B. Strict Interpretation of the Constitution C. Public Good Over Private Interests D
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Sea Power in Its Relations to the War of 1812
UNIVERSITY -5^ LIBRARY DATE DUE w^trt ^^m^^ Uj^Sd^Mi^* PRINTED IN U.S. A Cornell University Library E 354.M21 Sea power in its relations to the War of 3 1924 006 126 407 SEA POWER IN ITS EELATIONS TO THE WAR OF EIGHTEEN HUNDRED AND TWELVE VOLUME I SEA POWER IN ITS RELATIONS TO THE WAR OE 1812 CAPTAIN A. T. MAHAN, D.C.L., LL.D. SlniteB State Nabg AUTHOR OF "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWEE UPON HISTORY, 1660-1783," "THE INFLUENCE OF SEA POWER UPON THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ANI> EMPIRE," " THE INTEREST OF AMERICA IN SEA POWER," ETC. IK TWO VOLUMES VOL. I BOSTON LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY 1905 > 2 5^ V.I Copyright, 1903, 1904, By Charles Scribnek's Sons. Copyright, 1905, By a. T. Mahan. All rights reserved Published October, 1905 c o THE DNTVEKSITY PRESS CAMBRIDGE, U.S.A. PREFACE present work concludes the series of " The THEInfluence of Sea Power upon History," as originally framed in the conception of the author. In the previous volumes he has had the inspir- ing consciousness of regarding his subject as a positive and commanding element in the history of the world. In the War of 1812, also, the effect is real and dread enough ; but to his own country, to the United States, as a matter of national experience, the lesson is rather that of the influence of a negative quantity upon national history. The plirase scarcely lends itself to use as a title ; but it represents the truth which the author has endeavored to set forth, though recognizing clearly that the victories on Lake Erie and Lake Champlain do illustrate, in a distinguished manner, his principal tliesis, the controlling influence upon events of naval power, even when transferred to an inland body of fresh water. -
Emp, An& Juapoleon
gmertca, , ?|emp, an& JUapoleon American Trade with Russia and the Baltic, 1783-1812 BY ALFRED W. CROSBY, JR. Ohio Sttite University Press $6.50 America, IXuaata, S>emp, anb Napoleon American Trade with Russia and the Baltic, 1783-1812 BY ALFRED W. CROSBY, JR. On the twelfth of June, 1783, a ship of 500 tons sailed into the Russian harbor of Riga and dropped anchor. As the tide pivoted her around her mooring, the Russians on the waterfront could see clearly the banner that she flew — a strange device of white stars on a blue ground and horizontal red and white stripes. Russo-American trade had irrevocably begun. Merchants — Muscovite and Yankee — had met and politely sounded the depths of each other's purses. And they had agreed to do business. In the years that followed, until 1812, the young American nation became economically tied to Russia to a degree that has not, perhaps, been realized to date. The United States desperately needed Russian hemp and linen; the American sailor of the early nineteenth century — who was possibly the most important individual in the American economy — thought twice before he took any craft not equipped with Russian rigging, cables, and sails beyond the harbor mouth. To an appreciable extent, the Amer ican economy survived and prospered because it had access to the unending labor and rough skill of the Russian peasant. The United States found, when it emerged as a free (Continued on back flap) America, Hossia, fiemp, and Bapolcon American Trade with Russia and the Baltic, 1783-1812 America, llussia, iicmp, and Bapolton American Trade with Russia and the Baltic, 1783-1811 BY ALFRED W. -
AP® UNITED STATES HISTORY 2010 SCORING GUIDELINES (Form B)
AP® UNITED STATES HISTORY 2010 SCORING GUIDELINES (Form B) Question 1 — Document-Based Question The issue of territorial expansion sparked considerable debate in the period 1800–1855. Analyze this debate and evaluate the influence of both supporters and opponents of territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy. Use the documents and your knowledge of the years 1800–1855 in your answer. The 8–9 Essay • Articulates a clear, well-constructed thesis that analyzes the debate and evaluates the influence of both supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy between 1800 and 1855. • Effectively employs a substantial number of documents to analyze the debate and evaluate the influence of supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy between 1800 and 1855. • Provides substantial, relevant outside information taken from the period 1800 to 1855 to analyze the debate and evaluate the influence of supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy. • Evaluates the ways in which supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion shaped federal government policy between 1800 and 1855. • Is well organized and well written. • May contain minor errors. The 5–7 Essay • Contains a thesis, which may be partially developed, analyzing the debate and evaluating the influence of both supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy between 1800 and 1855. • Satisfactorily employs an ample number of documents to analyze the debate and evaluate the influence of supporters and opponents of U.S. territorial expansion in shaping federal government policy between 1800 and 1855. -
United States Diplomatic History/Diplomatic Relations Lecture Outline
Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 1996 United States Diplomatic History/Diplomatic Relations Lecture Outline Steven Alan Samson Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Samson, Steven Alan, "United States Diplomatic History/Diplomatic Relations Lecture Outline" (1996). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 312. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/312 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNITED STATES DIPLOMATIC HISTORY/DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS LECTURE OUTLINE Steven Alan Samson I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS A. STUDY OF HISTORY AND POLITICS 1. Role of Ideas and Presuppositions 2. Cross of Reality 3. Philosophies of History a. Autonomy b. Teleology 4. Presuppositions 5. Korzybski and Burke 6. Social Sciences 7. Institutional Memory 8. Dual Purpose for Studying History a. Seeking Facts b. Interpreting Meaning B. INESCAPABLE CONCEPTS 1. Sovereignty a. Centralization and Decentralization b. The One and the many c. Governing Principles 2. Ends 3. Means 4. Truth 5. Consequences II. EARLY AMERICAN DIPLOMACY A. WAR FOR INDEPENDENCE 1. First Great Imperial Struggle (c. 1415-1815) 2. Shot Heard 'Round the World 3. Olive Branch Petition 4. Debate in Parliament 5. American Prohibitory Act, 1775 6. Battle of Saratoga 7. Benjamin Franklin 8. -
The President-Little Belt Affair and the Coming of the War of 1812
A FRIENDLY SALUTE: THE PRESIDENT-LITTLE BELT AFFAIR AND THE COMING OF THE WAR OF 1812 by JONATHON WOODARD HOOKS A DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of The University of Alabama TUSCALOOSA, ALABAMA 2009 Copyright Jonathon Woodard Hooks 2009 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT In May 1811, thirteen months before the start of the War of 1812, the United States frigate President and the British sloop-of-war Little Belt fought an hour-long battle approximately fifty miles off the North Carolina coast. When the firing ceased the Little Belt had suffered heavy damage and thirty-two casualties. The President sustained only minor damage and one wounded sailor. The brief battle had significant ramifications for Anglo- American relations. The victory of the U.S.S. President four years after the defeat of the Chesapeake redeemed the honor of the United States and its navy. Because the action occurred near the spot of the previous bout, some Americans and Britons suspected the scrape did not happen accidentally. Newspaper editors and political leaders hostile to the president alleged that President Madison ordered the attack as a means to halt the impressments of American sailors or possibly to draw the United States into a war with Great Britain. In both nations sentiment for a conflict increased as many Britons believed the United States had sullied their national honor and numerous Americans concluded that a victory over Britain would come with ease. The President -Little Belt Affair also confirmed the American tactical theory holding that the United States Navy could never destroy Britain’s, but that lone, swift ships could defeat single British vessels in head-to-head duels. -
The Corps the Corps and and and the War of 1812 the War
THE CORPS AND THE WAR OF 1812 Compiled and Edited by Lorna Hainesworth Introductory Note: The following paper is the culmination of readily available resource materials. No effort toward primary source document research has been expended other than the examination of digitized, on-line versions of primary documents when available. Rather, the writer has served more in the capacity of an editor to compile information from various secondary sources. The intention was to gather together in one place various pieces of information regarding significant life experiences for members of the Corps of Discovery and for associated non-members that took place during the “period” of the War of 1812 whether or not that person served in the conflict. In the context of this paper, the period of the War of 1812 refers a time beginning in late 1807 when the United States first took measures to counter the effects of the Napoleonic Wars in Europe through the Embargo Act and continuing until the signing of several treaties with various Indian tribes by the end of summer in 1815. The initial narrative is intended to set the stage and to aid the reader in gaining a basic understanding of information regarding this War. Brief biographies are provided on several Corps members and persons associated with the Corps. Each biography conforms to a similar pattern, which is name of person, date and place of birth, if known, person’s Lewis and Clark connection and person’s experiences during the War of 1812. The list of names is in three groups: Corps—Military, Corps—Non-Military and Corps— Associated. -
Legislative Neutrality in the United States C.H
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1938 Legislative Neutrality in the United States C.H. McLaughlin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation McLaughlin, C.H., "Legislative Neutrality in the United States" (1938). Minnesota Law Review. 925. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/925 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MINNESOTA LAW REVIEW Journal of the State Bar Association VOLUME XXII APRIL, 1938 No. 5 LEGISLATIVE NEUTRALITY IN THE UNITED STATES By C. H. MCLAUGHLIN* W ITHOUT venturing at this late date to impeach tile authority f Humpty Dumpty on the tyranny of words,' one can yet feel regret that the term "neutrality" has fallen into the hands of his acolytes. In popular usage it seems to have lost precise content, so that it merely connotes broadly any attitudes, principles or measures calculated to avoid participation in war. Hence the current confusion of "neutrality" legislation with security legisla- tion in general. In fact, there are two fundamental categories of security legis- lation. The first seeks to subject the relations of belligerent and neutral states to legal limitations. These may be of the traditional sort, which sought only to give precise definition to the rights and duties of neutrals, or they may be of the more recent type, which condemns a war of aggression as itself an illegal institution to be resisted by the collective force of international society. -
Ideology, Economic Interdependence, and International
Chapter Two The United States and the World, 1790-1848 Dale C. Copeland University of Virginia April 29, 2016 [Note to conference readers: The following is the first empirical chapter for a book I am completing for Princeton UP, tentatively entitled Commerce, War, and American Foreign Policy, 1790 to the Present Era. The book can be considered a companion volume to my recent book Economic Interdependence and War (Princeton UP, 2015). A bit of background so that the chapter below makes more sense: Chapter 1 of the new book briefly outlines the competing theories linking trade to either peace or war. Liberals as you know argue that the benefits of trade give states an incentive to be peaceful (the “opportunity costs” of going to war are high), while realists contend that trade increases the probability of war because it compels states to struggle for vital raw materials and markets. I argue that under certain conditions, higher economic interdependence can lead to either peace or to conflict and war. Specifically, when dependent states have positive expectations regarding the future trade environment, they will likely stay peaceful to avoid spirals of hostility that could restrict their access to key markets. But if those expectations turn negative, and dependent states believe they are being cut off or will be cut off in the near future, they will turn to hard-line actions, including war, to ensure access to the goods and markets needed for long-term power and security. Chapter 1 also outlines some of the more important non- economic theories of American foreign policy (ideological, bureaucratic, governmental structure, personality, etc.) to allow a full test of competing arguments for the specific cases. -
Trade Policies in the Early Republic
Trade Policies in the Early Republic Jes´usFern´andez-Villaverde1 June 9, 2021 1University of Pennsylvania Trade policies • Trade policies are key component of the political economy of the early republic. • Central role in the formation of the first Party System: 1. Different views on how economic life should be conducted. 2. Different views on the foreign relations of the U.S. • At the core of the first armed conflicts of the new independent U.S.: 1. Quasi-War with France (1798-1800). 2. First (1801-1805) and Second Barbary Wars (1815). 3. War of 1812 (1812-1815). 1 2 3 The reciprocity debate 4 The Federalist side • Federalist political base is mainly commercial states (New England and mid-Atlantic). • Federalist want friendly commercial relations with Great Britain, which provides the best foreign market, and avoid a trade war. • In particular, Hamilton believes the U.S. is much weaker commercially and has more to lose. • Also, Hamilton is concerned with a steady stream of revenue to support paying debt and establishing creditworthiness. • He wants to avoid loss of revenue from duties on imports and unexpected spending that would occur in a conflict. Alexander Hamilton, Fact No. I, September 11, 1792 \Nothing can more interest the National Credit and prosperity, that a constant and systematic attention...for extinguishing the present debt, and to avoid as much as possible, the incurring of any new debt." 5 Federal government revenue Revenue 6 7 The Democratic-Republican side • Political base in the south. • Democratic-Republicans despise Great Britain for mercantilist policies, especially exclusion of U.S.