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Governing Islam and Security in Tajikistan and Beyond: the Emergence of Transnational Authoritarian Security Governance

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Governing Islam and Security in Tajikistan and Beyond: the Emergence of Transnational Authoritarian Security Governance Governing Islam and Security in Tajikistan and Beyond: The Emergence of Transnational Authoritarian Security Governance Submitted by Edward James Lemon to the University of Exeter as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Politics In August 2016 This thesis is available for Library use on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. I certify that all material in this thesis which is not my own work has been identified and that no material has previously been submitted and approved for the award of a degree by this or any other University. Signature: 1 2 Abstract Since 2002, the government of post-Soviet Tajikistan has deployed its security apparatus outside of the state’s territorial borders at least 49 times, intimidating, kidnapping and monitoring its citizens. I use the term transnational authoritarian security governance to refer to these border-spanning security practices. Although both secular and religious opponents to the government have been targeted, in this dissertation, I examine how the government of Tajikistan attempts to manage the threat from Islamic ‘extremism.’ I trace the emergence of the securitisation of Islam back to the Soviet Union, explore its consolidation in the years following independence in 1991, and how it has become operationalised in the form of transnational authoritarian security governance. I argue that the regulation of religious life in Tajikistan is based on an assertive form of secularism, which posits that religion is only safe if it is closely controlled by the state. In theorising transnational authoritarian security governance, I draw on the work of Michel Foucault. I argue that security governance is interwoven with relations of power. Governing Islamic ‘extremism’ in Tajikistan does not merely involve repressive life-taking sovereign power, it involves the moulding of obedient, secular subjects through disciplinary power and biopower. But as Foucault argues, where there is power, there is resistance. Those who are made subjects through security governance do have opportunities to resist it. Rather than being transformative and counterhegemonic, however, this resistance is momentary and anti-hegemonic. My findings are based on critical discourse analysis, a database of extraterritorial security incidents, semi- structured interviews, and extensive ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2013 and 2015 in Tajikistan and Russia. 3 4 Table of Contents Abstract p.3 Table of Contents p.5 Acknowledgements p.9 Note on Transliteration p.13 Note on Sources p.14 List of Abbreviations p.17 Introduction p.20 Methodology p.29 Chapter Outline p.41 Chapter One: Dynamics of Transnational Authoritarian Security p.45 Governance Approaching Security p.46 Themes p.77 Conclusion p.86 Chapter Two: The Quotidian Politics of (In)Security p.89 Everyday Security p.91 Everyday Forms of Resistance p.98 Resisting Security p.106 Conclusion p.108 Chapter Three: Emergence: Genealogy of Discourses on Religion p.111 and (in)Security in Soviet Tajikistan Islam in the Soviet Union p.113 Sovietological Approaches to Islam in Central Asia p.115 Underlying Assumptions about Religion and Security p.119 Case Study: Governing the 1990 Riots in Dushanbe p.130 5 Conclusion p.136 Chapter Four: Consolidation: The Official Discourse on Radical p.139 Islam in Tajikistan Literature on Radical Islam in Tajikistan p.141 Approaching the Governance of ‘Radical’ Islam in Tajikistan p.146 State Discourses and the Islamic State p.148 State Discourses on Terrorism and Relations of Power p.164 Liberal Approaches to Governing Violent Extremism p.171 Conclusion p.176 Chapter Five: Operationalisation: Policing the Diaspora: Governing p.178 Islam and Security Sovereign Power p.179 Disciplinary Power p.188 Biopower p.201 Concluding Remarks: The Paradox of Life under Transnational p.210 Authoritarian Security Governance Chapter Six: Resisting Transnational Authoritarian Security p.214 Governance Relations of Resistance and Acceptance p.216 Sovereign Power p.217 Disciplinary Power p.227 Biopower p.235 In lieu of a Conclusion: Responding to TASG: Suhrob’s Prayer Group p.239 Conclusion p.244 Final Remarks: Three Paradoxes p.251 Appendix I: Map of Tajikistan p.255 Appendix II: Table of Extraterritorial Security Incidents p.257 Appendix III: List of Sources for the Discourse Analysis p.261 6 Appendix IV: List of Interviews p.269 Appendix V: List of Cases Brought to the European Court of p.271 Human Rights by Tajik Citizens Glossary p.273 Bibliography p.276 7 8 Acknowledgements I could not have completed this thesis without the help and support of a number of people. First, I would like to thank my supervisor, John Heathershaw. His support, mentoring and constructive criticism was essential to shaping the arguments presented in this thesis. Although John encouraged and enabled many of my side projects, he was always there to gently remind me that I had a thesis to write. My wife, Eve has been with my every step of the way, instilling within me the confidence to set my sights on an academic career. Her love and support made writing this thesis one of the most enjoyable experiences of my life. My parents – Mark and Hilarie – and sister, Jenny, developed my sense of adventure and interest in other cultures from a young age. I had the good fortune to marry into a family of academics. Discussing Central Asian history, anthropology and philosophy with my in-laws, Mitchell and Wendy, and brother- in-law Jonathan, helped refine my ideas and sharpen my writing. My uncle, Joseph, has generously given his time to closely reading sections of this thesis, providing thought-provoking criticisms. My academic journey to Central Asia started as a graduate student at the Institute of Middle East, Central Asia and Caucasus Studies at the University of St Andrews. Sally Cummings’ encouragement led me to move to Tajikistan in 2010. My experiences living for two years in Dushanbe, working for an NGO and as a part-time journalist lay the foundations for this thesis. Working at an NGO gave me an insight into the gaps between discourse and reality in contemporary Tajikistan. Jamshed gave me the internship that started my career in Tajikistan. His vast knowledge of Tajik politics and continuing friendship have been of great value. I am thankful to David Trilling for giving me my first journalism gig and teaching me to write effectively. Two years in Tajikistan was quite an education. I learned Russian over far too many vodkas with Bakha and Anvar. My flatmate Umed taught me how to dance like a real Tajik bacha. I explored the country with Darragh, Lisa, Christine, Audrey, Ines, Anton, Virginie, James, Helga, Teo and countless others. My fieldwork in Tajikistan and Russia received supplementary financial support from the Economic and Social Research Council. During my fieldwork in Tajikistan in 2013, I was graciously hosted by Muzzafar, his wife and 9 daughter in Vanj. Their hospitality and openness gave me a greater understanding of Tajik culture. In Dushanbe, Jamshed helped me to organise a number of interviews with prominent journalists. On my visit to the Rasht valley, Pulat generously introduced me to his family in Gharm. When I visited Moscow in July 2014, I re-orientated my thesis with the help of Jack Farchy, John Round, Vladimir Mukomel and Sergei Abashin. When I returned in January 2015, I benefitted from meetings with Vera Peshkova, Vladimir Pryakhin and Igor Savin. Parviz performed an excellent job as ‘fixer’ and spent many hours discussing Tajik politics with me. Firuza exceeded the high standards of Tajik hospitality and welcomed me into the diaspora community. I am grateful to Farrukh, Abdulrahmon, Marhabbo and Suhrob for their willingness and openness to be a part of my research. At Exeter, I was fortunate enough to be part of a community of Central Asianist PhD students and benefitted from discussions with Catherine Owen, Zamira Dildobekova, Kemel Toktomushev, Saipira Furstenberg, Asel Doolot, and Zulfiya Bakhtibekova. I benefited from the questions, comments andregional expertise of David Lewis, Gregorio Bettiza, Gabriel Katz and Jonathan Githens-Mazer. I am fortunate to be part of such a supportive global community of scholars working on Central Asia. I have benefitted and learnt through collaborations with Eric Hamrin, Joe Schottenfeld and Helene Thibault. I am in debt to numerous colleagues who shared resources, research and expertise with me. These include, amongst others, Nick Megoran, Madeleine Reeves, Alex Cooley, David Abramson, Damian Rosset, Steve Swerdlow, Nate Schenkkan, Felix Corley, Bruce Pannier, Tim Epkenhans, Irna Hoffman, Sophie Roche, Negar Behzadi, Juliette Cleuziou, Raff Pantucci, Marlene Laruelle, David Montgomery, Jeff Ratelle, Cerwyn Moore, Patryck Reid, Christian Bleuer, Payam Foroughi and Benjamin Gatling. Nick Megoran provided generous support whilst I prepared my research proposal in 2012. David Montgomery’s support was indispensable in securing a postdoctoral position in the United States. I presented my research at the University of Newcastle, Columbia University, Chatham House, the Royal United Services Institute, University of Exeter, Kings College London, University of Zurich, Stockholm University and SOAS, beneftting a great deal from discussions at these events. Sections of this thesis have also been published in Central Asian Affairs, Caucasus Survey and 10 The RUSI Journal. The feedback from anonymous reviewers helped me to clarify and add nuance to the arguments presented in this thesis. An empirically-driven thesis is only possible due to the willingness of individuals to participate in the research. I am grateful to all of those who consented to be interviewed, and those who allowed me to follow them to prayer meetings and who sat for long hours drinking tea and talking. Unfortunately, since starting this thesis in 2012 the political environment in Tajikistan has become more closed. Many oppositionally-minded aquaintances have now been jailed or exiled.
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