Din Minimi, the Strange Story of an Armed Group in Aceh

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Din Minimi, the Strange Story of an Armed Group in Aceh Din Minimi: The Strange Story Of An Armed Group In Aceh, Indonesia ©2015 IPAC 1 No Need for Panic: Planned and Unplanned Releases of Convicted Extremists in Indonesia ©2013 IPAC 1 DIN MINIMI: THE STRANGE STORY OF AN ARMED GROUP IN ACEH, INDONESIA 15 October 2015 IPAC Report No.23 contents I. Introduction .........................................................................................1 II. Din Minimi: Background ...................................................................2 A. The Beginning ...............................................................................2 B. The Crimes Attributed to Din Minimi ......................................3 C. The TNI Killings ...........................................................................4 D. The Police and Military on Different Paths ...............................5 III. Din Minimi’s Demands ......................................................................6 IV. The Connection to Teungku Mukhtar and the Norway Group ...7 A. Mukhtar and the Extremists .......................................................7 B. Involvement of a GAM Splinter Group? ...................................8 V. Conclusion ...........................................................................................9 Din Minimi: The Strange Story Of An Armed Group In Aceh, Indonesia ©2015 IPAC 1 I. INTRODUCTION Ten years after a much-lauded peace agreement ended a 30-year insurgency in Aceh, a peculiar armed group has emerged there with ties to former rebels, petty criminals and violent extremists as well as to intelligence and security forces. Indonesia has a history of such groups appearing in conflict areas, and it is often difficult to figure out who is using whom for what ends. Even by In- donesian standards, however, the story of Din Minimi is convoluted. It serves as an illustration of many problems in Indonesia today, including hostility and competing agendas among securi- ty forces, as well as lax control over high-risk offenders in prison. It also shows the potential for more serious violence in Aceh. Din Minimi, Aceh’s supposedly most wanted outlaw, first came to media attention in 2014 after he had been involved in a number of robberies and extortion attempts. Two journalists were invited to his “camp” in North Aceh, facilitated by a civil society activist. Din Minimi gave them a long interview, based on talking points prepared by the activist: how the current Aceh government had not fulfilled the provisions of the 2005 Helsinki peace agreement and how it was failing to bring prosperity to the people of Aceh. It had failed to meet its promises of free homes and land for former combatants. The target of criticism was clearly Partai Aceh, the party formed by the former rebels of the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, GAM) whose senior members include the governor of Aceh, Zaini Abdullah, and his deputy, Muzakir Manaf, former GAM military commander and Partai Aceh head. It seemed as though Din Minimi was one of innumerable disgruntled former combatants who had turned to crime and just happened to have the good fortune to run into people with an interest in boosting his exploits. As media attention grew, so did groups with an interest in using him, either to weaken the Partai Aceh government, raise the spectre of renewed conflict or build an armed force to wage jihad. (The last, it should be noted, has never been Din Minimi’s own objective.) In late 2014, two groups linked to each other by little more than a telephone connection reached out to Din Minimi. One consisted of an Acehnese living in Norway who belonged to a GAM splinter called MP-GAM. The other was a group of Acehnese extremists who had been involved in an effort to set up a terrorist training camp in Aceh in 2010. Together they helped strengthen his little band of armed men, with the Norway resident providing funding and the would-be terrorists—two of whom were operating from their cell in Banda Aceh prison—ar- ranging for the purchase and delivery to Din Minimi. For all his bombast against the Partai Aceh government, Din Minimi’s targets for extortion seemed to be drug dealers and corruptors, a few with political links and others with none. Until March 2015, he seemed to be more a criminal nuisance than a serious security threat. In March, however, he and his men executed two military (Tentara Nasional Indonesia, TNI) intelligence agents. The police stepped up efforts to hunt down Din Minimi followers and killed at least two by shooting them at close range under disputed circumstances in July and August 2015. More than 20 alleged followers were in prison as of September, and police said there were about the same number on the wanted list. The TNI, which lost two men, left the hard tactics to the police and tried persuasion instead, with the regional commander (Danrem) himself visiting Din Minimi’s family during Ramadan, bearing gifts, to urge that he surrender. The commander also sent an envoy to him directly with an offer of money if he turned himself in. The provincial commander—and virtually every other senior security official—has also been in direct telephone contact with Din Minimi. The role of the state intelligence agency, BIN, is even murkier. In 2008-2009, a senior BIN official had been involved in an effort to identify the whereabouts of the many guns retained by GAM members after the peace agreement. In the process, he worked with an ex-combatant from 2 Din Minimi: The Strange Story Of An Armed Group In Aceh, Indonesia ©2015 IPAC Bireuen named Abu Razak. Abu Razak joined Din Minimi in 2015 and was in touch with both MP-GAM and the would-be terrorists; he was also present at the execution of the TNI men. It does not necessarily mean that BIN is directly involved with Din Minimi or the image-boosting campaign around him, but any sustained assault on the credibility of Partai Aceh as a ruling party would probably be of interest to the agency. As of late September 2015, circumstances seem to have turned Din Minimi into what he was not at the outset: leader of a well-armed group with a grudge against the state. The police and military were competing to see who would get him first, and whether hardline or persuasive tactics respectively would prevail—a competition that mirrored the efforts to get the country’s other leading fugitive, the elusive extremist leader Santoso, in Poso, Central Sulawesi. Even on the run with his many of his men locked up or dead, Din Minimi was attracting the interest of thugs, pro-ISIS extremists and GAM dissidents, including MP-GAM members beyond the small group in Norway. If nothing else, the story of his rise and likely fall show how much violence lurks beneath the surface in Aceh, ready to be stirred up by a welter of different interests. II. DIN MINIMI: BACKGROUND At first glance, Din Minimi’s story echoes that of many other minor figures in independence struggle whose life was disrupted by the war and who had a hard time making ends meet after the peace. When he first returned to crime, no one took him very seriously. It was a familiar sto- ry for many combatants, who found that post-conflict Aceh had little use for their skills and that in some cases it was easier to get money through extortion and robbery than through salaried employment. Din Minimi’s evolution into a legendary outlaw was the result of many interests besides his own. A. The Beginning Nurdin bin Ismail Amat alias Din Minimi, about 37 in 2015, was born in Keude Buloh village in Julok, East Aceh, the first of four brothers. His father, known as Abu Minimi after the machine gun (mini-mitrailleuse) he carried in the conflict, was a locally prominent GAM fighter who was killed sometime before Soeharto fell in 1998. All of the sons joined the struggle as soon as they were able.1 Din Minimi himself left elementary school after Grade 3 and joined GAM in 1997, though he never held a command position.2 In 2003, he was arrested by the TNI and served about a year in prison in Langsa, Aceh. Sometime after the 2005 peace agreement, he went to work as a forklift operator for a sawmill in East Aceh owned by a former GAM fighter, Anwar alias Teungku (Tgk.) Rabo. He had not been employed very long before the company folded, and he subsequently seems to have picked up work where he could get it. Around 2010 he was employed as a heavy equipment operator at a company called PT Setia Agung.3 Then for a year, 2011 to 2012, he operated a bulldozer for the construction of a drainage project near his home in Julok.4 The contractor was PT Alfaris 1 One brother, Hamdani alias Sitong, was killed in a clash with the TNI in 2004. Another, Mak Isa alias Bukrak, disappeared during the conflict and was never found. The youngest brother, Bahar alias Azhar, is still at large; he was the executioner of the two TNI men in March. 2 “Sosok Din Minimi, Mantan GAM yang Masih Angkat Senjata,” viva.co.id, 18 April 2015. 3 This was the company targeted by a hit squad loyal to Partai Aceh in December 2011. They shot eight workers, killing three, on 5 December 2011 in what proved to be a successful effort to delay Aceh’s gubernatorial election on security grounds. Din Minimi had no known connection to the killings or to the group that carried it out, under the command of a man known as Ayah Banta. 4 “Din Minimi, Sosok Pekerja yang Ulet,” Serambi, 4 June 2015. Din Minimi: The Strange Story Of An Armed Group In Aceh, Indonesia ©2015 IPAC 3 Jaya, a company run by another former combatant from East Aceh named Abdul Hadi, better known as Adi Maros, who had left GAM before the peace agreement and soon developed close relations with both BIN and the military.
Recommended publications
  • Skripsi Strategi Pemenangan Irwandi Yusuf Dan Nova
    SKRIPSI STRATEGI PEMENANGAN IRWANDI YUSUF DAN NOVA IRIANSYAH DALAM PEMILUKADA ACEH TAHUN 2017-2022 “Studi Kasus: Kecamatan Nurussalam, Gampong Meudang Ara” Zulfatan 130906022 Dosen Pembimbing : Prof. Subhilhar, P.hD DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA 2017 1 Universitas Sumatera Utara Pernyataan Saya yang bertanda tangan dibawah ini, menyatakan sesungguhnya: 1. Karya ilmiah saya dalam bentuk Skripsi dengan judul “Strategi Pemenangan Irwandi Yusuf dan Nova Iriansyah dalam Pemilukada Aceh Tahun 2017-2022, Studi Kasus: Kecamatan Nurussalam, Gampong Meudang Ara adalah asli dan belum pernah diajukan untuk mendapat gelar akademik, baik di Universitas Sumatera Utara maupun di Perguruan tinggi lain. 2. Skripsi ini murni gagasan, rumusan, penelitian saya sendiri tanpa bantuan dari pihak lain, kecuali arahan dari tim pembimbing dan penguji. 3. Di dalam skripsi ini tidak terdapat karya atau pendapat yang telah ditulis atau dipublikasikan orang lain, kecuali ditulis dengan cara menyebutkan pengarang dan mencantumkannnya pada daftar pustaka. 4. Pernyataan ini saya buat dengan sesungguhnya dan apabila dikemudian hari terdapat penyimpangan dan ketidakbenaran di dalam pernyataan ini, maka saya bersedia menerima sanksi akademik berupa pencabutan gelar yang telah diperoleh karena skripsi ini, serta sanksi lainnya sesuai dengan norma dan ketentuan hukum yang berlaku Medan, November 2017 Yang menyatakan Zulfatan 130906022 ii Universitas Sumatera Utara UNIVERSITAS SUMATERA UTARA FAKULTAS ILMU SOSIAL DAN ILMU POLITIK DEPARTEMEN ILMU POLITIK ZULFATAN (130906022) STRATEGI PEMENANGAN IRWANDI YUSUF DAN NOVA IRIANSYAH DALAM PEMILUKADA ACEH TAHUN 2017-2022 Studi Kasus: Kecamatan Nurusalam, Gampong Meudang Ara Penelitian ini mencoba menguraikan strategi pemenangan Irwandi Yusuf dan Nova Iriansyah dalam pemilukada Aceh tahun 2017-2022 di Kecamatan Nurussalam, Gampong Meudang Ara.
    [Show full text]
  • Illicit Arms in Indonesia
    Policy Briefing Asia Briefing N°109 Jakarta/Brussels, 6 September 2010 Illicit Arms in Indonesia activities. Recruitment by jihadis of ordinary criminals in I. OVERVIEW prisons may also strengthen the linkage between terror- ism and crime in the future. A bloody bank robbery in Medan in August 2010 and the discovery in Aceh in February 2010 of a terrorist training There are four main sources of illegal guns in Indonesia. camp using old police weapons have focused public at- They can be stolen or illegally purchased from security tention on the circulation of illegal arms in Indonesia. forces, taken from leftover stockpiles in former conflict These incidents raise questions about how firearms fall areas, manufactured by local gunsmiths or smuggled into criminal hands and what measures are in place to stop from abroad. Thousands of guns acquired legally but later them. The issue has become more urgent as the small groups rendered illicit through lapsed permits have become a of Indonesian jihadis, concerned about Muslim casualties growing concern because no one has kept track of them. in bomb attacks, are starting to discuss targeted killings as Throughout the country, corruption facilitates the circula- a preferred method of operation. tion of illegal arms in different ways and undermines what on paper is a tight system of regulation. The Indonesian government could begin to address the problem by reviewing and strengthening compliance with procedures for storage, inventory and disposal of fire- II. GUN CONTROL IN INDONESIA arms; improved vetting and monitoring of those guarding armouries; auditing of gun importers and gun shops, in- At the national level, Indonesia takes gun control seriously.
    [Show full text]
  • Foresight Hindsight
    Hindsight, Foresight ThinkingI Aboutnsight, Security in the Indo-Pacific EDITED BY ALEXANDER L. VUVING DANIEL K. INOUYE ASIA-PACIFIC CENTER FOR SECURITY STUDIES HINDSIGHT, INSIGHT, FORESIGHT HINDSIGHT, INSIGHT, FORESIGHT Thinking About Security in the Indo-Pacific Edited by Alexander L. Vuving Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies Hindsight, Insight, Foresight: Thinking About Security in the Indo-Pacific Published in September 2020 by the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, 2058 Maluhia Rd, Honolulu, HI 96815 (www.apcss.org) For reprint permissions, contact the editors via [email protected] Printed in the United States of America Cover Design by Nelson Gaspar and Debra Castro Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Name: Alexander L. Vuving, editor Title: Hindsight, Insight, Foresight: Thinking About Security in the Indo-Pacific / Vuving, Alexander L., editor Subjects: International Relations; Security, International---Indo-Pacific Region; Geopolitics---Indo-Pacific Region; Indo-Pacific Region JZ1242 .H563 2020 ISBN: 978-0-9773246-6-8 The Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies is a U.S. Depart- ment of Defense executive education institution that addresses regional and global security issues, inviting military and civilian representatives of the United States and Indo-Pacific nations to its comprehensive program of resident courses and workshops, both in Hawaii and throughout the Indo-Pacific region. Through these events the Center provides a focal point where military, policy-makers, and civil society can gather to educate each other on regional issues, connect with a network of committed individuals, and empower themselves to enact cooperative solutions to the region’s security challenges.
    [Show full text]
  • AGENDA REV 5 1.Indd
    DEWAN PERWAKILAN DAERAH REPUBLIK INDONESIA AGENDA KERJA DPD RI 2017 DATA PRIBADI Nama __________________________________________________________ No. Anggota ___________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Nomor _________________________________________________________ KTP ____________________________________________________________ Paspor _________________________________________________________ Asuransi _______________________________________________________ Pajak Pendapatan ______________________________________________ SIM ____________________________________________________________ PBB ____________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ DATA BISNIS Kantor _________________________________________________________ Alamat _________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________ Telepon/Fax ____________________________________________________ Telex ___________________________________________________________ Lain-lain _______________________________________________________ NOMOR TELEPON PENTING Dokter/Dokter Gigi _____________________________________________ Biro Perjalanan _________________________________________________ Taksi ___________________________________________________________ Stasiun K.A
    [Show full text]
  • Peace Without Justice? the Helsinki Peace Process in Aceh Edward Aspinall
    Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue rAprile 2008port Peace without justice? The Helsinki peace process in Aceh Edward Aspinall Report The Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue is an independent and impartial foundation, based Contents in Geneva, that promotes and facilitates dialogue to resolve Acknowledgement armed conflicts and reduce civilian suffering. Introduction and overview 5 114, rue de lausanne ch-1202 geneva 1. The centrality of human rights and justice issues in Aceh 7 switzerland [email protected] 2. Aceh in its Indonesian setting 9 t: + 41 22 908 11 30 f: +41 22 908 11 40 www.hdcentre.org 3. Limited international involvement 12 © Copyright Henry Dunant Centre for 4. Justice issues in the negotiations 16 Humanitarian Dialogue, 2007 Reproduction of all or part of this 5. Implementation of the amnesty 19 publication may be authorised only with written consent and 6. Compensation without justice 22 acknowledgement of the source. Broad definition and difficulties in delivery 23 Edward Aspinall (edward,aspinall@ Compensation or assistance? 24 anu.edu.au) is a Fellow in the Department of Political and 7. Debates about the missing justice mechanisms 27 Social Change, Research School Human Rights Court 27 of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University. He Truth and Reconciliation Commission 29 specialises in Indonesian politics and is the author of Opposing 8. The Aceh Monitoring Mission: could more have 31 Suharto: Compromise, Resistance been done? and Regime Change in Indonesia (Stanford University Press, 2005). His new book on the history Conclusion 36 of the Aceh conflict and peace process, provisionally entitled Islam References 39 and Nation: Separatist Rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia, will also be published by Stanford University Acronyms and abbreviations 43 Press.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Aceh, Indonesia Patrick Barron Erman Rahmant Kharisma Nugroho
    THE CONTESTED CORNERS OF ASIA Subnational Conflict and International Development Assistance The Case of Aceh, Indonesia Patrick Barron Erman Rahmant Kharisma Nugroho The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Con!ict and International Development Assistance The Case of Aceh, Indonesia Patrick Barron, Erman Rahman, Kharisma Nugroho Authors : Patrick Barron, Erman Rahman, Kharisma Nugroho Research Team Saifuddin Bantasyam, Nat Colletta, (in alphabetical order): Darnifawan, Chairul Fahmi, Sandra Hamid, Ainul Huda, Julianto, Mahfud, Masrizal, Ben Oppenheim, Thomas Parks, Megan Ryan, Sulaiman Tripa, Hak-Kwong Yip World Bank counterparts ; Adrian Morel, Sonja Litz, Sana Jaffrey, Ingo Wiederhofer Perceptions Survey Partner ; Polling Centre Supporting team : Ann Bishop (editor), Landry Dunand (layout), Noni Huriati, Sylviana Sianipar Special thanks to ; Wasi Abbas, Matt Zurstrassen, Harry Masyrafah Lead Expert : Nat Colletta Project Manager : Thomas Parks Research Specialist and Perception Survey Lead : Ben Oppenheim Research Methodologist : Yip Hak Kwang Specialist in ODA to Con!ict Areas : Anthea Mulakala Advisory Panel (in alphabetical order) : Judith Dunbar, James Fearon, Nils Gilman, Bruce Jones, Anthony LaViña, Neil Levine, Stephan Massing, James Putzel, Rizal Sukma, Tom Wing!eld This study has been co-!nanced by the State and Peacebuilding Fund (SPF) of the World Bank. The !ndings, interpretations, and conclusions expressed in this paper are entirely those of the authors. They do not necessarily represent the views of the World Bank and its af!liated organizations, or those of the Executive Directors of the World Bank or the governments they represent. Additional funding for this study was provided by UK Aid from the UK Government. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of The Asia Foundation or the funders.
    [Show full text]
  • Mahkamah Agu Mahkamah Agung Republik Indo
    Direktori Putusan Mahkamah Agung Republik Indonesia putusan.mahkamahagung.go.id P U T U S A N NOMOR : 24/Pid.Sus-TPK/2019/PT.DKI Mahkamah AgungDEMI KEADILAN BERDASARKANRepublik KETUHANAN YANG Indonesia MAHA ESA Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi pada Pengadilan Tinggi DKI Jakarta yang memeriksa dan mengadili perkara-perkara tindak pidana korupsi pada tingkat banding, telah menjatuhkan putusan terhadap Terdakwa: Nama Lengkap : drh. H. IRWANDI YUSUF, M.Sc.; Tempat lahir : Bireun, Aceh; Umur/tanggal lahir : 58 tahun / 02 Agustus 1960; Jenis kelamin : Laki-laki; Kebangsaan : Indonesia; Tempat tinggal : Jalan Salam No. 20 Bandar Baru, Kecamatan Kuta Alam, Kota Banda Aceh, Provinsi Aceh; Agama : Islam; Pekerjaan : Gubernur Aceh - Periode tahun 2007 s/d 2012 dan 2017 s/d 2022; Terdakwa ditahan dalam Rumah Tahanan Negara oleh: Mahkamah Agung1. Penyidik : sejak tanggal Republik 04 Juli 2018 sampai dengan Indonesiatanggal 23 Juli 2018; 2. Perpanjangan Penuntut Umum : sejak tanggal 24 Juli 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 1 September 2018; 3. Perpanjangan Pertama oleh Ketua Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Pusat : sejak tanggal 02 September 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 01 Oktober 2018; 4. Perpanjangan Kedua oleh Ketua Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Pusat : sejak tanggal 02 Oktober 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 31 Oktober 2018; 5. Penuntut Umum : sejak tanggal 30 Oktober 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 18 November 2018; 6. Hakim Pengadilan Negeri : sejak tanggal 14 November 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 13 Desember 2018; 7. Perpanjangan oleh Ketua Pengadilan Negeri : sejak tanggal 14 Desember 2018 sampai dengan tanggal 11 Februari 2019; 8. Perpanjangan Pertama oleh Ketua Pengadilan Tinggi DKI Jakarta : sejak Mahkamah Agungtanggal 12 Februari 2019 Republik sampai dengan tanggal 13 Maret 2019;Indonesia Halaman 1 Putusan Nomor 24/Pid.Sus-TPK/2019/PT.DKI Disclaimer Kepaniteraan Mahkamah Agung Republik Indonesia berusaha untuk selalu mencantumkan informasi paling kini dan akurat sebagai bentuk komitmen Mahkamah Agung untuk pelayanan publik, transparansi dan akuntabilitas pelaksanaan fungsi peradilan.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia's Transformation and the Stability of Southeast Asia
    INDONESIA’S TRANSFORMATION and the Stability of Southeast Asia Angel Rabasa • Peter Chalk Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited ProjectR AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-01-C-0003. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Rabasa, Angel. Indonesia’s transformation and the stability of Southeast Asia / Angel Rabasa, Peter Chalk. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. “MR-1344.” ISBN 0-8330-3006-X 1. National security—Indonesia. 2. Indonesia—Strategic aspects. 3. Indonesia— Politics and government—1998– 4. Asia, Southeastern—Strategic aspects. 5. National security—Asia, Southeastern. I. Chalk, Peter. II. Title. UA853.I5 R33 2001 959.804—dc21 2001031904 Cover Photograph: Moslem Indonesians shout “Allahu Akbar” (God is Great) as they demonstrate in front of the National Commission of Human Rights in Jakarta, 10 January 2000. Courtesy of AGENCE FRANCE-PRESSE (AFP) PHOTO/Dimas. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Maritta Tapanainen © Copyright 2001 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying,
    [Show full text]
  • Averting Election Violence in Aceh
    Update Briefing Asia Program Briefing N°135 Jakarta/Brussels, 29 February 2012 Indonesia: Averting Election Violence in Aceh I. OVERVIEW To this end, it engaged in a number of legal manoeuvres, on the pretext of safeguarding Acehnese autonomy and the integrity of the 2006 Law on the Governing of Aceh (Un- In less than two months, on 9 April, Aceh will go to the dang-Undang Pemerintahan Aceh), the legal underpin- polls to elect a governor and vice governor, as well as sev- ning of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding enteen district heads and deputies. Despite rhetorical (MoU) that ended GAM’s 30-year insurgency against the commitments on the part of all contenders to a peaceful Indonesian government. In particular, it challenged a election, the potential for isolated acts of violence be- Constitutional Court decision that annulled one provision tween now and then is high; the potential for trouble after of the law, thereby enabling independent (non-party) can- the results are announced may be even higher, especially didates to contest the elections originally scheduled for if it is a close election. Getting as many trained monitors late 2011. Irwandi, based on the court’s ruling, intended to Aceh as possible in the coming weeks is critical. to stand as an independent, and Partai Aceh was hoping to block him. The provincial parliament, which Partai Aceh Whether violence materialises may depend on several controls, also refused to pass a regulation (qanun) on elec- factors: tions allowing independent candidates, a move that pre- vented the local election commission from scheduling the the number of election monitors deployed and the speed polls.
    [Show full text]
  • Analisis Eksitensi Partai Politik Lokal Di Aceh Pasca Perdamaian
    Serambi Akademica Vol. 9, No. 4, pISSN 2337–8085 Jurnal Pendidikan, Sains, dan Humaniora Mei 2021 eISSN 2657- 0998 Analisis Eksitensi Partai Politik Lokal Di Aceh Pasca Perdamaian Usman Universitas Abulyatama [email protected] ABSTRAK Artikel ini membahas tentang eksistensi Partai Aceh, sebagai kekuatan politik lokal pada pemilihan umum dan pemilihan kepala daerah, pasca perdamaian. Tujuan dari penulisan ini adalah untuk mengetahui eksistensi Partai Politik Lokal Aceh sebagai kekuatan sosial politik lokal, dan berbagai dinamika baik konflik internal, hingga turunnya kekuatan politik lokal dan suara pemilih setiap pelaksanaan pemilihan umum legislataf dan pemilihan kepala daerah. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif meliputi pengumpulan data melalui buku, jurnal, media massa dan dokumen lainnya. Teknik penelitian yang di gunakan adalah teknik penelitian studi literatur. Tahapan yang di lakukan dalam penelitian ini yaitu kritik atau analisis sumber, dan interpretasi (menafsirkan sumber). Dalam penelitian ini penulis menggunakan metode deskriptif analitis. Dari serangkaian proses penelitian yang dilakukan, penulis memperoleh kesimpulan bahwa pasca damai Aceh telah terjadi transisi politik, dari kekuatan perlawanan senjata, ke perjuangan melalui Partai Politik Lokal. Eksistensi partai politik lokal salah satu partai mantan kombatan adalah Partai Aceh (PA). Sejak pemilu dan pilkada selama tiga periode, Partai Aceh (PA) mampu mendapatkan suara mayoritas, namun dalam tiga dekade tersebut terjadi penurunan suara pemilih
    [Show full text]
  • Aceh Interim Report May 2012
    INTERNATIONAL ELECTION OBSERVATION MISSION Aceh Local Elections: Gubernatorial, Mayoral, & Head of Regency Elections 2012 -- Interim Report -- Report Date: May 3, 2012 The Asian Network for Free Elections wishes to congratulate the people of Aceh for their participation in the second local election held since the end of the conflict in the Province. The April 9th 2012 election is another milestone towards strengthening democracy and respect for the rule of law. This statement is an assessment of the pre-election period, Election Day, and the post-election period by ANFREL’s eleven Citizen Observers from countries across Asia as well as the USA and Canada. SUMMARY The April 9th election was the second opportunity Aceh has had to elect its own governor after the 2005 peace agreement that allowed a legitimate government to be set up according to the Principles of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding and the Law on the Governing of Aceh (LoGA). The event was widely viewed as a crucial step to strengthen the institution of democracy in the province and a step forward in consolidating democracy amongst different stakeholders through peaceful means. Notwithstanding the violence, fraud and irregularities reported to the electoral supervisory body (Panwaslu), monitoring groups and political parties, it is worth noting that the electoral process can so far be categorized as successful. When viewed in the context of the past conflict, the election has been relatively calm and the electorate proved to be engaged, as evidenced by the over 75% voter turnout. ANFREL deployed 11 mobile monitors from 18 March to 18 April 2012 to cover all of Aceh’s regencies except the islands of Sabang and Simeuleu.
    [Show full text]
  • Security Threats to a Stable Democracy
    At a glance October 2016 Indonesia: Security threats to a stable democracy Indonesia is a stable country which has undergone a successful transition to civilian democracy. However, there are still concerns about the military's continuing strong influence. There are also a number of internal and external threats to stability, although these remain fairly low-level, for now. Indonesian armed forces Indonesia's defence budget is just 0.9 % of GDP, much less than in Southeast Asian neighbours such as Malaysia (1.5 %) or Thailand (1.6 %). However, actual military spending is more than this, as the budget does not include all government spending on the armed forces or the military's own revenues (see below). The Indonesian military has 395 000 personnel (0.15 % of population) — mostly in the army (300 000), with the navy in second place (65 000). Again, this is relatively small — 0.53 % of Thais serve in the armed forces. Territorial disputes in the South China Sea have highlighted the need for Indonesia to have a strong military, and military expenditure is gradually increasing. President Jokowi aims to raise the defence budget to 1.5 % of GDP, provided that economic growth exceeds 6 %, which is questionable. Armed forces retain substantial political and economic influence Indonesia's military was at its most powerful under former dictator General Suharto, who ruled the country from 1967 to 1998. During that time, one fifth of parliamentary seats were held by unelected military representatives, and active military officers headed numerous ministries and provinces. Since then, democratic reforms have curbed the military's political role – military representatives no longer sit in the parliament, and active military personnel are barred from standing in elections.
    [Show full text]