caracas. 156 The professions and technical positions have attracted sizeable numbers of women who have been quite successful. Many women hold office positions, and they serve as teachers and salesmen as well as nurses and domestic servants. In only a few categories of the census such as mechanics, forestry engineers, bank executives, pawn brokers, aviators, tile and brick layers, plumbers, riveter, glove makers, or harness makers, are there no women employed. 5° Wages and salaries have increased with the increase in economic activity. The Ministry of Interior announced in 1952 that the average monthly income of salaried workers in Caracas was Bs 1,065 or $355* and that the average for wage earners was Bs 417 or $139.^" A salesman repre- senting an American firm told the writer that he paid at the rate of ^400 a month in salary for a secretary in Caracas for a short period of time 2 in comparison to $100 to $125 in most other Latin American nations.-' One regularly employed secretary in private business told the writer that she was paid $500 a month, and another reported a salary of $350 a month, yet both women seemed to have the same background of training and length of experience. 53 a full-time domestic servant may earn $75 a month with three meals a day, in comparison to $25 in 1940.5^ Some workers now are protected by Social Security measures. All workers who earn less than Bs 1200 per month, or $400, must participate in the program. 55 it includes provision for illness, maternal care, and occupational hazards. The sick and maternal benefit payments are paid one-half each by the employer and employee, but the accident benefit is paid entirely by the employer. The sick benefits are extended to cover the entire family. Industrial workers are now covered by a special 157 assistance, with care provided in the new Physical Therapy and Rehabili- tation center at La Guaira, and compensation is paid up to 66 per cent of the injured worker *s salary from 26 to 52 weeks. , 158 -‘Prologue to Actas. I6l2-l6l9 . (Caracas, 1951) » Tomo IV, xvi. , ~J . B. Schnitzer (ed) "Hide and skin developments and trends in Venezuela,*' U.S. Dept, of Foreign Commerce, Industrial reference service . Vol. 3, Part 7, No. 1, 2. ^George .iythe, "The rise of the factory in Latin America," ilisoanic xerican .listoric:. l Review (August, 1945), 295. 4 5 6 Ibid . Ibid.» 296. Ibid. . 297. ^ Edwin Lieuwin, Petroleum in Venezuela (Berkley, 1955) , 14. 8 Ibid . . 54. 9Andris Uribe C., orown gold (New York, 1954), 70} and Investment in Venezuela (Washington, D. C., 1953) » 90. "] A Lieuwin, 00. cit .. 54. 11 Ibid. l2 Ministerio de Hacienda, Cuenta. 191 5-1933 . ( Caracas . 1939). -^Lieuwin, op. cit .. 97. l4 Ibid», 99. ^Lieuwin, op. cit .. 87. - u i-oreign Commerce Weekly (January, 1945), 9. Juan Vicente Gomez ruled Venezuela from 1908 to his death in December, 1935* Although he initiated a few public works projects, government income was not large enough in the first years of his regime to permit many such projects. Those he did approve were of special benefit to him and his economic enterprises. ^Ministerio de Relaciones Interiores, Informe . 1954 (Caracas, 1955). -^Michael Scully, "Freedom wins in Venezuela," Living Age (July, 19*W), 455. 20 Venezuela Up-to-date Bulletin of the Venezuelan Information Bureau, Venezuelan Embassy, Washington, D. C. (March, 1955) , Vol. VI, No. 1, 20. 21Simon G, Hanson, Economic development in Latin America (Wash- ington, 1951)» 145* • 159 22 United Nations, Economic survey of Latin America , 1951-1952 (New York, 1953). 133. 23 Octavo censo general de ooblacion. 1950. Resumen general de la Republica . Vol. XII, Parte A, Cuadro 115, 556; hereinafter referred to as Resumen general . 24 Ibid.. 558. 25 lnvestment in Venezuela . 90 2 ^ United States Trade with Venezuela (New York 1954), 12. 27 united States Exports to Venezuela (New York, 1955) » 10. 23Ibld. 29 ii'oreie:n commerce yearbook. 1951 (Washington, 1952) , 686. 3° Economic survey . 132. > 10 . ,3 Economic survey . 133. 33;viinisterio de Rela clones Exteriores , Pirectorio de importadores v exportadores de Venezuela (Caracas, 1956). 3V D. Wickizer, The world coffee economy (California, 19^3). 242. 3 35xbid. , 175. 36xbjd. . 1?6. 7ibid. .179. 3®Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Informe , 1954 (Caracas, 1955). 39investment in Venezuela . 93. 41 riinisterio de Relaciones Interiores, Informe. 1950 . 42md. ^3Resumen general . Cuadro 116, 578. This data is only for those parishes in Departmento Libertador of the Distrito Federal , and not for the metropolitan area. ^ibid. ‘Sibid . Cuadro 115 , 538) and Cuadro 116, 578. . l6o Ibid., 578. Ibid . Ibid . Ibid . Ibid . . Cuadro 115, 570; and Cuadro 116, 578. Ibid . . Cuadro 115, 538-70. Ministerio de Relaciones Interiores, aeaoria . 1952 (Caracas, 1953), 23-24. Interview with the Latin American representative of a large North American commercial paint firm who sold to wholesalers in Latin America. Information gained from several interviews Information gained from interviews. Luis Loreto and Ren£ Leberanche Parparcen, Inforae de sesruros socjnles (Caracas, 1950). CHAPTER VI INTELLECTUAL DEVELOPMENT Early Colonial Period The lirst settlers in Caracas had little time for intellectual pursuits. They were consumed with the problems and perpelxities of life. There were the belligerent Indians whose raids all but decimated the population more than once. There was the exigency of providing for the necessities of existence and for protection against the marauding buc- caneers, neither of which was any small task. In addition to these, the populace was devasted by the ravages of disease, especially the epidemics of small-pox and tropical fevers. The leisure of the early settlers centered about the activities of the home for family life was important. The celebration of the saint’s day for each member of the family provided many opportunities for cele- orations during the year. These were of special importance for the girls and women of Caracas where the custom developed of celebrating the saints* day instead of the birthday. The holy days of the church and political holidays were usually climaxed with a special family gathering, and not merely of the members in an immediate household, but of innumerable kin. Weddings, baptisms, and funerals were also occasions for family gatherings. In the case of a death, there were the masses for the deceased, at the stated intervals of six months over a two year period, which occasions ior the gathering of the relatives and close friends as they called on the 161 162 family of the deceased following the mass. Outside of these family activi- ties there was little time given to any pursuits other than those concerned with establishing the new municipality. Education Caracas, never the scene of intellectual fervor such as was Mexico, was not entirely lacking in intellectual interests, although they were scarce in the first years of settlement. During the first two decades the training of the children was the responsibility of the home. The small population and the lack of wealth were the two major deterrents to the founding of schools. In 1591 the cablldo of Caracas approved Luxs Cardenas Saavedra as a teacher of primeras letras . or as a primary teacher. Since the cablldo had difficulty in securing money, a contribution of fifty pesos annually from the citizens was requested as his salary. 1 The services of a second teacher were secured by Sim6n de Bolivar, the elder, in 1592 while he was in Spain as procurator. He gained the approval of the Crown to secure a teacher of Castillian grammar at a salary of thirty pesos annually, which was to be added to the contribution of fifty pesos paid to Saavedra. 2 The rigidity of class structure forbade the education of any large number of the classes. As in other Spanish colonies in the early colonial period, few people in the upper classes, and none in the lower classes, received formal instruction in Caracas. This was the pattern typical of the period the world over. None of the women of the upper classes were educated because of the belief that education would be a corrupting in- fluence. The Indians, who comprised the group of domestic servants and 163 laborers in the city, were not educated due to the fear that the Spanish would lose control over them. The mestizos , whose numbers increased rapidly, were accorded only a few more privileges than the Indians, and education was not among these in the first years of the settlement of Caracas. A colegio . or high school, was not established for more than a century after the founding of the city. Although Sim<5n de Bolivar ob- tained permission to establish a colegio, as one of many pre-eminences he secured for Caracas in 1591 and 1592, it was the illustrious Bishop Gonzalez de AcuHa who set in motion the plans for founding a Real Colegio Seminario de Santa Rosa in 1673 .^ The eminent Bishop Diego de Baftos y Sotomayor completed the organization of this school in 1696 .^ Among the catedras . or academic chairs, were; Theology, Philosophy, Rhetoric, Elo- cution, Latin and Music, according to the Constitucifoies of this school. The Real Colegio Seminario de Santa Rosa made a significant contribution in the city of Caracas and on it would later be established La Universidad Real % Pontlficia de Caracas .-'* The founding of a University in Caracas was due largely to the efforts of the scholarly Bishop Juan Jos6 de Edcalona y Calatayud. In 1721 he convened the Cabildo Eccleslastico . or the Ecclesiastic Council which had authority over matters; the alcaldes ordinaries of the cabildo or civil town council of Caracas, who were acting together as interim governor of Caracas at the time; and the Rector of the Real Colegio Serai- c nario . These men petitioned the crown for the privilege of founding a University, and permission was granted by a royal c6dula of December 22, 1721.^ According to this decree the Real Colegio would become ^ 164 a IMyers^atl With prerogatives equal to those of the University of -anto Domingo. The Pope concurred in the permission on December 18, 1722, and auonorized the title La .UniY^rst^ Real y Pontificia ae Caracas . «ith elaborate ceremonies the inauguration of the University occurred on 3 August 25, I725. ihe rector was assisted by a council of eight councilors, known as the or cloister, in accordance with the Council of Trent. The four conciliars who had served the Colei io Semlnario £e Santa Rosa continued in office and four additional ones were chosen. The Constitu- tion of the .Uniyer^id^d £gai Z Pontificia specified that the councilors must be twenty-five years of age, and either graduates or incornoradas of the University; and they could not hold professorships.^ Two of the four new councilors were required to possess doctor’s degrees. irofessorships were highly prized and eagerly sought by those who were eligible, while the d£ nroniedades . or permanent pro- fessorships, were sought, not all professors who were appointed were nonored 1 with this privilege. From time to time temporary professorships were assigned. Provisions was made to admit to the catedras the graduates of other Universities, Such candidates first presented their titles and certificates before the cloister. If the cloister approved them, the candidates were required to pay the same fees as graduates. ^ Retired professors were honored with many of the privileges of the profession and 1 were granted one-half their salary on retirement. "^ -dne e g&t, dffgs , or academic chairs, were incorporated in the Uni- versity. These included three in theology, one each in canon law and civil 11' law, philosophy, rhetoric, Latin and music. Theology was favored as in s ^ ^ 165 other Spanish colonies. The curriculum was built on Aristotelian philoso- phy, and the theological doctrines of St. Thomas Aquinas. The university experienced many vicissitudes. Its finances were unstable for many years. Courses were offered quite frequently for which there were no students. The policy of appointing graduates of the uni- versity as professors whenever possible precluded the appointment of scholars from outside the colony who would have ensured a greater breadth of knowledge. Theater The settlers in Caracas, as in other Spanish colonies, included drama among the institutions they transplanted in the New' World. Fore- most among the dramas were the comedia . which were more apt to have been satires or criticisms rather than comedies as currently defined. At an early date the eomedtr.s became a part of the festivities of holy days of the church. The cabildo requested the mar/ordomo of the city to provide some dancing and a comedy on El dia de Corpus or Easter Sunday, in 1595. On June 28, 1600 the cabildo of Caracas charged the alcaldes ordinarios and the procurador general with the responsibility of having a comedy pre- sented as a part of the celebration of the holy day of Santiago, the patron saint of the city. Dramatic productions continued to be important in the life of the people of Caracas to such an extent that the church authorities eventually became quite concerned. The Synodical Constitution of Caracas of 1687 con- tained two articles which regulated all drama, secular and non-secular. Article l4l forbade the presentation of drama, even autos sacramentales . a. 166 or Biblical plays, on the day of Corpus . on the day of Santiago, or on any Sunday when Holy Sacrament was celebrated; and the penalty of diso- bediance was eaccoraunion mayor , or the interdict, and the payment of silver for the building churches. Article 142 provided that any drama pre- sented must first be examined by church authorities who were not permitted to approve it if it contained anything contrary to the doctrines of the church or to good taste. Music Caracas was not without music even in its early history, even though music was not a flourishing art until well into the eighteenth century. A Spanish missionary, who is reputed to have been an artist as well as a musician and who went to Venezuela in 1591 » is the first musi- cian known to have been in that province. For several years prior to his death he lived in Caracas and taught music. It has been said that he composed music but none of his works are extant. 20 The first School of Music was founded in 1640 on the approval of the cabildo . and the salary of the professor was specified as fifty pesos annually Interest in music mounted in the latter part of the seventeenth century. In 1659 a cantor was named to the cathedral in Caracas; and in 1671 Doctor Gonzalo Cordero was appointed as the first maestro, or dir- ector, of music at the cathedral at a salary of 300 pesos a year. He was to teach music, especially the organ and the plain-song. Music was given a further boost when it was included as a catear . or department, 2 of the Real Colegio Seminario de Santa Rosa . ^ This prepared the way for music to be included as one of the nine catedras of the Real £ Pontificia 24 Universidaa de Caracas . 167 Ihe first organs in Caracas came from Spain by way of Santo Domingo. The large one in the cathedral was built by one Claudia Febres, a French- man, in 1711 at a cost of 1,500 pesos. ^ This was 200 pesos more than the fiahUflg had agreed to pay for it but it seems that the additional sum was secured by contributions. Violins were found in Caracas before the end of the century, as were clavecioqos. both of which were used in presenting sacred and secular music. ^ By 1784, there was some concern on the part of the Bishops that musicians were more concerned with the melodies than the words they sang.^ Late Colonial Period Ths_.Effec.ts of Enlightenment Hie intellectual pursuits of the eighteenth century, referred to as or —1 , Enlightenment, exerted an influence in Caracas, if somewhat belated. Works by many of the European scholars made their way to Caracas by several routes. Doubtless many were introduced by the contrabandists from Northern Europe where many of them were written and published. The Basques, who operated the Caracas Company, and were granted a monopoly of trade in Caracas, were responsible, perhaps, for the impor- tation of many of the works of European scholars. ^ They were strong sup- porters of the ideas of Enlightenment, and happily would have sent the booKs containing the new principles to Caracas. A number of Caraquenian families possessed libraries containing the works of Locke, Kontesquieu, Rousseau, Galileo, and Descartes, as well as those of Eoliere, Calder&n - and La Fontaine by the nineteenth century.' ^ Some of the most outstanding of the personal libraries were those of 3ishop Antonio de Aciffia; 168 Doctors Francisco Javier lanes and Bartolom6 Blandin ; and the presbyters Josl Antonio Montenegro and Rafel de Escaiona.30 The most complete libraries of the convents were those of the Jesuit Colegio and the Semi- 31 harjo Tridentino . Andris Bello, the scholar and political scientist, is said to have spent much time in the library of the Seminario Tridentino . Bello, Bolxvar, and other young men of Caracas, who became known inter- nationally in the nineteenth century, first became acquainted with the principles of modern science, popular and democratic government, and many other fields, in the public and private libraries of their native Vene- zuela. Attempts were made by Spain to prevent the spread of the new theo- ries in science, philosophy, govern ent and religion by prohibiting the distribution of books in the New World. The rules laid down for the Casa Si© Cpntratacion were explicit. Royal cldulas were issued specifically to prohibit the distribution of works containing any principles in opposition to those of the church and state. 3^ Nevertheless the new works did circu- late in Caracas. The audiencia . always zealous in its duty of enforcing royal decrees, warned the citizens of Caracas on December 11, 1798 that the circulation of the Declaration of The Rights of Man was forbidden, and that the penalty was two hundred lashes or four years in the presidio . or prison. 33 Even this did not hinder the spread of The Declaration nor other works, and many Caraquenians became apprised of the liberal ideas in poli- tics, science, and philosophy. By the latter part of the eighteenth century there were evidences of the impact of the Enlightenment, although it was not until the early part of the nineteenth century that many changes had been effected. The 169 Count Philippe de Segur commented on the knowledge of music and the social graces of the Caraquenians when he was there in 1786, as did Dauxi&i - Lavayse. In the early nineteenth century Alexander Humboldt found many books ji French, and much music from France and Italy in Caracas . The major advances were in the fields of science and mathe- matics although philosophy and other disciplines were influenced. An examination of the schools and the fine arts will demonstrate the advances made. Ilathematics The founding of formal mathematical studies was not without its difficulties. Arithmetic had been taught in the primary schools and the classes in Castillian and Latin Grammar from the time of their establish- ment, but advanced mathematics had little demand even in the latter part of the eighteenth century. Mathematics had little appeal for the aris- tocracy and there was no great need for any except applied mathematics. The first school of applied mathematics, Academics de Cadetos . was main- tained by the Caracas Company to teach the necessary mathematics to the militia in Caracas, Cuman£, Maracaibo, and probably Guiana.-^ Several attempts were made to teach mathematics to the youth of the aristocratic families by private tutors and in Academies. One of the fi^st of the private tutors of mathematics in Caracas was Nicolas de Castro who taught geometry and some mathematics applied to military pur- poses from 1760 to 1768 .-^ An Aragonese Capuchin, Father Fray Francisco de Andujar, began to teach classes in his home in 1798. These classes of Father Andujar are sometimes referred to as an Academy, but it is not known whether they actually constituted a formal Academy or whether the s 170 individuals and classes so ably taught have been dignified by this title in more recent years. An unsuccessful atterapt to incorporate mathematic s in the Royal and Pontifical University of Caracas was made by the Rector Agustln de la Torre in 1?90.^° This provoked the Real Consulado to insist on the es- tablishment of an Academy of Mathematics, Physics, and Chemistry to train "all persons known to be white and of good reputation." The students of this academy were to be taught gratuitously and it evidently had a measure 39 of success . It was not until 180^ that the cloister of the University 0 approved a catedra . or an academic chair, of mathematics.** Its honored position was not achieved until the mathematical genius, Juan Manuel Cagigal , returned to his native Venezuela in 1829. On the recommenda- tion of Doctor Jos4 Maria Vagas and Jos4 Rafael Revenga, the national government approved the founding of an Academia Mllitar de Mathematics . under the direction of Cagigal, with installation ceremonies held on November 4, 1831. Second and third bienniums of mathematics were to be taught in this Academia, since the first biennium was taught at the University. Beset by illness in a few short years, the contributions of Dr. Cagigal to the intellectual advances in Caracas during the first half of the nineteenth century were the more remarkable.^ Medicine Formal training for doctors was attempted early in the eighteenth century but with little success. The first attempt was made in 1721 and its failure discouraged any further endeavors until 17^0.^ In that year Doctor Francisco Fontes, a native of Palermo, was sent to Caracas by the Protomedicato of Madrid to assist in the improvement of medical facilities ^ 171 for the entire province. Doctor Fontes, with the support of another medical man from Spain who was also in Caracas, requested permission to establish a catedra of medical studies at the Royal and Pontifical Univ- versity. The offer was rejected on the grounds that these men were not graduates of the University of Caracas.^ This unfortunate practice of accepting only its own graduates 'was characteristic not only of the Uni- versity of Caracas, but of universities in other Spanish colonies#^ Permission to teach medicine at the Royal and Pontifical University of Caracas was not obtained until 1763 and then not without difficulty. Doctor Lorenzo Campfns y Ballester, a Mallorcan who had gone to Venezuela, was fired with the zeal for establishing classes for the training of phy- sicians. Aware of the attitude of the cloister toward foreign professors, he asked first for permission to secure the degrees of doctor de medicinn and of maegrtre en arte from the University of Caracas, although he pos- sessed the degrees of bachlller . licenciada and maestre en arte from the University of Mallorca . He was informed that the degrees would be con- ferred on his offering satisfactorily two courses at the University with no financial remuneration. He proved his ability and the degrees were awarded on July 30, 1763.^® An academic chair, or catedra . of medical studies was authorized, and opened on October 10, 1763. Five students offered themselves for training and received their degrees in 1768.^ The way was yet to be fraught with many obstacles for many years. On one hand there was such a small proportion of Spanish population to demand the services of a well-trained doctor, while on the other hand there was such a large proportion which was attracted by the machinations, superstitions and extraordinary claims of the untrained, so-called 172 curanderos. or quacks. The fact that Indian medical practices were often as efficiacious as those of the Spanish, and often more so, had not en- couraged medical studies. -5° Theology, law and philosophy were still the professions of distinction in the late eighteenth century and the young intellectuals did not choose medicine as a profession in any large numbers. In 179^ when Doctor Jos4 Antonio Anzola offered a course in anatomy, not a single student elected the course.-^ A definite change of attitude occurred during the first two de- cades of the nineteenth century. There was an upsurge of interest in medicine and medical studies were increased. In 1811 Doctor Federico Meyer was selected to inaugurate a catedra of anatomy and surgery at the university at a salary of 1,000 pesos annually. Although this catedra gave promise of success, it was barely launched before it was disrupted by the earthquake of March 26, 1812. The establishment of medical studies on a sound basis in the University of Caracas would be achieved by Doctor Josl Maria Vargas on his selection as Rector of the University in 1827. A Protomedicato . or Medical Board, was not established in Caracas until 1777* This was quite late in comparison to some of the other colo- nies. The first Protomedicato established in the New World was in Mexico in 1571 Doctor Campins y Balester was the first director of the Pro- tomedicato of Caracas.^ Until it was abolished in 1821 by Fernando VII, there was an array of outstanding men who served as directors of the Board. The Protomedicato in Caracas was a tribunal whose duty it was to improve public health, to examine and license physicians, surgeons,and 173 druggists, to inspect apothecary shops in Caracas and to see that laws pertaining to medicine were passed. To obtain the title of apothecary in Caracas, the applicant had to be an active Catholic, white, and a legitimate child, honest, and charitable proved to be, and to have studied with a pharmacist for a certain number of years; and he had to swear that he would not sell his goods at excessive prices nor to charge the poor anything, to obey the laws, to observe the precepts of the Tribu- nal, and to "defend the original purity and honor of the Mother Mary. "-5° The proto-medico was the alcalde mayor of lepers, the examiner and judge of all doctors of medicine, surgeons, druggists, distillers, and occu- 57 lists. Philosophy The new philosophy of Descartes, Leibnitz, Wolfe, Malebranche, Bacon, Locke, Condillac and Lamarck were taught in the Universidad Real y Pontificia. de Caracas in the last decade of the eighteenth century; and the principles of the new science were introduced, also, if on a limited scale. Among the scientists whose new, scientific principles were taught were iJewton, Kepler, Copernicus, Lavoissier, Franklin and 58 Volta. The proponents of these new ideas met with strong oppositions. On August 11, 1778 a debate was held in the aula maena . or large audi- torium, of the University between the Conde de San Javier or the Count of Saint Xavier, and Antonio de Valverde. ^9 it appears as if Valverde, de- fender of the new philosophy, was given no quarter in the frey with the Count, who upheld the old philosophy, and was required to present a written defense. Although his brief for the new ideas was not approved, Valverde was not persecuted, nor was he asked to leave the University. Within a 174 few years when the new philosophy had spread, he "not only had the courage and the pride to scoff at the old, but attracted a position of honor in the lecture halls of the University."^ Law Canon law and civil, or Roman, law were maintained as separate catedras until 1826 in the University of Caracas. This was a tradition from the Cplegjo de Santa Rosa which began the teaching of civil law in 1716 and which was known as La Instituta de Leyes . Feeling about the maintenance of separate catedras ran so strong that in 1754 when a candi- date in canon law was nominated as professor of the Instituta de Leyes . the cjaustro refused to approve him, and sent a Rein cion to the king pre- seating the problem, Felipe V decreed that the nominee must be a gradu- ate in civil law in order to lecture in the Instituta . In this case, the catedr.rtico of canon law, Doctor Tomas Gil Yepez, presented a degree awarded by the Institute de Leyes . and was approved as a catedrrtico in the Instituta. 63 In 1826 when the new Constitucion was promulgated for the Uni- versity, all the courses in law were incorporated in one department or school, called the Facultad de Jurisorudencia . ^ It had courses in canon law, and civil law, but special requisites for the catedraticos of the various courses. Law continued to attract the young intellectuals and was looked upon as an honored profession. Music was one of the flourishing arts by the latter part of the eighteenth century. The Academy of Music, founded in 1770, made a most admirable contribution to further development of music in Caracas. This . 175 Academy was founded by Father Pedro Sojo y Palacios with the able assist- ance of the young and gifted Juan Manuel de Olivares . ^ Olivares, a vio- linist and a composer, had organized the Philharmonic Society in Caracas some years earlier, which is said to have prepared the way for the found- ing of the Academy. To name some of the well-known musicians of Caracas a few years later one would only need to call the roll of former students at the Academy. Among those who gained renown and who were trained in the Academy were Jos! Angel Lamas, Jos! Luis Landaeta, his nephew, Juan Landaeta, Jos! Marfa Vendible Isasa, and Alejandro Carrerfo There were quite a few musical instruments in Caracas by the end of the eighteenth century. In 1773 the cabildo of Caracas received some violins and banjos from Spain. In 1786 Padre Fray Sojo and his assis- tant, Olivares, received as gifts from Austria some musical instruments and musical scores. These gifts were sent by some Austrian naturalists in appreciation for the gracious treatment which had been accorded them by Father Sojo, Olivares, and others in Caracas when they had spent some time in Venezuela. All of the music composed and taught up to this time was either religious music or quiet chamber music, but the revolutionary period marked a new era for music. Among those who generated the move- ment for independence in 1810 were five excellent musicians* Lino Gallardo, Juan Landaeta, Karoo s Pompa, Jos! Rodriguez and Cayetano Carr- 6q7 effo. Nationalistic and martial music is essential in stirring the emotions of a group of people. Gallardo composed a great deal of music and then with groups of musicians went through the streets singing and playing. Landaeta is also credited with the author of "Gloria al Bravo 0 Pueblo,** the first patriotic song of Venezuela.^ One of the first of 7 7 176 the patriotic songs was a poem of Andris Bello for which Cayetano Carrefto L seems to have written the music. The first line of this song was, *• "Caraquenians , another epoch has begun. There were many patriotic songs and martial music to the end of the war for independence, but little is known of music in those tragic years following the war when all Venezuela was disrupted and suffered so acutely. , Theater Despite the fact that the Spanish theater decayed completely dur- ing the eighteenth century, this was not the case in the New World. 2 Plays were presented in the major Plaza of Caracas between 1752 and 1760 . In 1771 the governor, Felipe de Fonsdeviela planned to build a theater in Caracas, but was transferred to Cuba before his dream materialized . 73 jn Havana he built a coliseum for dramatic productions which was recognized as the most beautiful theater in the entire monarchy.^ Governor Josl Carlos de Aguera who succeeded Fonsdeviela was soon involved in a fiery argument with the vicars in Venezuela because of his support of the masses of the people for dramas. While waiting the real dictamen . the church authorities continued their arremitidos , or attacks on dramas; and the political authorities continued the seculares firmes . or secular statements, in defense of them. 7-5 The first theater in Caracas was built by Governor Gonsalez Tores de Navarro. Not able to secure funds for such a building, due to the economic situation of the province, he constructed it at his own expense and presented it to the city of Caracas. ^ This theater had a seating capacity of 2,000, and admittance for dramas presented in it was set at one real . 77 This auditorium provided a place for autos, or Biblical plays; 177 coraedias . or popular comedies; canciones . or musical events; maromas . or acrobatic feats; and during Lent, the "Jerusai&nes” or plays depicting 7 the Crucifixion.' ® The latter were not attended by the aristocracy. This theater was demolished by the earthquake of 1812. ^ Until a new one could be built, a room in an old Jesuit house provided a beautiful place for an no improvised theater. The National Period It was not until 1830 that intellectual advances were pronounced in the national period. In most fields there was less activity and achievement than in the late colonial years. The disruption of govern- ment, the economy, and social life was so complete , and loss of life was so heavy in Venezuela during the years of the Revolution that it was diffi- cult to resume many of the intellectual pursuits. Public Education There were very few schools for elementary or high school prepa- ration, public or private until the last two decades. An elaborate plan for building schools and training teachers has been inaugurated. In 1950 there were 106,686 children of school age in the Federal District, and 81,562 were reported as attending school.® L Since the far greater proportion of the population of the Federal District lives within the Departamento Libertadorone one may assume that the greater portion of this number is in school in Caracas, or nearby suburbs. There are no statistics available on the exact number of children attending school in Caracas, or the metropolitan area. Of the 15,588 of school age who were listed as not attending school, 4,535 were reported as either not 178 having a school near enough, or not having room in the school for the students. It is altogether possible that the larger number of these are in Departamento Vargas rather than in Departamento Libertador in which Caracas and a part of the metropolitan area is located. Of the number not attending school and that were of school age, 5»221 were listed as not having the proper resources to attend, meaning that they lacked proper clothing and shoes, ^ Inherent in this listing is the need for an expanded welfare program for Venezuela. The number of schools for special training has increased in Cara- cas in recent years, and the youth and adults are taking advantage of these. Some of these are offering classes at night, and the number of youths who troop to the center of the city to attend these schools is quite surprising. There are schools for training in business practice, nutrition, plastic arts, languages, and many other subjects. The University La Universidad Central . as the Universidad Real £ Pontificia be- came known in the national period, was in a desperate situation financially xdien Doctor Jos^ Marla Vargas was chosen Rector in 1827.®^ His efforts in reorganizing and strengthening the finances of the University would suffice to engrave his name among the honored, and yet this was only one of many contributions he made to the University. The building which housed the University needed repairs; and the catedraticos . or professors, had not been paid for several years. Vargas was so successful in se- curing funds for the University during his biennium as Rector that all current salaries were paid by the middle of his first year in office, 179 and had some funds for other expenses; and plans were made to pay the salaries that were in arrears This was essential to the existence of the University. In 1827 there was a very small faculty which was suf- ficient for the small student body in the early history of the new nation. In the preceding years when professors were needed, there was no one to be found who could afford to teach without remuneration, and yet the Uni- 3 versity finances did not warrant any offer of salary. ? The most significant achievements of Doctor Josi Maria Vargas was in the inauguration and development of the sciences, especially those con- cerned with the training of doctors of medicine. With his broad training in the arts and in the sciences, he was an able leader in developing the University at the time of one of its greatest crises. He established a catedra of anatomy in 1827; a catedra of surgery and obstetrics in 1832; and a catedra of chemistry in 183^. 33 Since there was no text in Spanish for his class in anatomy, he prepared one which was used for many years.3^ He also bought medical equipment from France. In 1839 a catedratico at the University molded a hitman body for use in training the medical stu- dents.-^ In 183h Doctor Vargas ordered instruments and other materials for teaching chemistry at a cost of 2,000 pesos. Dissection in the teaching of medicine was almost completely lacking until the early part of the twentieth century. Doctor Vargas, in an address in 1827 at the installation of the Facultad de Medicina which was established to assume the duties in the national period of the colonial Frotomedicato . expressed his regret that the students of medicine in Caracas were not familiar with actual dissection before being sent out to serve Min the midst of cries, screams, and anxieties of the live human 180 being. He pleaded for the combination of the study of theory and the art of practice. It is significant that the great charity hospital built in the twentieth century , and named for Doctor Vargas, became the first place in Caracas where dissection was made possible. Those who found their way to this hospital to seek treatment at Vargas Hospital often re- fused to give the name of next of kin for fear that the relative named would be held liable for the expenses of treatment of the patient. Vhen such individuals died and the bodies were unclaimed they were made availa- ble to the medical students for study. The University in Caracas continued to make a contribution to the intellectual life through the years, although its progress was often halted. Throughout the nineteenth century and until well into the twenti- eth century the paucity of wealth in Venezuela and the numerous political i upheavals made even existence of the University difficult at times. From 1849 to I863 the University conferred only 273 degrees of licenciado and doctor in the fields of law, medicine, and theology. Gil Furtoul re- ported that the University Central had 350 to 490 students at the begin- ning of the Revolution.^ According to the University records there were 602 students in attendance in 1810, and only 111 in 1813*^ A student body of 600 is a surprisingly large one to have been housed in the Francis- can monastery, as large as it is, but that was its home base until it was moved to the new campus. In many periods there was a small matriculation from I860 to 1940. It was the only national University in Caracas. The University of the Andes was established in 1?85, and the University of Zulia in 1891.97 The growth of the Central University within the past two decades ^ 181 has been phenomenal. The number of students has increased from 2,540 for the year 1945-1946 to 5»500 for 1954-1955*^ The largest matriculation is still in the medical school although the number of students in this school is decreasing, with law students running a close second until 1948-1949. In that year the Engineering School rose to second place and the Law School was in third place in the number of students enrolled. The schools of Pharmacy and Dentistry are increasing and these graduates will supply a great need if they are willing to leave Caracas and serve in other parts of the country. The School of Philosophy and Letters was founded in the University 100 in 1946. To the courses in Philosophy have been added courses of Litera- ture and History. To the Facultad de Filosofxa y Letras has been added a two-year course in a School of Library Science. In 1950 the first ten students in the Facultad de Filosofxa y Letras were granted the degree of licencladn; and there has been an average of 135 students matriculated in 101 this school. national Academies There are two other universities in Caracas today; one is a Catho- lic University, and one is privately operated. These are far smaller than the Central University. Active national scholarly organizations are an indication of intel- lectual activity of a people. Today there are several national academies which are quite active in Caracas, although it has not always been true. While there has always been a nucleus of intellectuals in many fields in Caracas many obstacles have prevented the organization and operation of these groups. J 182 The oldest of the national academies is the Academia bacional de -list oria which was organized by a special decree of the national Presi-s dent Juan Pablo Rojas Pail on October 28, 1888, with the installation ~° 2 occurring on November 13, 1889. The Academy is now housed in a part of the old Franciscan Monastery since the Central University has moved to its new and spacious location. The contribution of this Academy in the field of national history has been significant. Its members have assumed the responsibility of collecting, and preserving the important historical documents, of publishing a scholarly historical magazine, of maintaining a library of published historical materials, and of encouraging interest in history in general. The dacional Academia de la Mediclna was authorized by a decree ±0 of the national government on April 7, 1904. 3 By this law the Academy would be composed of the professors of the School of Medicine of the Central University, who then would elect fifteen other doctors of Medi- cine. The organization was effected on June 9» 1904, when it was decided to include as Individuos de bumero the six founders of the defunct " w Colegio de Medicos de Venezuela . The members of this august body, the Academia dacional de la Medicina has given able leadership to the medical 104 profession, not only in Caracas but in all Venezuela. The Academia de Cjencias Polfticas y, Sociales was first organized by governmental decree on June 16, 1915 with thirty-five Individuoc de 10 10 ^ burner0 . In 1924 foreign corresponding members were permitted. The members of this Academia have given encouraged interest in Political Science and in the Social Sciences, which have been valuable to the cultural life of the city. , , 183 Fine Arts Music and the theater experienced a greater impetus in the national period than did some other of the arts. The activities in these fields provided at least a small measure of surcease from the long years of the **war to death," and their aftermath. In the midst of such tribulations music and the theater achieved a maturity not known in the colonial period. Music .—.Music in the early national period continued to be largely profane, although some attention was given to religious music. The period after 1830 is referred to as the Romantic Period in Venezuela in music, and is dominated by the three men, Josl Angel Montero, Felipe Larrizabal - and Federico Villena. ^^ Montero, a composer of sacred and profane music was one of the most versatile of men. He directed an orchestra, was maestro of the capilla of the Cathedral, and played several instruments as well. In addition, to his sacred compositions he wrote fifteen zarzu- elas, or plays with alternating music and dialogue, and wrote one opera, 108 Virginia , which was presented in Caracas in 1873. Larrazabal was a great pianist and founded a Conservatory of Music 10 in 1868. ^ He presented many concerts in Caracas, critics have said that much of the style of Chopin was in his works, and yet recognize that he was not merely an imitator. He composed, not only for the piano, but wrote for other instruments; his trios for the violin, piano and violin- cello are particularly well known. Unfortunately many of his works were lost in the ship, Villa du Havre , on November 23, 1873 in a shipwreck, and Larrazabal was drowned. His versatility is attested to, also, by his bi- ography of Bolivar, his essays on history, philosophy, and philology.^1- 0 Vellena, one of the most outstanding musicians of his period, 184 arrived in Caracas from Turmero, State of Aragua, in 1862. 111 He taught at the University until his death in the early part of the twentieth century. He was master of the violin, violincello, and the organ. In addition to his duties at the University, he taught at the Conservatory of Music, and was director of the Martial Military Band of Caracas. 112 The one woman who was a native of Caracas and who gained fame as a musician abroad rather than at home, was Maria Teresa Cr.rrerlo , born in 113 1853 • ' Her family, aware of her unusual talent at an early age, knew that it would be difficult for her to achieve her ambitions in Venezuela, where women as performers were not very highly regarded. At the age of ten she gave a concert in New York City, and one in Boston! at the age of fifteen she went to Europe and was acclaimed in Paris, London, and 1 Berlin as a genius." ^ Her last concert after a life of brilliant success in music on five continents was given in the United States in 1917 at the age of sixty-four. Just prior to this she had completed a tour of the world, including Australia and the Union of South Africa. 11^ Music had continued to abound in Caracas, and interest in recent years has accelerated to a high point. There are several musical groups that are well known in Venezuela, and in other parts of South America. The choir composed of employees of Creole Petroleum Corporation is one of the outstanding choral groups in Caracas today. There is the symphony orchestra of Caracas, which has gained much recognition. Concerts are presented in the great auditorium of the Jiblioteca Nacional on Sunday mornings. Outstanding musicians of the nation and the continent have been presented here. On an August morning in 1956 the artist of the morning was injured on his way to the Miblioteca . When word . 185 was received just prior to the hour appointed for the concert, a pianist who was in the audience agreed to substitute for him, and presented a 0 brilliant concert."^ To have artists of such caliber, is indeed an achievement for any city. Theater The theater continued to interest many of the Caraquenians. The upper class was attracted to both the comedies and the more serious drama, while the masses continued the lighter comedies and the Jerusallnes as in past years. Drama in the early part of the national period had ceased to play the importance on holy days that had been accorded it in the colo- nial period. Drama in the nation period became a part of the secular life of the people. The renewed interest in the theater necessitated an adequate building instead of the makeshift arrangements which existed after the earthquake of 1812. The second theater was built in 1831 and was known 117 as gL Coliseo . The first foreign opera company in Venezuela performed in this theater in 18^3 when an Italian company presented forma . Lucia de Lamermoor . and several others. This theater was used for forty years. In the meantime another was built in 185^ , El Teatro de Caracas which was used frequently until it was destroyed by fire in 1919 SI Teatro Guzman bianco was the finest of all theaters built in Caracas during the nineteenth century. President Guzman Blanco ordered its construction in 1876. 11^ The architect in charge, Esteban Ricardo, used the plan of the Great International Exposition of Paris as a model. The iron gulll-work was made in England and the furniture in the United States. The opening of this theater was celebrated with the presentation 186 of the opera II Trovatore .-20 The presentation of outstanding dramatic productions appear to have been the exception to the rule until the last two or three decades. This is undoubtedly due to a combination of factors. The low regard for actors and actresses, as in other parts of the world, long hindered the development of a legitimate theater. The sma ll group of intellectuals was another factor. The production of the autos , or Biblical plays, and the Jerusal6nes . which were attended by the lower classes was another factor. The situation has changed considerably today. The cinema, the legitimate stage, and amateur theater groups receive strong support. One has only to observe the newspaper announcements in Caracas to be aware of the variety and profusion of productions of many sorts. The Atenae . a Little Theater type of organization, located in the home of Andres Bello, 21 is quite active and presents several plays each year.'"' This attests to the Caraquenian interest in drama. In addition to the productions of the Atenae . and those of the numerous movie houses, the legitimate plays presented in £1 Teatro Guzmin Blanco , or the Municipal Theater, as it is called today, there is the open-air theater, the Josl Angel Lamas , where musical concerts and drama may be presented. Art Art has not been lacking even though not as much progress has been made as in music, especially at an early period. The churches have been fortunate in securing originals of such old masters* works as Murillo, Velasquez, and others. The artists of the nineteenth century who gained some fame are quite numerous. These include Manuel Landaeta, Juan Lovers, 187 Cristobal Rojas, iiartxn Tovar y Tovar, and Arturo Michelena. These men did not introduce a new school but followed the French school. There are some artists who are quite prolific, but time will tell how excellent their works are. The i-luseo de Bellas Artes , which is housed in a very adequate building, has some permanent collections of art works, and rooms for art shows. There are displayes of the work of foreign artists and of Venezuelans almost constantly. 138 ^-Constantino Bayle, Los caDlldos geculares en la Am£rica bspaBol (Madrid, 1952), 548. ZM£- 3H^ctor Garcia Chuecos, .iistoria de j.a cultura intelectu,.! de Venezuela (Caracas, 1945), 47. 4 Ibid . 5lgs constiticiones de la Universidad Real y Pont£ficia de Caracas . Archivo de la universidad Central. ^Garcia Chuecas, Historic, de 1,- cultura inte^ectual . 47. ^LCedula de 22 de dlcierabre de 1721 . Archivo de la Universi- dad Central, Caracas. 3 Las Constituciones (1725), Titulo II. 9 10 11 Ibid . Titulo . . . VII. Ibid Titulo II. Ibid . , Titulo IH. " 2 Ibld . . Titulo XIX. The fees for the degrees to be awarded which were to be paid just prior to graduation were called propinas . The fees ranged from twenty to thirty pesos for the bachiller : from fifty to one hundred pesos for the licenciada : and from sixty to one hundrd and fifty for the doctor and maestro . The candidates for the degree of licenci- aao were expected to present to each of the doctores and mnestros of his Facultad a vela de cera, or a candle of one-half pound weight; and the candidates for the degree of doctor and maestro were expected to present each of the professors of their Facultad a fine pair of gloves. These evi- dently are small when compared to the investiture fees for Mexico and Lima which ranged from 2,000 to 1,000 pesos. See Haring, op. cit .. 231. 13 i4 Ibid . . Titulo XIII. Ibid .. Titulo XI. i3 Actas, minutes for May 3, 1595 (Caracas, 1943), Tomo I, 413-14. L ^Actas . minutes for June 28, l600 (Caracas, 1946), Tomo II, 49. ^Constitucionales sjnoldales de objspado de Venezuela en e_ ago del Senor de 1687 . por Obispo Diego de Bafios y Sotomayer, Published (Caracas, 1848), 245- 46. J - 3 roid . . and see Jos6 Juan Arrom, Documentos relativos a! te-tro colonial de Venezuela (Habana, 1946), 4. 19 Ibid . 20 Jos6 Antonio Calcallo, Contribucifoes al estudio de la musica (Caracas, 1939), 3^. L 139 2 Aristides Rojas, Lstudios historlca . Reprint (Caracas, 1904), 304. 22 23 roid . Ibid . Constitueiones . Titulo X. 23Rojas, op. cit.. 305. 26 Ibid. . 306. 2 ?Garc£a Chuecos, ilistortn de la cultura 3rvtelectu.nl . 111. 2 ®C. E. Chapman, A history of Spain (New York, 1922), 197-200; and John T. Reid, aodera Spain and liberalism (Stamford University, Calif., 1937), 60, 115. 2 9Raman Basterra, Una ..^zp^esadel XVIII,. Las n vios_de .la .^q r ilustracion (Caracas, 1925) , 140-41. A description is included of the type books found in the library of a deceased functionary of the Caracas Company when the inventory of his estate was completed. 3 °0arcia Chuecos, .iistoria de la cultura intelectuai . 65 . 31Ibid.. 64. 32 Haring, Spanish Empire in America (New York, 1947), 242. 33Francisco Javier Yanes, Compendia de la historia de Venezuela Ugs.^briiiiiento ^nasta ,gue,se decl^ro Jt&ado Inclcgendiente (Caracas, 1840), 237-38. From all indications the Inquisition was inef- fective in Caracas, or at least not very strong. See Mary Watters, The Church in Venezuela. 1310 to 1910 (Chapel Hill, 1933), P* 37. ^Garcxa Chuecos, : list orin de In cultura intelectuai . p. 109 • 33 Ibid. . 58. 3 ^ Ibld . ; and Josl Oil Fortoul, La historia constitucional de Venezuela (Caracas, 1942), Vol. I, 121. 38 3?Ibld . Ibid . . 122. 39ibid . ^Libro de claustros 1799-1343 . folio 74, Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas, ^Olegario Menses, "Juan Manuel Cagigal," Cr6nica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1956), Nos. 26 y27, 497-508. Olegario Meneses, who was a student of Cagigal, later became director of an Academy of Mathematics. 190 ' 2 Ibid. , 503* Dr. Josl Mar£a Vargas proposed the establishment of the Academia . dlitar de .l/tematic-.'-.s to Jose 'Rafael Ravenga, the first director of the National Treasury of Venezuela after it became an inde- pendent nation. Ravenga, in turn, recommended the project to the presi- dent of the nation and to his cabinet ministers for approval. The official decree, which authorized the establishment of the Academy was issued on October 14, 1831. See details of the success of this Academy under the direction of Juan Manuel Cagigal, written by his friend and former student, Olegario Geneses, "Juan Manuel Cagigal," op . cit . ^ Ibid . . 505. Juan Manuel Cagigal held many important offices in Venezuela and made a valuable contribution to his contxy in the services he performed. In the field of politics he was a member of the national electoral college, and served three terms as a senator to the National Legislature from the province of Barcelona. He held an important post in the Direccion General de Instrue ci(5n Publica . and was appointed as a pro- fessor of Literture in the Universidad Central in Caracas. He founded a newspaper which he published for two years, during which time he was its only editor. He made the first photographs in Caracas by the process perfected by Daguerre of France. Mathematics and science always had first place in his interests. In addition to the direction of the Academia to which he was appointed he tutored in his own home some of the young intellectuals in experimental physics and chemistry. See Meneses, on. cit .. 497-508. ^Jose de D. Mendez y Mendoza, Historia de la Universidad Central de Venezuela (Caracas, 1911), Tomo I, 62. ^Ambrosio Perara, Historia de Hedi cirri en Venezuela (Caracas, 1951)* P* 58. The assistant of Fontes was 5a chiller Jaime Llenes from Madrid. See also Garcia Chuecos, Historia de la cultura intelectual . 59* Glaring, op. cit .. 231. ^Laureana Villanueva, Diografia del Doctor Jos6 Maria Vargas (Reprint, Caracas, 195*0 » 85. (First published in 1883). ^ Ibid . Ibid . The two-year course combined with some tutorship and observation at the hospitals, was continued until 1824 when two courses were added. The number of students enrolled, or graduated, in Medicine from the Universidad Central was small until well into the nineteenth century. 50 On July 12, 1775 Dr. Lorenzo Campins sent a notice to the king decrying the fact that in nine years he had been unable to extirpate the evils of "los curanderos y curiosos," or quacks who plied their art with such great detriment to human health. See Perera, op. cit .. 76. 52 5lPerera, op. cit .. 86-87. Ibid . . 106. 191 ^Haring, op, cit .. 233 . VRojas, op , cit . . 76 . ^•Villanueva, op. cit .. 8? 56Ibid. 57Ioid. -^Garcia Chuecos, Historia de cultura intelectual . 6l. ^Verera, op. cit .. 46-48. 60 Ibid. . 51. ° Slemoria de la Facuitad de Derecho (Diciembre de 1948 a junio de 1951) » Universidad Central, Caracas. 62 roid. 63jbid. ° Vonstituti6nes de 1321 . Titulo VII, Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas. Garcia Chuecos, Id^toria „ ae.c^ti^a inte:r ectig.i , 64. It was on a hacienda near Caracas that Father Sajo and lartoloml Elandin intro- duced the cultivation of coffee in Venezuela in 1784. Aristides Rojas wrote that the first quartet trained by Father Sajo sang under the orange and coffee trees in 1785 » but they must have sung beside the coffee trees rather than under them since they were hardly a year old. See A. Rojas, 1studios historicos . Seri 1, 66 Calcaffo, op. cit .. 15. °7 Ibjd . . and Rojas, op. cit .. 308. ^Rojas, op. cit .. 308 . ^Calcoflo, op. cit .. 10 -12 . 70 71 Ibid . . 12. Ibid. 72 Rojas, op. cit .. 312. ?3jos4 Juan Arrom, .document os relativos al teatro colonial de Venezuela (Habana, 1946), 7 . 74Ibid. 73 publicos, Ibid. , 9; and "Real Orden sobre comedias y regocios 1777 ," Reales Cldulas, Tomo V, folios 308-209. Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. Bishop Mariana Marti issued some orders to the curas of Caracas regulating theatrical productions. See Gobemacion y 192 Caertania General, Tomo XI, folio 272, and Toao XIV, folio 182. Archivo General de la Nacion, Caracas. 7 °Arrom, op. cit .. 11. 77oare£a Chuecas, Historic de la culture intelectuc i... 108. '23 Arrom, op. cit . , 11. ?9Rojas, ci,t., ga t„ 313 . 30 Ibid . 8l qstayo qenso general de poblaci&i. ! 32 33 Ibid . Ibid . Oh Opposition to the noaination of Jos4 Mtrfa Vargas as rector was based on two points. First, the Constituion of the University forbade doctors of aedicine to hold such a high office $ and second, the office of rector was alternated between an ecclesiastic and a layman, and Vargas was a layman. His name was proposed for rector when it was time to choose an ecclesiastic. The claustro of the University requested Siaon oolivar, the national president, to approve their action of nominating Vargas as rector. See Libro de claustros. 1799-1843 . folio 81, Archivo, Universidad Central. Caracas. 8 ^Vil.lanueva, op., cit .. 83 . 3o 33 88 Ibid. , 91-104. Ibid* , 83-84. Ibid . . 100-101. 39 Ibid. , 140; and Libro de claustros 1899-1843, folio 101. Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas. 91:-lendez y Mendoza , op. cit .. II, 128. 92Libro de .claustros, 1799-1343 . folio 136 , Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas. 93Perera, op, cit . , 145. ^3 See Libros de graduados . Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas. 95qu Fortoul, op. cit .. Vol. I, 124. 9 °Libros de graduados . Archivo, Universidad Central, Caracas. 193 97 Bolet£n ia£2Piafekvp M .la Univer.sjdad de log Allies (Merida, No. Keylg.ta 1951), 11} and de la Unlversidad del Zulia . Ano II. No. 7, 72-74 . 9%)ata secured by the writer from the Registrar of the University Central, Caracas. "ibid . 00 ^eaorin de la Pacultr.d de Filosofia y Letras (Diciembre de 1948 a junto de 1950), Universidad Central, Caracas. * 01 Data from office of the Registrar, University Central, Caracas. -°^Ministerio de Relaciones Ebcteriores, Venezuela-19 So (Caracas, 1955), 103. 1Q3 1Q4 ibid . , 104. Ibid . -°5H4ctor Parra Marquez, "La Academia de Ciencias Po'lfticas y Sociales," £1 Universal (Caracas) September 11, 1952, 3 . 1Q 6 Ibid. i07 CalcaSo, op. cit . , 35 . 108 1Q 110 1:L 1 Ibid., 37-33. 9lbid. , 38 . Ibid. . 39 . Ibid. . 40. 112 Ibid . -'^Marta Milinowski, Teresa CarreHo . Traduccion del ingles por Luisa Elena Monteverde Basalo (Caracas, 1953), 17. ll4 Ibid. . 25-26 . ^ibid. . 121 . ^^The writer was present on the morning of this thrilling event. 1±7 Rojas, op. cit .. Serie 1, 313 . ll8 Ibid . ^-^Ascania Buraz, Cronies s de Caracas (Caracas, 1945), 51. 120 Rojas, op. cit .. Serie 1, 313 . 121 El Universal . August 18, 1953, 6 ; August 20, 3» August 21, 2 Figure 3. Yesterday and Today in Caracas The Old Franciscan Monastery and El ilorte . the Modem Sl 19^ 0At2 sbobjbq jo sapspaBd ibut2x.io ueq apq oq papps jnoj esapi ’saAxq -Bquasa.xdea aABp oq qoq.xqs-fa ^Bjcapej apq up sapspored padoj.aAap jftnau jnoj auq apq irf aidoad p3noua e.XB aaapq eoups saeqiuew ueaqjnoj sbobjbo jo A%xo S8AT3 sxpx ..•jcopaqiaGTi oqxaqsxc apq up pepped pace wojj euo pus ‘suwoq XXBks apq Eioaj poBa auo ‘sjaqmara oaq-^quei-iq SBp qoxjqsqa iBaapaj apq jo Xiraxoxun" oL'aouoo apj, ‘qoxjcqspa icaepaj; apq up sapqpTBdpoputun aapqo apq joj qnq ‘sbobobo jo iCqxo apq joj jCxuo qou ‘jCqpxpqqsuodsa.i apq sqsejt poppw up jCpoq apq sp Suppppnq XBcfx'o'xtmi-.; oL’aouoo apq up sbobjbo up suoxssas sqp spxop popprt. PUB ‘ipaape^ oqx'jqsxQ apq jo xbSxoxutP oi/asuop epj XBdpopuiiK ofaouoo apx •saxouaS-e sqp pub queniuxeAoS xB**©P©J ©qP jo ^jow x^nqo^ apq jo uopssno -sqp Axb ajcojeq apcnr eq pxnops xiSxoxuT^i ot'eouoo apq jo iCqqaopqnB apq jo uoqqBUBxdxa ercog ‘sqaafoad stiotjba apq paqBjn3iiBuq qou pup quauru.xaAo3 x® -japaj apq jx esBo apq uaaq aAsp qou pxtioa poqpM. ‘nre.x3o.xd Suqpxqnq apq oquq auo3 SBp jCeuour aqBAqjd jo x^©P qBa.x2 b uoqqqppB ux ‘quads uaaq ssp jCauoiu XBjepej jo qtmonre snocuoue ub pue ‘ asqacLiaqua qsBA squq SuqqBqqquq .xoj ^qqxpqqsuodsej apq paumssB quetuuaeAoS x^©P©J api *px© sjbq^ .ftpxqqq uupq aaora sob qspq utbusbjc sSuqpxpnq «x° seraop msj .Axea ‘sapBoap oaq qssd apq uqpqpw. eSuBpo x^TS-^P^ aqaxdmoo qsonrtB ub auoSaapun SBp sbobjcbq svovhvo do issMormssa xnsosh 3H1 tH KOIXVJEOIXHVd 1N3HNMAD0 IIA H3MVH0 3 1 ^ 196 a majority in the council. The five muni c ini os of the District Sucre in the state of Miranda which were designated as a part of the metropoli- tan area in 1950 are not represented in the municipal council of the Federal District, for the metropolitan area of Caracas was designated only for census purposes and entailed no political authority. The eonce.jo municipal of the Federal District is composed of twenty-two members and a governor. The twenty-two members are chosen by popular vote, each one to represent a specific town or parish. They serve for a term of three years. The presidente . or mayor, is chosen by the Conce.jo . There are several employed officials such as a secretary of the 2 vonce.io . an attorney, and department chiefs. The governor is appointed by the national president. The authority of the conce.jo Municipal of the Federal District is more limited than that of the city councils for the rest of the nation. The Constitution of 19^5 devoted almost a thousand words to munici- pal councils and their rights.^ The Constitution of 1953 reduced this to approximately three hundred and fifty words. ^ In this latter Constitution, although certain freedoms were withdrawn, the councils were declared free from federal and state interference and the municipal ordinances shal not be vetoed or declared invalid, except by the courts of law. The Council of the Federal District was given less freedom of authority. The governor of the Federal District may veto ordinances passed by the Council, and the national congress may pass legislation to negate council ordinance. The G -once.ic municipal of the Federal District has the right to levy local taxes and license fees as sources of revenue. 7 A situado . or subsidy from the federal government, has approximated Bs 30*500,000 annually for ~ 197 the past few years, with taxes and license fees adding a little more than Bs 100,000,000 annually to be budgeted.^ In 1954 the situado amounted to Bs 30,539*080.24, and the total income was Bs 149,626,313*61*^ In 1956 the situado amounted to Bs 31* 143*379*20, and the total budget in- 10 creased to Bs I67, 688, 397 *70. A brief review of the expenditures deoomstrated the scope of acti- vity of the concejo municipal. In 1954 the concejo spent Bs 17,848,910 on the public security, or the police force, and Bs 8,378,672 on public education.!! The amount spent for these services remained almost the 2 same for 1956 as for 1954 . In 195** the Junta do Beneficencia . which has the responsibility for the public health program, received Bs 37,912,*K)0. j- 3 The majority of this money was spent for the services of 515 doctors, 19 odontologists, 962 nurses, and 49 medical technicians in the various public hospitals and dispensaries. 14 In 1956 the amount spent by the Junta de Beneficencia amounted to Bs 32,100 ,018.50 The amount of money budgeted for public works has been fairly generous. Public works received Bs 19*435*600 in 1954* which was spent on public markets, completion of two emergency hospitals, improvements at Vargas Hospital for charity patients, and on improvements at charity hospitals in two other areas of the Federal District. 1^ In 1956 the amount spent on public works rose to Bs 38*545*418. 85*^ In January, the conce.io , that 1957 * the Governor said, in presenting his demoria to Bs 70,670,117.46 were spent on various projects for urban improvement such as the control and irradication of inadequate housing, provision for improvement of public offices and services, renovation of some munici- pal buildings, expansion of medical assistance centers, construction of 198 markets , improvement of churches and the acquisition of equipment. Government Agencies Participating in Development Projects The public works program in Caracas has catapulted since 1938, and more especially since 19^5 • A three-year program for the develop- ment of the country was initiated in 1938, and included, among other things, the construction of roads, office buildings, schools, and ex- pansion of water and sewage systems. This program was completed as scheduled at a cost of 364,500,000 bolivars, or approximately $104,110,000. In 1941 a four-year program was inaugurated with pro- posed expenditures ranging between 376,000,000 and 417,000,000 bolivars, 20 or approximately $105, 000 ,000. Some of the benefits derived by the * city of Caracas from these programs were: road and street improvement, housing, and public buildings. These development programs , with those inaugurated since 1945, have resulted in an almost complete renovation of the city of Caracas. Visitors are impressed with its new and functional architecture, which gives it the appearance of a very new city. Indeed the improvements have been such major ones and the building program has been so vast in Caracas that it is doubtful whether any established city could challenge it in the number of new buildings. The improvement and expansion projects have been executed largely by autonomous government agencies which have been either created or re- organized within the past two decades. These agencies have legal exis- tence and receive allocations from the national government through the several ministries; they may possess property of their own, independent 199 of the National Treasury and not subject to the regulations governing state property. Their income and expenses are not considered public revenues nor expenditures. The problems of fiscal control in Venezuela are most difficult. When a Ministry makes capital contributions to an agency for operating expenses, either as loans or grants, these are listed as expenditures of the Ministry, but that Ministry receives no statement of agency funds nor earnings. On the receipts side, the Mini- stries list only the net amounts that the agencies must pay into the Treasury according to special regulations. ^1 Venezuelan Development Corporation One of the most important of the autonomous agencies is the Cor- pora cion Venezolano de Fomento, or the Venezuelan Development Corpora- tion. This corporation, established by lav in 1946, was re-organized in 22 1952. It owns and operates several enterprises and extends loans to private business. It was organized with a capital of Bs 60,000,000 or v20,000,000. By June, 1950 the capital and reserves on hand totaled Bs 420,000,000 or almost $140,000,000; and this rose to Bs 119,995,000 or $39*998,333 in 1954-1955 It receives annually two per cent of the 2 estimated income of the national budget. -* In 1952 the agency received Bs 100,986,198. The Development Corporation makes direct loans, partici- pates with private capital—domestic and foreign—in setting tip certain enterprises; and establishes wholly owned subsidiaries. In addition, it may provide credit through banks under its control, such as the Industrial Bank, and the several regional banks of Venezuela, which are commercial 2 banks. ^ A surplus began to accumulate monthly at such a rapid rate that 200 the National Congress established the Special Reserve Fund to receive the excess of revenues over expenditures. This accumulated capital may be used to finance additional development projects or to accelerate those under way. From December, 1952 to 1957 President Perez Jimenez utilized these funds for financing his Extraordinary Public Works Program. The Workers Banks El Banco Obrero . or the Workers Bank, was created in 1928, and was reorganized in 1941. It is not a bank in the strict sense of the word, but its function is to construct low-cost housing in Venezuela. The Workers Bank is authorized by law: to construct or acquire homes which may be sold or leased for not more than Bs 30*000, or $9,000; to purchase land for urban housing projects, and to sell such land if suita- ble agreements are made; and to construct and operate low-rent , sanitary community housing projects for workers in the low-income levels. 2 ? The first large projects were in Caracas, although it did inaugurate some in 2 La Guaira, La Victoria, Maracay, Barinas, Valencia, and Barquisemeto. ^ Compc-Hia, Aafajfe ..Ojaafi. Ayenlda ^ol&far Another important agency in the development program and created especially for Caracas is the Comoagia Anoniina de Qbrag . yenid; .. olivar . or the Autonomous Agency for the Development of Avenida Bolivar. This is an autonomous agency of the i:inisterio de Fomento , or Ministry of De- velopment, established to develop Avenida Bolivar, which included not only the widening of the streets but the construction of a number of buiidings in Caracas. 29 This agency has received a lion*s share of the national funds assigned to development, and its debt constitutes the major portion of the federal debt. 201 The rlinistry of Public Works engaged itself in the construction of housing facilities for education and for health and welfare, bridges, highways, and railroads in and near Caracas, The Ministry of Communica- tions has assumed responsibility for the improvement of the telephone system of Caracas, Other ministries have participated, also, in the im- provement of the city of Caracas, £& Jmrta de Crldito Iljpotecario Urbano . or the Urban Mortgage Credit Board, is another agency which has been established to make loans for urban construction. It was created in September, 1947 with a capital of Bs 20,000,000, or $5*600,000 and was increased to Bs 25,000,000, or $8,300,000 by 1949. The entire capital was loaned out by 1950, and the agency has been unable to consider applications amounting to several mil- lions of bolivars. Some of these applications have been accepted by other agencies and construction completed. The Industrial Bank, or El Banco Industrial . was an agency author- ized to grant credit in the form of loans for establishing "domestic, in- dustrial, and mining enterprises," and to lend money to established busi- nesses that needed capital for expansion, and to purchase machinery, tools, and equipment to assist in the exploitation facilities of such enter- prises.-^ The law establishing this agency states that it is to "protect and promote domestic processing, manufacturing and mining industries." On its creation, the federal government subscribed sixty per cent of the stock, and the other forty per cent of the stock was offered to the pub- lic to be subscribed by banks, commercial and industrial enterprises, or individuals, with the proviso that any portion not purchased by the govern- ment was always to be made available to the public. The government shares * 202 may earn only two and one-half per cent annually in dividends while the shares owned by the public may earn higher rates.-^ In addition to the Industrial Bank, there are several other banks which operate under special legislation and with federal funds. Capital for Development in Caracas A brief examination of the Venezuela currency and the federal in- come is pertinent to a study of capital for development in Caracas. The largest portion of the capital used in the extensive building and expan- sion program in Caracas has been provided by the federal government. With such extravagant expenditures, immediately questions arise as to the sta- bility of the currency, the federal income, and the source of the income. Currency Stability The currency of Venezuela is one of the soundest in the world. Venezuela had the eighth largest gold reserve among the nations of the world in 1952 and her reserve was greater than any nation of the Western Hemisphere except for the United States and Canada.^ This reserve rose from $373,000,000 in 1952 to $466,991,353 in 1953. 35 The appreciation of the bolivar, beginning as early as 1932, is in sharp contrast to the depreciation of currency in some countries. The appreciation rose from 7.75 bolivars to the dollar in 1932, to 3*05 in 1934. 3 ^ The devaluation of the dollar in the United States had the effect of strengthening the bolivar still more. Exchange rates have remained re- markbly stable. In 1944 the rate was 3,35 to the dollar in Venezuela, and 3.05 in New York, and on June 30, 1958 the rate in New York was 37 30 ,3 203 Government Receipts The increase in federal receipts in the past thirty-five years have been phenominal. The national treasury receipts in 1951 showed an increased income of twenty-nine times over that of 1938. The federal revenues for the fiscal year 195^-1955 amounted to Bs 3,200,600,000 or approximately $1 , 666 , 366 , 666 , which was the highest amount to that time. Expenditures have risen at about the same rate. Sources of national Income The major sources of revenues for the government are from petro- leum and mining royalties, income tax, customs, indirect taxes on consumer goods and several miscellaneous taxes. From these and several other sources , are derived the funds for public improvement projects. In addi- tion to federal funds there are several sources of private capital for the development projects; and some foreign capital, both public and pri- vate has been made available. Petroleum . —The major source of federal income in Venezuela is, and has been since the 1920* s, the petroleum industry. Since enormous sums of federal revenues have been used for internal development, the ex- pression "sembrar el petroleo," or "sowing the petroleum" is an often heard, and apt expression. That this is the philosophy of the government is indicated by the fact that the major source of income is from petroleum and that more than one-third of all government revenues has gone into vari- ous development projects. The greatest increase in revenue for the government from the pe- troleum industry occurred after 19^3* This was due in large measure to exacted heavier taxation. the Law of lanes and Hydrocarbons of 19^3 » which ^^ 204 but the increase in petroleum production was another factor in the in- creased revenues of the government.^ The amount of petroleum taxes for the fiscal year ending in 1944 were double those of the year ending in 1943» The petroleum industry was responsible for the increased revenues from the new income tax, also.^ In 1945 the petroleum industry paid more than half the total revenue of the federal government. Federal revenues from petroleum continued to soar, and in 1947 totaled Bs 1,303,577, 829. It was only in 1947 that the total income of the government from all 44 sources reached Bs 1,000,000,000. Other Sources .—An examination of the national budgets for the past fifteen years indicates that the next largest amount of revenue is from four sources. The most important of these is the income tax, which was first levied in 1941, and first collected in 1942-1943.^5 This ±s a direct tax levied on personal and corporate incomes, but the tax rate on personal income is small. It is the revenue that accrues from corporate income that is responsible for the sizable amounts. Approximately one- fourth to one-fifth of the national budget has been provided by this tax. The next largest amounts, in descending order, are derived from customs duties, from alcoholic beverages and cigarettes, and from foreign exchange. Customs duties include export and import taxes. Until 1951 customs duties constituted roughly fifty per cent of the total federal in- come, but in that year these produced only twenty per cent of the revenue for the budget, and had dropped to third place as a source of revenue. At present export taxes are limited to coffee and scrap materials. Speci- fic rates are assessed on gross weight rather than on net weight, as in many countries; and specific rates are more widely used than ad valorem 205 rates. ^ The ad valorem rates are based on F.O.B. vessel at the port of exportation. ^ Although Venezuelan tariffs produce sizable amounts of revenue, they are tending to be protectionist in recent years to a far greater extent than they were two decades ago. Alcoholic beverages and cigarettes are two goods on which indirect consumption taxes are levied, and the most important of the taxes on con- sumer goods. In 1950-1951 these taxes produced 122,000,000 Bs, and in 1951-1952 produced 147,000 .OOOBs.**9 Foreign exchange rates, now a revenue device, were first con- trolled in Venezuela in 1934 at the time the government was strengthen- ing the value of the currency. They were inaugurated as a special aid to the coffee and cacao growers, and to give some aid to the petroleum in- dustry.^0 Exchange rates control proved to be so valuable as a source of revenue that it has been maintained. Free and controlled markets for exchange were established in 1941. ^l The petroleum companies are allowed to sell two-thirds of their dollars to the Central Bank at the rate of 3*09 bolivars to the dollar, and the remainder may be sold at the gold import price of 3*046259 per dollar.^ 2 By this means the petroleum companies supply tremendous amounts of the revenue from foreign exchange, and this then becomes the same as an ex- port tax. Coffee and cacao are allowed to sell at 4.60 bolivars to the dollar, and the government will pay even higher rates to encourage diversi- fication. ^3 The Central Bank has found its major source of earnings in com- missions on foreign exchange. In 1951 Its commissions amounted to 82 per cent of its total income. ^ All profits above the commission for handling 206 exchange transactions are payable directly to the federal government. Exchange operations for imports often favor the Venezuelan government. The import duties are computed by converting the foreign values as the prevailing rate on the day the vessel arrives in Venezuela, and the duties are payable in bolivars.-^ Interest Rates It is difficult to determine the exact .anner of handling loans in this tremendous; expansion program conducted largely by the government. Rates of interest are variable. The direct investments sold yield five and one-half per cent; the government guaranteed obligations yield five and one-half to six per cent on the sanitation issues, and nine per cent in the case of the Compaftla Anonima Obras Avenida Bolivar issues. Pri- vate bond issues sell at the annual rate of six per cent.-^ Interest charged by commercial banks on loans is at the rate of six to nine per cent, and the nominal discount rates on commercial paper is six per cent. Some banks are reported to have charged as high as nine per cent, depend- ing on the client and the risk involved.-*® The interest charged by govern- ment institutions ranges from four to six per cent . ^9 Insurance Company Reserves Fairly sizable sums of mortgage money has been and continues to be available from the reserves of the insurance companies. These companies favor real estate for investment capital, and as a result have invested large sums in urban projects in Caracas. The phenomenal growth of in- surance companies in the past few years has increased the source and sup- ply of investment capital. Insurance companies must be authorized by the Insurance Division of the Development Corporation of Venezuela and must 0 207 invest their reserve capital in Venezuela. 00 Commercial Banks There are several commercial banks in Venezuela whose capital is subscribed by private individuals or private business, with the majority- having their main offices in Caracas. There are also several foreign branch banks in Caracas which have provided private capital for partici- pation in the building program in the capital. ol Foreign Capital The many projects initiated in Caracas have not made heavy demands on foreign capital, but the borrowing of some foreign capital was essential. The Export-Import Bank of the United States has been the major source of the foreign money. By 195& these loans for Caracas had amounted to a little less than $20,000,000. The loans are being paid back at an am amazing rate of speed. By 1956 the report of the Export-Import Bank listed loans outstanding as only a little more than $5 >000 *000 • The largest loans for use in Caracas have been for 1&, Electricidad de Caracas , and the Tamanaco Hotel with the Venezuelan Development Corporation as the £Jl guarantor. Federal Appropriations for Public 'Works and Improvement The major increases in the national budget from 1938 to 1955 were for public works and development programs, with a large share of it spent in Caracas. The expenditures of the Ministry of Public Works increased more than ten times from 1938 to 1950; and those of the Ministry of De- period. velopment, or Minlsterio de Foment . almost ten times in the same » 208 The Ministry of Communications and Labor were separated in October, 19^5 into two ministries, and in 1949 the amount spent by the Ministry of Labor was far in excess of those of the combined ministries prior to 19^5.°^ The total amount of expenditures in the Federal District of the federal autonomous agencies was Bs 40,213,000 compared to Bs 143,637,000 in 1955*^? Most of this money was spent in the city of Caracas. The expenditures of the Communications Ministry which rose to larger amounts than those of the Labor Ministry, were for repair and new construction of roads and bridges. The budget for 1951-1952 included Bs 80,000,000 for the Ministry 1 of Development and Bs 521,170,269 for Public Works. This was a totalp increase of Bs 82,000,000 over the 1950-1951 budget for public works and development projects.^ The amount allocated to these two ministries was increased by Bs 150,000,000 in 1952-1953 over the previous year.?0 By 1954-1955 a reduction of Bs 23,000,000 was evident in the amount budgeted for the Ministry of Public Works over the 1953-1954 budget, since much of the development in Caracas had been completed, and those for the rest of the nation were not initiated until I956.?1 The budget of Venezuela has been administered in a rather conserva- tive manner for some time. It is a part of the national fiscal policy that planned expenditure shall not exceed anticipated income. Such a plan has enabled the federal government to operate with a very small in- ternal debt. There is no foreign debt. The government has acted as guarantor for some foreign loans, such as those from the Sxport-Import Bank, but such gilt-edged security was required of the agency or industry making the loan that these are not considered as federal debt. 209 Public Works Projects in Caracas The appearance of Caracas has undergone fantastic changes in the last few years. Surprisingly enough many writers have mentioned the changes that have occurred in Caracas from year to year during the colo- nial period and the early national period. Diaries and a few books, native and non-native, written with a deep love for the city, have stressed these changes, though they were slight compared to those of the past two decades. In 1898 in a description of Caracas it was stated that any native son of a Caraquenian family, who had been abroad to travel and study for twenty years, would scarcely recognize his birthplace, so rapi- 2 dly was it growing and changing.^ Yet this was at a time when Caracas was small and grew very slowly. A gentleman who was in Caracas on busi- ness in 1941 and returned again in 1957 was amazed to find that he hardly recognized it as the same city. No wonder, for this was the period of the most rapid change. The once small town began to grow very rapidly after 1930. The acceleration in population growth was so rapid that Caracas was soon literally bursting at the seams. There was a lack of adequate housing, business office space, and a lack of adequate service of public utilities, with the increasing expansion in business and the accompanying increase in population attracted to Caracas. The increased business, based on the petroleum industry, soon yielded enough federal funds that the national government could undertake programs of public works for the improvement of the capital city. Venezuela with its enormous development projects, has spent more money per capita than other Latin American nation for public works and ^ 210 social improvements.^ Caracas was the first city to benefit in such large measure from these expenditures. There were so many public works projects during the first years of the initiation of this development program that one could hardly keep track of them. It is said that a Caraquenian replied, when asked by a visitor if it were true that one new building was completed every eleven minutes, "Oh! Hot Not more than one every hour." As one observes the numerous buildings being erected and completed, and sees an old building razed and a new one begun on the same site within so brief a span of time, one is tempted to say that the above reply may not have been so great an overstatement. Housing One of the most urgent needs of Caracas was housing for the lower- income groups, which comprise a large proportion of the population. By far the greater number of these people were living in crowded, inadequate housing conditions. It was most fortunate that when the federal govern- ment began the public works program for improvement of the city that hous- ing received first attention. HI Banco Qbrero . or the Workers Bank, the agenqy specifically authorized to assume this responsibility, can take pride in its success. The most intensive phase of the building program, which was not initiated until 1940, had completed approximately 1,295 housing units at a cost of Bs 29,750,000, or $8,500,000 by 1945.^ This project consisted of 640 homes and 424 apartments for middle-income fami- lies and 231 houses for low-income families. By the end of 1952, 6,000 family-unit apartments for 36,000 people in the low-income groups had been completed. The building of these housing units was well-planned for the most 211 part. The building of new housing projects necessitated the re-location of people. As a result planning of many suburban areas was accomplished. This was a somewhat new idea for a Latin American city in 1940 , but in so short a space of time as fifteen years, it is becoming an accepted pattern. An examination of some of these units will indicate their size and facilities. liarly Projects Chalbaud Pro.ject . —The largest of all housing projects, perhaps in Caracas, is the one named Chalbaud. It is located on the south western edge of the city. Prior to its dedication in November, 1950, buildings containing a total of 1809 apartments had been completed. In 1950 there were opened 557 low-rent houses, 552 medium-rent houses, and 4l6 apart- ments.^ By 1952 another 2,804 units including houses and apartments were completed; and by 1956 another 2,200 units were ready for occupancy. ?? This project is really a city within a city. There is a business center with every type of facility from stores to a theater. There are twelve playgrounds , and several parking lots for an enormous number of cars. Some idea of the tremendous sums of money invested in such a project is indicated by the expenditures for the 1,525 units dedicated in 1950, which cost Bs 41,000,000 or $13,666,666.^ This project, a responsibility of the Workers Bank, is an orderly, well-planned, and sanitary area for workers in the low income levels. Francisco de Miranda Pro.ject . —In the early part of 1950 the first apartments of the Francisco de Miranda Housing Project were completed. There were 778 apartments for 5»000 people in 85 buildings of six, seven, and eight stories. These covered 25 city blocks and were built at a ® » 212 total cost of Bs 30,000,000 or $10,000,000.^ Sorria Pro.iect . —Sorr£a,with 450 apartments completed in 1951 was a cooperative project. A total of 12,000 apartments were planned to be built in a four-year period at a cost of Bs 130,000,000 or $60,000,000. The initial cash payment for these when sold ranged between Bs 1,500 and Bs 1,000, or $450 to $480; the balance to be paid in twenty years with monthly payments not to exceed Bs 90 or $27, including interest and amor- tization.®^ This made it possible for one of these apartments to be bought for approximately Bs 21,000, or $6,000. 11 Paraiso Pro.iect .—El Paralso, one of the more spacious suburbs, was planned so that it would have only 80 persons to the acre. It con- tains seven buildings with 394 units of two-, three-, and four-bedroom apartments. A main building has facilities for the entire community, in- cluding a library, three kindergartens , and twc gymnasiums. There are three playgrounds and two parking lots. The total cost of this project is said to have been $2,500,000. il Silencio . —This was formerly the worst slum area of the city, and a center of vice. It is adjacent to the main business district in the southerly environs of Caracas. It was one of the first housing pro- Q-l jects begun in Caracas. Attractive and sanitary housing was provided for a large number of persons at a cost of more than Bs 54,927,537. 2 Smaller Projects . —The San Martin project, begun in 1949 on a smaller scale, contains 26 buildings. Housing is provided for 2,000 middle-income families in four buildings of eight stories, and twenty- two buildings of four stories. ®3 a total of Bs 17,000,000 was spent on this project by the end of 1950.®^ 213 There are numerous others either completed or under construction. The Coche community consists of 1,516 units of houses and apartments which accommodate 10,000 tenants of middle-income levels. El Valle is another which consists of several buildings of fourteen-stories with a total of 144 apartments.^ In addition there are quite a few duplex houses in this area. The majority of these residential areas are complete, or almost complete, cities within themselves. Each has its own markets, stores, drug stores, theaters, playgrounds, and parking lots, and some have their own libraries. Most of them are centered around a plaza, with the busi- ness district facing on the plaza. Many of these residential areas have their own churches. Many of these suburban housing developments* besides the Sorria project, are cooperative projects in which the apartments or houses may be bought. The top price for the largest units is Bs 30,000, or $9,000. The terms called for a cash payment, and the remainder to be paid in a period of twenty years, with the monthly payments not to exceed twenty per cent of the buyer* s monthly income. The interest rate charged ranged from four to seven per cent. These were sold almost as soon as they' were completed, the demand was so great. Rent paid for housing in the various projects does not appear to be excessive. From a report of the Banco Qbrero . the workers whose wages range from Bs 350 to Bs 800 monthly pay rent ranging from Bs 85 to Bs 240 per month, or approximately one-fourth of their monthly income. Those with salaries or wages of Bs 1,000 to Bs 2,000 monthly pay rent ranging from Bs 300 "to 3s 600 per month or approximately one-third or less 214 of their monthly income.®? No attempt has been made to discuss all the suburban developments of Caracas, There are many others, in addition to the ones mentioned, which have provided adequate housing for a large segment of those persons in the middle and low-income levels. These were built with public and private capital, often in cooperation; and while most of the properties have been sold, some have been maintained as rental property. There are several large suburbs, quite exclusive and magnificent, with elegant homes. Little or no mortgage money was needed, for these were built by families who possessed the wealth to undertake the con- struction of their own homes. Many of these exclusive areas are located on the outer edges of the city, and some are near the top of the moun- tains. This is in extreme contrast to the earlier period when the wealthi- er and more influential families lived as near the center of the city as possible. San Bernardino, a suburb in one section of the city, which has a business district and housing for several income levels provides housing for the middle-income families near its business district at the foot of the mountain. The more beautiful and extravagant homes are located near the top of the mountain. This is a recent reversal of the Spanish tradi- tion and recent national custom of the poorer residents living on the hillsides. For many of these areas the governmental agencies have assumed only the normal responsibilities of extending the service of utilities and building streets. 51 Plan de Vivienda Social . —Despite the enormous building pro- gram from 1933 to 1954, approximately thirty-eight per cent of the 9 215 population of Caracas lived in hovels in conditions of unspeakable squalor on the hillsides surrounding the city. The one and two room shanties had no sanitation facilities and no safe water supply. These areas were not only "eye sores," but were unsanitary, and breeders of disease. To provide housing for this large segment of the population would entail much careful planning and enormous expenditures of capi- tal. El Banco Obrero . or the Workers Bank, was the agency authorized to assume this responsibility. The enormity of the project would, of necessity, make it a long- range one. Original plans called for 200 massive buildings , four to fifteen stories tall to house 100,000 people in seven years. Each build- ing would cost approximately Bs 2,000,000, or $666,666; making the total cost of the project estimated at Bs *<00,000,000, or $120,000,000.®® The first section of apartments was completed in the latter part of 1954 and housed 913 families. ®9 it served as the pilot project for the larger housing plan for these families in such dire need of decent, sanitary housing, and was called Cerro Pilato . In December 1953 » a second portion of the project was begun, consisting of forty buildings, fifteen stories each, for 6,431 familes at a cost of Bs 76,000,000.9° Five new sections were begun in 1954 which would consist of thirty-eight buildings, with 5,312 apartments. The estimated cost of these projects to total Bs 114,364,856, or $35,000 ,000. 1 In Ei Cerro Pilato . the first section of El Plan de Vivienda Social, there were apartments planned for families with two to eight members. Of the 913 apartments first completed, the larger number were for families of five or more members. There were 466 apartments for 216 families of six or more; and 293 were for families of eight members.^ Utilities Telephone. —The telephone system in Caracas was in serious need of repair and improvement . The Caracas Telephone Company, a subsidiary of the Telephone Properties Limited of London, England, had not improved and expanded service as promised for Caracas by 1953. As a result, the Venezuelan government made an agreement with the Telephone Company to transfer its stock to the government . The stock was purchased for Bs 3^*000,000, or $11*333*333 In 1953* With the decision on the purchase price based on a six per cent return on the capital investment, using the prior six years' earnings. 93 The Ministry of Communications then approved an agreement of the Telephone Company with a Swiss-German firm to install 85,000 automatic telephones in Venezuela, with 60,000 of these to be in- qLl stalled in Caracas.™ vater System .—The National Bureau of Sanitary Works of Venezuela was created in 19^3 to build water supply systems and sewers in cities of over 3*000 persons. The largest project undertaken by this Bureau is the water supply system for the rapidly expanding population in Caracas. The existing water system had a capacity of supplying water to 300,000 people. The new system will increase the supply from 2,000 liters per second to 5,000 liters which has been estimated as adequate for a city of l,h00,000 people. 9^ When the new supply was planned, Caracas was not ex- pected to reach this number until the year 2,000 but it was reached by 1956. The water shortage which had been serious since 1940, became criti- cal at times by 1955* The pressure was so low at certain hours of the day in some sections of the city that many homes could secure little water. 217 Now new studies are being made in an attempt to solve the problem of adequate supply. In 1954 the plan to increase the supply was to include two steps. First, a dam was built on the Tuy River, sixty miles away from Caracas, with a storage lake. When this lake was filled, the water would be pumped to an elevation of 3»350 feet and then allowed to flow into the Valle River, which feeds the Mariposa dam now in use. The com- pleted dam on the Tuy was dedicated in August, 1956, but would not be filled with water ready for the Caracas water supply for approximately three years. The cost was estimated at between Bs 100,000,000, and Bs 500,000,000, or between $33 * 333*333 and $166,666,666.97 Electric Power . —The Venezuelan Development Corporation has been responsible for the modernizing and expansion of the Venezuelan power system. It now has nine power companies under its supervision. In 1946 the Corporation began to plan for the work on the Caracas company, La Electricidad de Caracas . The financing of the project required foreign capital, which was made available. The Venezuelan Development Corpora- tion sold a bond issue of Bs 12,000,000 or $4,000,000 direct to the savings funds of two large oil companies to secure money to pay off some short- term debts of the Caracas Company. This was a requirement of the Export- Import Bank of the United States and the International General Electric Company of New York in order to secure loans from them. The Export- Import Bank loaned Bs 1,950,000 in 1948, and in 1949 loaned part of $5*158,000 to cover the cost of the United States-made machinery to be used. 9® The repayments of these loans began on August 1, 1953* and were required to be paid in ten installments over a period of five years at four per cent interest. 99 Approximately $14,000,000 was spent on this ^ 218 project by the time it was completed, for Electricidad spent Bs 17»250,000, or $5*750,000 of domestic money in addition to the loans 100 of foreign money. The main offices of KLectricidad are housed in an elegant seven- story building of cream brick. In it is every sort of electric device known, from electric I.B.M. calculators to escalators, from internal pneu- matic communication systems to built-in clock-calendars on each floor. In the top six floors are the company offices, and the ground floor is reserved for show rooms. On the roof is a helicopter landing, since heli- copters are used to patrol the transmission lines. Educational buildings Public Schools .—The need for schools has grown with the popula- tion, and some attempt has been made to provide adequate facilities. The federal budget from 1940 to 1951 provided Bs 10,000,000, or $3,000,000 for 10 schools, with a capacity of 1,000 in each school in the residential 0 areas for the low-income families.- ' In 1954 the federal budget included Bs 39*000,000, or $13,000,000 for the school building program of the nation, with a large share to be spent in Caracas. 102 Catia School, located in the Catia housing suburb, was one of the first schools built with this money. It was built on approximately two hectares, or one acre, of land and has all the modern facilities a school should have. There are 24 classrooms for 50 students each; and there are, also, science laboratories, shops, a home economics room, a kitchen, and a lunchroom. In 1956 there was some doubt in the mind of the writer whether there was ample space for all the 106,686 children of school age in the 219 private and public schools in Caracas. Since the larger proportion of these children were in the families of the lower-income levels, public education must be provided if they are to receive training of any sort. While there has been a great increase in the number of school buildings, there may not be enough yet to provide mass education. Buildings are not the only requirements to provide education for all the children in Caracas. Teachers adequately trained, and equipment, including library facilities require large outlays of money. The training of enough teachers to staff a large number of new schools requires a great deal of time and money. LI Institute de la Ciudad Universitaria . —One of the autonomous agencies established for the development o.f Caracas was El Instituto de la Ciudad Universitaria . of University City, for the Central University had outgrown the space provided for it in the old Franciscan Monastery in the heart of the city. Established in 19^3* this agency was authori- zed to build new buildings on the 370 acre site bought by the government l0 ^ in 19^3 at a cost of Bs 6,250 ,000 . The long-range plan called for thirty buildings, of which twenty-five had been completed by the end of 105 1955 . Architects gave a great deal of time to study the many needs of the University, and began drawing their designs only after long consulta- tion with numerous authorities of the University. This has made it possible to plan for several groups of buildings so located as to save the time and effort of the students and of the professors. For instance, the administrative group includes the Administration Building, the Main Auditorium, the Communications Building, the Central Library and a Museum 220 The College of Medicine includes the Institutes of Anatomy, Ifygiene , Ex- perimental Medicine, and Tropical Medicine, the Main Hospital, the Cancer Hospital, and the School of Nursing, and the classrooms and laboratories for training the medical students. The tremendous sums have been ex- pended and have been wisely spent. A great deal of care has been taken to make this University campus, not only a very beautiful one, but a most useful one. Modem simplicity marks the architecture. The buildings are of re-inforced concrete and are said to be earthquake-proof. The work of the institute, La Ciudad Universitaria . was enhanced by special federal funds on several occasions. When it was learned that Caracas was to be the site of the Olympic swimming and diving tournaments in 1952, a special appropriation was made to build a fancy-diving pool. This pool, 85 feet long, 65 feet wide, and 16 feet deep, was built at record speed in order to be ready for the Olympic games. The regular pool, 164 feet long, 65 feet wide, and 6 to 8 feet deep, had been com- pleted a little earlier. The two pools cost a total of Bs 600,000, or 106 200,000. The 13-story building which was designated as the Library was rushed to completion for the March, 1954 meeting of the Organization of American States. It is air-conditioned throughout, since there are no windows in the building except in the three upper stcries. This will make for a more economic use of those floors devoted to library use. In this building are several large meeting rooms equipped with loud-speakers and translation equipment, in addition to the offices and work-space of the library. A description of the main auditorium, or the aula magna . of the 221 University is so magnificent that it should not be omitted from any dis- cussion of the University. It is a large auditorium, seating 3 >000 people, each seat being equipped with ear-phones and a microphone. As one walks into the auditorium, he is struck by the size and magnificence of color. The carpet is coral with deep pile. The seat-backs are covered with blue leather and the cushions are covered in a deep cream color. From the ceiling the lights are hung in flat irregular-shaped containers of brown, tan, and coral shades, which appear as mobiles. To the right of the stage are booths for photographers who are able from them to take pictures of the stage and of the auditorium; and to the left of the stage are translation booths. Hospitals Cl'nicos —Or private hospitals, are so numerous in Caracas that one cannot help but wonder how they continue operating, and even more, how the doctors can exist. This writer was told by several Caraquenian families who were well acquainted with the medical profession, that it was becoming increasingly difficult for a young doctor to establish him- self unless there was a father, grandfather, or uncle whom he could join and perhaps later, whose practice he could inherit. With a continuation in the high level of the economy, and the great desire on the part of the lower-income group to seek medical care perhaps the many clinics and physicians may continue to prosper. HI Clxnico . the hospital associated with the University in Caracas and located on the University campus, is a 1,250-bed hospital. In 1955 it was opened with 650 beds made available. In the latter part of 1956 the entire hospital was opened. This hospital, which cost 222 over $3,000,000, is a striking building with numerous wings at the rear, 10 ? These are arranged in such a manner, with the wall of each floor wing painted in bands of blue and red against the predominating white, so that the rear of the building is as impressive as the front. ililitary Hospital . —A new military hospital to care for active and retired military personnel was begun in 195^» It is an excellent hospi- tal, and well-staffed. The new hospital, which took two years to complete, is a 17-story building with 1,000 beds. It was built at a cost of Bs 6,000,000, or $2,000 ,000. 108 Vargas Hospital . —Vargas Hospital, completed in 1889, has served the entire Venezuelan nation as a charity hospital. It is a large hospital with more than 1,000 beds. Large stuns of federal money have been expended in repair, renovation, additions, and new equipment. In 1950, which was relatively early in the development program, more then Bs 1,000,000 were appropriated for Vargas Hospital. 109 Other Public buildings There are many other buildings either finished or nearly so, which utilized some government capital. The Hotel Tamanaco is only one of these. For this enterprise the Government subscribed one-third of the capital; the Export-Import Bank loaned one-third to the Corporation, Compania An capital. This 400-roora hotel, one of the finest in the world, is located on a hill overlooking the city. Its total cost amounted to approximately 110 $6,500,000 of which the Export-Import Bank loaned $2, 337 >697. It was completed in 1952. The Trade Unions Building in the Parafso section is another 223 building which was built by government and private capital. Of the Bs 4,500,000, or $1,566,666 needed for this building the government sub- scribed more than half, the remainder being subscribed by private capi- Lx tal." This modernistic building which provides office space for the Trade Unions, also has an auditorium that seats 1,800 people, three con- ference rooms, some guest apartments, two libraries, a restaurant, and a swimming pool. The Newspapers • Association Building was built by the Workers Bank with a credit of Bs 1,000,000, or $333 ,000 from the government at one per cent interest annually; and the remainder of the money subscribed n? was private capital. The Association owned the property on which the building was built. This land was valued at Bs 500,000, or $166,665, and the equipment in the building cost more than Bs 100,000 of $30,000. It was completed in a record-breaking space of seven months time. Ground was broken in March, 1954, and it was completed, to furnishings, for dedication on December 2, 1954. This five-story building, with an enormous covered terrace, has guest apartments, a recreational center and gymnasium, a restaurant to accommodate 150 people, a swimming pool, and a large reading room, in addition to the numerous offices of the Association. Street Developments Avenida Bolivar .—One of the most expensive and beautiful develop- ments in Venezuela, or anywhere else, for that matter, is KL Avenida Bo- l llvar . The autonomous agency. Corpora cion AmSnima de Obras Avenida Bo- livar . under the direction of the Ministry of Development, was established in 1947. This agency was charged specifically with development of Avenida Bolivar and construction of certain rental properties on Avenida Bolivar . 224 The work began with a capital of Bs 12,000,000 in 24,000 shares of stock at Bs 500 each, and the Venezuelan Development Corporation made a loan of Bs 10,000,000 in bonds to buy the necessary real estate for the 11 project. ^ Hot only was the street to be widened through the city but two large office buildings were to be built at the center of the city, one on either side of Avenida Bolivar. The work on the street itself was completed with the usual record-breaking speed. The work of widening and repairing the street began on February 7, 1949 and on December 31 , 1949 the street was opened to traffic. As of September, 1952 the government had invested either directly or indirectly approximately Bs 167,000,000, or $55*666,660 in loans and in stock subscribed .^ 1- 0 The total bonds out- standing on that date were estimated at Bs 130,000,000, or $43,000,000. In 1954 the total amount of government capital in the project was roughly 117 Bs 297,000,000, or $99,000 ,000 . The twin office buildings, dedicated in December, 1954, are the major rental properties constructed by the agency. These buildings, El Sur or The South, and El Norte or The North, are commonly called "The Twin Sisters" in Caracas, for they are identical buildings and are sepa- rated only by the plaza of Avenida Bolivar . They stand near the center of the business district of the city, and since they are the only "sky- scraper," they may be seen from any point in Caracas. There are under- ground parking lots and a tunnel under these buildings to Avenida Bolivar to allow traffic to move more easily. Governmental offices are housed in the upper floors of these buildings; while every sort of store and private office may be found on the street level and the floor below. Book stores, music shops, air-line 225 offices, restaurants, and clothing stores are just a few. Other Street Improvements There has been much street improvement throughout the city. Avenida Urdaneta . which runs from east to west through the center of the city, has been widened; and many new and impressive buildings, most of them by private capital, have been built on it. Avenida San Martin . a little southeast of the city and in a densely populated area, was improved at a cost of almost Bs 13,650,000, or $4, 550,000. Avenida Moran , in the western part of the city, was widened and extended at a cost of Bs 4,450,000, 119 or $1,483,330. This was indeed an asset since it opened the way to the seaport for a large section of the city. Avenida Miranda . in the central part of the city, was improved at a cost of more than Bs 26,140,000, or 120 $8 » 713 >330 . Highway Developments Into Caracas . —El Autopista. which connects Caracas with the seaport La Guaira, is one of the modern wonders of the world. This road has cut driving time between the two cities from an hour to approximately twenty-five minutes. The building of this highway presented almost insurmountable problems due to the topography of the area between Caracas and La Guaira. Entire hills had to be leveled, deep valleys had to be filled, three bridges over deep ravines had to be built, and three tunnels through the mountain had to be dug. The three bridges cost Bs 17,640,000, or $5 >880 ,000; and the three tunnels cost Bs 50,400,000, l2i or $16,800,000. One bridge is 921 feet long and has an arch span of 122 400 feet; one is 800 feet long, and the other is 300 feet long. One 12 tunnel is almost a mile long and one is one-half mile long. ^ The third 226 was a very short tunnel. The total cost of this highway was Bs 238*000,000. Tolls have been charged at varying rates, but in 1955 tolls H amounted to $ 7*500 on many days.^" Whether the tolls pay for the road is not of great importance. The government could well assume financial responsibility for this road when consideration is given to its import- ance, not only to Caracas, but to the nation. The flow of passenger cars, buses, and trucks is quite heavy at all hours of the day on this six-lane highway, electrically lighted at night. One has only to have travelled on the old crooked and dangerous road to appreciate the new highway which is so much safer and shorter. Barge sums of money, public and private, have been in the moderni- zation and expansion of Caracas. For the most part the public works projects and development program have been well planned. From an economic standpoint, it is true that some money has been spent flamboyantly, but this would be true in any large urban development program. It must be remembered that Venezuelans, as other Latin Americans, revere and honor their capital city. The Venezuelans, and especially the Caraquenians have clothed Caracas in an aura of charm, tranquility, and importance. It would be surprising, indeed, had money not have been sp>ent for beautification and on some non-essentials before obliterating all squalor and before providing all the essentials of a great metropolis. It is the judgment of this writer that many millions of bolivars have been spent on quite essential projects to care for the rapid increase in business and the accompanying increase in population. Had not the early housing projects and expansion of public utilities been executed, 227 the development of business would have been retarded or carried out against enormous obstacles. This could have redounded to the harm . * not only of Caracas but to all Venezuela. 228 Personal politico-administrative) del Distrito Federal, Cronica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1957) , No. 32, 1. 2Austin Macdonald, Latin American politics (1st ed. , New York, 19^9) , 438. 3»*Personal politico-administrativo del Distrito Federal" Cronica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1957), No. 32 , 1* ^facdonald op . cit . ^Austin Macdonald, Latin American politics (2d. ed. , New York, 1954), 542-43. 6 7 rpid . Ibid . 8 See "Ordinanzas de presupuesto de rentas y gastos pilblicos del Distrito Federal," in Cronica, de Caracas , issues of January-March for several years. ^"Ordinanzas de presupuesto de rentas y gastos pilblicos del Destrito Federal," Cronica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1955), Nos. 20-21, 14-15. '^"Ordinanzas de presupuesto de rentas y gastos pilblicos del Distrito Federal," Cronica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1957), No. 32, 457-58. -^"Ordinanzas," Crdnica de Caracas . Nos. 20-21, 15. 12 "0rdinanzas," Cronica de Caracas . Nos. 32, 458. •^"Ordinanzas," Cronica de Caracas . Nos. 20-21, 16. ^"ibcposicion de la memoria del gobernador , " Cronica de Caracas Nos. 2Q-»21 j -‘^"Ordinanzas," Cronica de Caracas . No. 32 , 458. -°"Exposicion," Crdniea de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1955), Nos. 20-21, 6, 9, and 15. -7"Exposicion," Cronica dc Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1957), No. 32, 458. -3"Exp0sici6n," Cronica de Caracas (Enero-Marzo de 1957), No. 32 , 443-44. -9pan American Yearbook (New York, 1945), 512. 20 2 . 229 2 -United Nations, Public finance in Venezuela (New York, 1951) » 15* 2 "El nuevo estatuto organico de la Corpora cion Yenezolano de omento." Cuadernos de daformaci6n s conoitiic:: (:&yo-Junio, 1952 )* Ano IV, No. 3, 65 . 2 3 lbid . ^Public Finance in Venezuela . 18. 25«S1 nuevo estatuto organico de la Corporacion Venezolano de F omento," op. cit .. 64. 26 Ibid. . 63-68 . 2/7 daceta Oficial (Caracas) June 30, 1928; and Investment in Venezuela (Washington, 1953)* 87 23 2 31 Ioid. 9lbid. . 82. 30 ibid.. 87. Ibid. 2 3 Gaceta Oficial (Caracas) July 23, 1937. 33ibid . 3^"Venezuela," Hispanic American report (August, 1953) » VI, 24. Venezuela-Economic Review. 1953 . World Trade Series, No. 539 (Washington, 1954), 7. 3^d.Q. Bennion, "Venezuela" in Seymour E. Harris (ed), Economic Problems of b^tin. America (New York, 1944), 426. 3 7 Ibid; and New York Times . July 1, 1958, p. 45. 38j4inisterio de Hacienda, Hemoria . 1951* Exposiciones; and Hemoria . 1935-1938* Exposiciones. 39jiinisterio de Hacienda, Hemoria . 1955* Exposiciones. ^O qaceta Oficial . ( Caracas . March 13, 1943); and Edwin Lieuwin, Petroleum in Venezuela (Berkley. 1955) » 99. ^hix Lieuwin, op. cit . 42 43 Ibid . Ibid .. 108. ^Ibid . ^Gaceta oficial (Caracas), July 17* 1942. 46United Nationa, Economic Surve., of Latin America. 1951-1952 (New York, 1953)* 132. ^Investment in Venezuela . 94. . 230 46 ^9 Ibid . Ibid . ,81. 5Q Gaceta oficial (Caracas), July 25, 1934. 5 J- Qaceta oficial (Caracas), July 25, 1941. 52e. G. Bennion, "Venezuela," op. cit . , 427; and Willard Tharpe, Trade, aid or what (Amherst, 1954), p. 221* 53 ibid . 5^ Investi;ient in Venezuela . 84, 5 5ibid . , 94. Venezuela-economic review . 1953 , 7. 5? 5B rpid . jDid > ^Investment. in Venezuela. 86. 60 61 Ibid. Ibid . . 85. 62 Export-Import Bank of Washington, Report to the Congress for the period July-Decemoer . 1956 (Washington, 1957), 62-63 . 64 63 Ibid. ilinisterio de Hacienda, Cuenta 1938; and Cuenta 1955. ° ^Qaceta Oficial (Caracas), Oct. 23, 1945; and ilinisterio de Trabajo. hemoria, 1940; hemoria . 1943; hemoria, 1949, 65 . ^TBanco Central de Venezuela, hemoria del aflo 19*55 . ilinisterio de Hacienda, lieiaoria. 1952 . Exposici<$nes. ilinisterio de Hacienda, hemoria. 1951 . 2xposici6nes. iiiinisterio de Hacienda, Ilemoria. 1953 . Exposici6nes ianisterio de Hacienda, Ilemoria. 1955 . Sxposici<5nes. ^2 Josl Antonio Espinoza, Regionales (Paris, I898), 11. 73nvenezuela," Hispanic .America report . (April, 1954), VII, 22. ilinisterio de Fomento, Informe de Banco Obrero . 1946. 75ibid. J • 231 ^^liinisterio de Fomento, Informe de lanco Obrero . 1951 77”La viviendo y la construccion en Venezuela,” Cuadernos de informa cion economic?. . 14. 78 Ibid . 79ibid . 80 Ministerio de Fomento, Informe de ianco Obrero . 1952, 5. 8 -"La viviendo y la construe ci<$n en Venezuela,” Cuadernos de inform cion economica , 15. 82 8 Ibid. . 14. 3ibid. ^Ibid. . 15. 35ihe writer spent some time in surveying the various housing projects. 8 %inisterio de Fomento, Informe de banco Obrero. 1955 . 87”La vivienda y la construccion en Venezuela,” Cuadernos de Inform cion economics. . 17. ^ :, Vene ue^lg54, I^^gsignes .del nuevo Direc- ? . ide:^,rac , ciort de Informacion del .’linisterio de Relaciones Interiores (Caracas, 1955)* 47. ^9 ibid . t and Asx progresa un nueblo . Direccion de Relaciones In- teriores (Caracas, 1956) , 50. 9° Ibid . . ^9; and A si progresa un publo . 50. 91 92 Ibid . Ibid . " Venezuela - Economic Review . 1953 * 6. qIl "ibid . 95 . j0ietin de la Corporacion Venezolano de Fomento (Mayo-Junio de 1954), 19. Universal . August, 1956, 1. "ibid . "Export-Import 3ank of the U.S.A., Eleventh semiannual report to Congress for the period Jul;,--December . 1950 . 36. "ibid . 10 oletin ac as Corporacion Vlnezorano do Fomento (mayo-junto de 1954), 10. . 23^ 101 Hinisterio de Educacion, Informe . 1955* 10. 10 ^ Ibid . 103The writer saw this school, and observed it vexy closely. lO^uLa viviendo y la construccion en Venezuela," Cuadernos de informacion economica . 22. The land bought for the Universidad Central was the plantation which was owned by the Ibarra family. 1°5e1 Instituto de la Ciudad Universitaria i-iemoria . 1950, 10. 1° 6 E1 Universal . March 14, 1952, 3. 10 7 Instituto de la Ciudad Universitaria. Memoria (Caracas, 1956), 15. 103iiy w 24, enezue-j_a # Hispanic American Report (January, 1955), VII, 1° ^MinisterioSo c iedad y Seguras Sociales, Informe . 1951, 10. H°Export-Iraport Bank, Tenth semi-annual Report to Congress for the period January-June. 1950 . 36. ^“4linisterio de Fomento, I-lemoria . Exposici<5nes , 1952. 112 E1 Universal (December 3, 1954), 1. ^Ibid. H^wObras de la Avenida Bolivar," Cuadernos de informacion economica (Mayo-Junio, 1952), 26* ^ibjd. . 27. n6Ibid. ^Ibld. ll3 Venezuela-1954 . 123 120 ^ Ibid . Ibid . 121«*Contract for three bridges and three tunnels signed," Venezuela Up-to-date . published by Venezuelan Embassy, ’Washington (November, 1950), Vol. I, No. 12, 8. 122Ibid. 123Ibid. 124j)ireccion de Relaciones Interiores, Asi pronresa un pueblo (Caracas, 1956), 59* CHAPTER VIII CARACAS IN TRANSITION An almost complete transformation has occurred in the city of Caracas in the last two decades. Its physical appearance would be un- recognizable to a Caraquenian who had been absent from his birthplace during that time. It has emerged from a small, quiet city into a large, modern, bustling metropolis, with the same miraculous change as when a chrysalis changes to a large, variegated moth. The typically-Spanish architecture has been replaced by buildings of modem and functional de- sign, and Caracas can boast, perhaps, of more new buildings than any other large city of the western world. Its population, which surged up- ward so rapidly after 1920, is one of the fastest growing in the Western Hemisphere. Caracas, which vegetated for most of the national period, has undergone other even more remarkable changes. It has shaken off the lethargy which characterized it for many years. The enormous public works program indicates the thought given to planning for the future. A program of industrialization has been launched which will eventually provide em- ployment for a large segment of the population. Education is coming to be regarded as an inalienable right. The high position of women in busi- ness, politics, and the professions demonstrates the progressive thinking that abounds in Caracas. Improved health standards, higher levels and standards of living, and new patterns of living have been effected. 233 234 Caracas is somewhat unique among Latin American cities, for it serves not only as the capital of the nation and as the financial center, but also serves as a center of business and industry, and as a center of learning. This is in contrast to most of the nations of Latin America in which a city performs one or the other of the functions named, but not all of them. Caracas, interestingly enough, has performed the adminis- trative, economic, and intellectual functions since colonial days. In the economic field, only industry is a new activity. What is remarkable about the performance of these functions in Caracas at the present is the extent to which each has increased in recent years. As a banking and financial center Caracas increased in importance to an almost unbelievable degree. Petroleum has been the key to the high level of econony, and the resulting new money found its way into govern- ment coffers and private institutions. Other industries recently intro- duced into Venezuela are sources of new revenue, as is local industry. The introduction of insurance companies and other financial institutions have increased the amount of money for investment in Caracas and in other areas of Venezuela. As has been true of the rest of Spanish America, Venezuela lacked the capital for investment in the national economy until the advent of industry and the resulting new capital. The entrance of the government in the economy has been significant in the transformation of Caracas. The building program launched by the federal government, and which changed the physical appearance of the city, provided employment for many laborers at higher wages than ever before paid. The flow of money through various business firms as the public works program was inaugurated gave a boost to the economy* The government 235 assumed the responsibility for the improving and modernizing of the various facilities and services to bring them into harmony with the greater needs of an expanding economy. Power facilities, the water supply, and trans- portation had to be improved and increased to meet the needs of an in- creasing population and an expanding economy. Industrialization within the capital city of a Spanish American nation is an innovation. The first industries of importance introduced in the city were related to the construction program. Industries are now being attracted to utilize the natural resources and the labor force to produce goods for domestic consumption. This is essential if the labor force is to be kept in continuous employment as the public works program is being completed, and a larger portion of the labor force is thrown on the market. Industrialization appears to be the solution to the problem, and has al- ready strengthened and diversified the economy, bringing about an equi- librium that is essential to economic stability. The economy of Caracas, as indeed all of Venezuela, has been de- pendent on the petroleum industry, and is still dependent on it to a great degree. Since the industrial operations of the petroleum and the iron mining companies are located away from the city of Caracas, the large labor force needs local industry for security. It is to be hoped that the city will continue to attract industry until a strong economic base is es- tablished. The economic prospect is too bleak to contemplate if the petro- leum industry should be compelled to curtail its activities. Caracas would suffer more than any other city, with the exception of Maracaibo, located 236 in the heart of one of the oil fields. Caracas has experienced an intellectual awakening and is a center of learning, with much activity of a cultural nature. The city has been a center of intellectual activity for many years for a small group of the elite, and now has expanded into an educational center for all levels of society. The introduction of the public works program followed by the in- troduction of industry forced a new orientation in the educational system in order to provide a body of trained workers. As the labor force was I trained and wages were increased, a higher level of living was made possi- ble. This was accompanied by an intense desire on the part of the workers to provide the coming generation with far more advantages than had been available to them. With proper direction this should ensure an adequately trained labor force, and will result in an increased literacy rate. The universities are assuming their roles as discoverers and dis- seminators of knowledge in a most commendable manner. Training for the professions of medicine and law continue as an important function of the universities, and specialization within the professional fields and re- search programs have been added. Technological advances were stimulated as the city grew and developed, and the universities have expanded train- ing in fields new to them. Interest has developed in economics, engi- neering, architecture, nursing, and odontology so that Caracas has trained almost enough persons in the professions and in technology to meet her needs. No longer does she have to import large numbers of people in these fields. The criticism has been levelled at maiy universities that they are training only to increase earning power, since they are training in the 237 technological fields to such a great extent. This is not a logical criticism for the universities in Caracas. First, the universities have continued to train in the professions as in past years; second, the need for many professionally and technologically trained people has been so great in Caracas. If the graduates of the universities do have increased earning power it may reflect credit and not engender censure in Caracas. Society demands a variety of skills and knowledge for which the university can train, and the greater the demand the higher the pay for those who possess the Knowledge and skills. Adequately prepared graduates of second- ary schools from all levels of society are being admitted to the Central University in Caracas, Those students from the lower economic levels of society must be trained to earn a livelihood, for they cannot afford to attend the university merely to pursue knowledge for the love of it. They must pursue a field of interest which will be remunerative. Too many well trained people in the professional and technical fields are needed to deny these people university education. Many of the students from the lower economic levels who have university training have made valu- able contributions. Ambitious and intelligent, they seek and find their place in the economic level but at present are denied a place in the po- litical and social life of the city. The leavening influence of education, and an improvement in the economy will enable these people to move into the higher levels of society eventually. Mobility is slow, but there are indications that it is occurring in Caracas. Caracas is becoming Americanized, and the process continues at a rapid rate. No longer is the pace a languid one, but the norteamericano may even grow weary of the rapidity of movement in the city. Laborers, and business and professional people are all in a hurry. The departure 238 from past traditions is marked, and the Spanish disdain for work is disap- pearing. Acceleration in business administration is noticed as negoti- ations are executed with greater alacrity than in the past. The siesta is giving way slowly to the full work day, with the day divided into three parts instead of the Spanish custom of dividing it into four parts. An increasing number of people are remaining near their work for their noon- day meal since the traffic jams are so heavy that little time is left for a siesta for those who do go home in the middle of the day. A greater desire for the education of the masses is developing in contrast to the older tradition of education for a small group of the elite. The auto- mobile, the electric refrigerator, and the electric stove are all a part of the Americanization of Caracas. The Americanization process is particularly noticeable in the changes that have occurred in the position of women. Women drive their own cars, travel within the nation and without by themselves. They have entered business and the professions in about the same degree as their norteamericano sisters. All of these things may be done by the women of the upper levels of society without any loss to their social position. The many transformations do not imply that Caracas has achieved utopia. There are many problems which must be solved before the city reaches the peak of achievement it desires. There is still much to be done in the field of health, although many improvements have been made. Clean, comfortable living quarters with pure water and sanitary facili- ties must be provided for all the people in the city . All the shanties must disappear from the hillsides before health standards may be raised higher. Illegitimacy is a serious problem, but social change and legis- 239 lation will be necessary for a satisfactory solution. Crime, while not rampant, is a problem of every large city, and requires attention in Caracas. Inflation, which has risen to such a high level in recent years, must be curbed if possible, and must not be allowed to get out of hand to any greater extent if the economy is to have stability. A casual observer may not recognize all of the outward signs of progress which have been made since 1940. On the other hand only a little more than a cursory examination is necessary to be aware of the many trans- formations that have occurred. Caracas, which has broken with much of the past, is a prime example of the new Latin America which seeks economic stability, a broader base of education, and higher levels and standards of living as a new pattern of living is established. Santiago de Leon de Caracas is potentially on the threshold of a magnificent future, and it is hoped that its leaders will have the vision necessary to secure its position. APPENDIX WEIGHTS, MEASURES, AND MONETARY VALUES Since there was no uniform standard of weights and measures during the Spanish colonial period, those which appear to have been in effect for the longest period of time have been used in this study, with their English equivalents. 1 libra SB 1 pound 1 arroba at 25 pounds 1 fanega s 1.6 bushels, dry measure, or 116 pounds for cacao, and often 110 pounds 1 quintal s 100 pounds 1 maravedi SB l/3 cent 34 maravedis = 1 real, or a piece of eight 272 maravedis SB 1 peso 8 reales S3 1 peso, or 1 silver dollar 1 ducado S $2.25 1 tomin S3 24.371 grains BIBLIOGRAPHY I. Primary Sources 1. Planus cripts A. Archivo de Academia Nacional de la Historia Arguelles, Rodrigues y Gaspar de Parroga. "Descripcion de la laguna de Maracaibo." Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Est. 1, caja 1, leg., 1. A copy. Olavarriago, Pedro Josl. "Instrucci6n general y particular del estado presente de la provincia de Venezuela en los anos 1720 y 1721." "Carta del cabildo a su majestad, el rey, fecha de 25 de julio de 1605." Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 14, Copy. "Carta del Gobernador Garc£a Gir<5n a 18 febrero de 1612." Archivo General de indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 15. A copy. "Carta del Gobernador Sancho Alquiza a su majestad, el rey, a 15 de junio de l607» Caracas." Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 15. A copy. "Instrucci<$n reservada para D. Arriaga a 15 de setiember de 1749." Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 130, caja 6, leg. 1. A copy. "Real cldula de 26 de agosto de 1601." Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, est. 54, caja 4, leg. 14. A copy. B. Archivo General de la NaciiSn Actas del Real Consulado . Vol. 3» folios 37-40. Diversos . in Colecci<5n de Documentos, Tomo XIV, folios 377-406. , Tomo LXXII, folios 257-305. ,.j Gobemaci&i v Capital;. General. Tomo XI, folio 72. 241 242 . Tomo XIV, folio 182. 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BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH Ethel Lucile Marshall was born in Birmingham, Alabama on December 18, 1907. She received the A. B. degree from Birmingham- Southern College with majors in history and geography. She was a member of the first women’s debate team there, and served as president of the Belles Lettres Literary Club and the Y. W. C. A. She was awarded the Master of Arts degree from the University of Alabama in 1945. She did graduate work in geography at the University of Denver in 1948. She completed the residence requirements for the degree of doctor of philoso- phy at the University of Florida and was admitted to candidacy on May 31* 1956. She began her professional career at Hewitt High School, Truss- ville, Alabama as teacher of Social Studies. In 1935 sh® accepted a position as a teacher of Social Studies at SLyton School, in Birmingham, Alabama. During the summers of 1943 and 1944 she was assistant director of the Inter-American Cultural Workshop at the University of Alabama. In 1945 she became a member of the faculty of Alabama College, then the State College for Women, and now the State College of Liberal Arts, which is co-educational. She is Associate professor of History and Geography at that college. While attending the University of Florida she was awarded a fellow- ship by the School of Inter-American Studies, and a scholarship by the Graduate School. She holds membership in Phi Alpha Theta, history honor- ary; Alpha Kappa Delta, sociology honorary; and Delta Kappa Gamma and Kappa Delta Epsilon, both honor teacher fraternities. She was named "Conservationist of the Year" in Alabama for outstanding work in the field of conservation in 1943. In 1956 she was awarded a medal by the Eloy Alfaro International Foundation for an essay on the life of Eloy Alfaro; and in 1957* on the publication of that essay in Spanish, she was awarded the scholar* s medal of that organization. In 1956 she re- ceived a grant from the Creole Petroleum Corporation for research in Venezuela. She has travelled in Venezuela, Panama, and Mexico. This dissertation was prepared under the direction of the chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee and has been approved by all mem- bers of that committee. It was submitted to the Director of the School of Inter -American Studies and to the Graduate Council and was approved as par- tial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. August 9, 1958 Dean, Graduate School SUPERVISORY COMMITTEE: