DOCSLIB.ORG

Art and Repression Actionism and Socially Engaged Practices in Contempo- Rary Russia

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Art and repression Actionism and socially engaged practices in contempo- rary Russia Maria Mikhaylova BACHELOR’S THESIS April 2020 Degree Programme in Media and Arts Option of Fine Art ABSTRACT Tampereen ammattikorkeakoulu Tampere University of Applied Sciences Degree Programme in Media and Arts Option of Fine Art Maria Mikhaylova Art and Repression: Actionism and socially engaged practices in contemporary Russia Bachelor's tHesis 70 pages, appendices 19 pages April 2020 THis study presents a research on How societal challenges and political regime Have influenced Russian Actionism since tHe time of its inception in 1990s and How politics affect tHe freedom of speech in art. THe objective is to determine How the agenda of Russian Actionism changed tHrougHout tHe years and How does it respond to tHe emerging issues of today. It was of interest to determine tHe impact of repression on radicality of art and wHat are tHe singularities of making art against tHe backdrop of a conservative political turn and tHe lack of civil liberties. THe research metHods used for tHis tHesis are professional literature review, con- tent analysis and etHnograpHic metHod. THree semi-structured interviews were conducted witH tHe art professionals, wHo are at some extent working witH social practice art. THe study also includes tHe views of tHe respondents on tHe present state and a possible future of Actionism and art activism in Russia, tHougHts about current political situations and social trends and How tHey affect tHe work of an artist. Full text of tHe interviews can be read in tHe appendices. THe findings indicate tHat despite a relatively small time gap between tHe emer- gence of each new Wave of Russian Actionism, tHere is a significant difference in agenda and tactics of tHe artists. A shift towards totalitarianism in Russian po- litical system Has influenced tHis change, but also created a unique context for development of tHis art movement. THe results of tHe study demonstrate two tHings. One is a general social turn in today’s Actionism and anotHer is tHat polit- ical repression and censorship create a discourse on boundaries of freedom of artistic expression, wHich is relevant not only for Actionism, but for contemporary art in general. THis tHesis is an attempt to analyze tHe present situation in Russian Actionism and tHe relationship between its development and tHe political climate. Since it is not an established art movement of tHe past and, on tHe contrary, goes tHrougH a constant transition, tHere is room for a deeper continuous research. Key words: actionism, protest art, repression, art activism 3 CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................ 4-6 2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUD ................................................................. 7 2.1 Brief History of performance art .................................................. 7-11 2.1.1 Apperance and tHe History of development of performative practices in Russia ......................................................... 11-17 2.1.2 Historical overview of Actionism from tHe time of its inception until today ...................................................................... 17-27 2.2 Societal and political discourses in present-day Russia .......... 27-33 3 RUSSIAN ACTIONISM ........................................................................ 34 3.1 First Wave Actionism ............................................................... 34-46 3.2 Second Wave Actionism .......................................................... 46-59 3.3 THird Wave Actionism .............................................................. 60-69 5 DISCUSSION ................................................................................. 70-74 REFERENCES .................................................................................... 75-81 APPENDICES ........................................................................................... 82 Appendix 1. Interview witH Tatiana Volkova ................................... 82-87 Appendix 2. Interview witH Ekaterina Muromtseva ......................... 88-92 Appendix 3. Interview witH Ilmira Bolotyan ................................... 93-101 4 1 INTRODUCTION Russian Actionism is a form of Performance Art tHat emerged in Russia in tHe 1990s, during a time of political and economic collapse, chaos and tHe formation of a new state, and started as a radical, contextual reaction of artists to a new, post-Soviet reality and tHe state in wHich Russian contemporary art was at tHat time in particular. THe 1990s started a new era botH in art and tHe History of Rus- sia. Since tHen, tHe movement Has gone tHrougH a lot of development and tran- sition, varying from periods of silence to a sudden revival witHin tHe framework of completely different discourses. Russian Actionism Has drawn a lot of public and media attention not only in Russia but also outside of it, and in tHe end became associated witH tHe term ‘art activism’. It is a transforming and dynamic artistic movement tHat is in open dialogue witH tHe current political and societal contexts. THerefore, it is important to mention tHe circumstances surrounding it. THe purpose of tHis study is to examine tHe relationship between political repres- sion and cultural resistance, its influence on a particular art movement – Russian Actionism. Among otHer research questions tHere were tHe following: wHat are tHe key differences between actionists of today and tHeir predecessors? How Has tHis movement changed since its inception and wHat affected its politicization and social orientation? Is it politics tHat influence Actionism and set a context for it, or is it Actionism tHat is in power to change tHe existing political and social struc- tures? How in general should it be observed: as an art form or as a form of civic activism? Do actionists and art activists Have a chance to become a serious po- litical leverage in Russia, or tHeir status will remain as enfant terribles and the outsiders of tHe art world? THe overall goal is to pursue understanding in wHich direction tHis artistic movement is developing in Russia now and wHat are tHe possible predictions for its future. THe research for tHe tHeoretical background of tHis tHesis was conducted by stud- ying and analyzing professional literature, wHich included books about tHe History of performance and social practice art, Russian protest art, pHilosopHical studies on tHe discourse of relationship between politics and art, various articles in mag- 5 azines dedicated to art, social studies and politics, as well as catalogues of festi- vals and exhibitions. Besides tHe abovementioned, various Internet sources were used. Expert interviews are also a crucial part of tHis study. THe interviewees are art professionals, wHo are at some extent working witH art activist practices. Tatiana Volkova is a curator and creator of MediaImpact Inter- national Festival of Activist Art, wHich was tHe only festival, tHat represented ac- tivist practices in Russia. Ekaterina Muromtseva is an artist, wHo finds inspiration in social topics and tHe Historical context and combines artistic practice witH vol- untary activities and community-based work. Ilmira Bolotyan is an artist working witH participatory practices. Her projects are executed tHrougH a tHorougH re- search witH a journalistic approach, during wHich she emerges into different mi- cro-environments and social groups and studies tHe existing social constructs. She also curated various exhibitions and organized events, related to feminist agendas. THe interviews were conducted using a semi-structured metHod, so tHat tHe interviewees could talk not only about Actionism, but also about tHeir own artistic practice and experiences and tHe overall situation in tHe Russian society and tHe place of an artist in it. THe full texts of tHese interviews can be read in tHe appendices. THe Second CHapter is dedicated to tHe Historical background of performance art and Actionism as world-wide pHenomena. A particular attention is paid to tHe overview of tHe circumstances around tHe development of performative practices in Russia. Russian Actionism is commonly agreed by art professionals to be di- vided into tHree time periods, tHat are furtHer referred to as Waves. THe THree Waves are deeper reviewed and analyzed in tHe CHapter THree, as well as tHe most significant actions from each of tHose periods. Taking into consideration its radical politicized nature, it is important to consider Actionism witHin political and societal contexts. A brief overview of tHe political discourses of present-day Rus- sia alongside with the laws tHat Have affected artistic and civil activities, are pre- sented in CHapter Two, ParagrapH 2.2. Some artists, wHo are working witH activism and socially engaged practices today migHt not identify tHemselves as actionists or even as artists, However, tHey are 6 examined in tHis context, since tHeir actions and artistic projects Have been con- sidered as belonging to tHe field of art activism and Actionism. In tHe Discussion CHapter tHere are points of view and opinions of different pro- fessionals about the essence of Russian Actionism and its current state. FurtHer- more, tHis chapter incorporates a general discussion around socially engaged art, wHich takes its roots in tHe pHilosopHical discourse on tHe relationship between tHe aestHetical and tHe political and tHe autonomy of art. Some of tHe artists’ standpoints migHt be contradictory in relation to
Recommended publications
  • James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination

    James Rowson Phd Thesis Politics and Putinism a Critical Examination

    Politics and Putinism: A Critical Examination of New Russian Drama James Rowson A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Royal Holloway, University of London Department of Drama, Theatre & Dance September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I James Rowson hereby declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: ______________________ Date: ________________________ 2 Abstract This thesis will contextualise and critically explore how New Drama (Novaya Drama) has been shaped by and adapted to the political, social, and cultural landscape under Putinism (from 2000). It draws on close analysis of a variety of plays written by a burgeoning collection of playwrights from across Russia, examining how this provocative and political artistic movement has emerged as one of the most vehement critics of the Putin regime. This study argues that the manifold New Drama repertoire addresses key facets of Putinism by performing suppressed and marginalised voices in public arenas. It contends that New Drama has challenged the established, normative discourses of Putinism presented in the Russian media and by Putin himself, and demonstrates how these productions have situated themselves in the context of the nascent opposition movement in Russia. By doing so, this thesis will offer a fresh perspective on how New Drama’s precarious engagement with Putinism provokes political debate in contemporary Russia, and challenges audience members to consider their own role in Putin’s autocracy. The first chapter surveys the theatrical and political landscape in Russia at the turn of the millennium, focusing on the political and historical contexts of New Drama in Russian theatre and culture.
  • Art and Power in Putin's Russia

    Art and Power in Putin's Russia

    RUSSIA Art and Power in Putin’s Russia BY SASHA PEVAK The separation between art and power in Russia’s recent history has never been clear-cut. Soon after the fall of the USSR, contemporary art, namely actionism in the 90s, openly criticized society and entered the political sphere. This trend continued after Vladimir Putin’s election in 2000. Russian identity politics in the 2000s were based on four pillars: state nationalism with the Putin’s “power vertical”, the vision of Russia as a nation-state, Orthodox religion, and the myth of the Unique Russian Path, reinforced by the notion of “sovereign democracy” and the idea of the omnipresence of a fifth column inside the country 1. The will to consolidate society around these values provoked, according to political scientist Lena Jonson, tensions between the State and culture, especially as far as religious issues were concerned. These issues were the cause of the trials against the exhibitions “Attention! Religion” (2003) and “Forbidden Art – 2006” (2007), shown in Moscow at the Andrei Sakharov Museum and Public Centre. The latter staged temporary events and activities based on the defence of Human Rights. For part of the national opinion, the Centre symbolized democracy in Russia, whereas for others it represented an antipatriotic element, all the more so because it was financed by foreign foundations. In 2014, the Department of Justice catalogued it as a “foreign agent,” on the pretext that it carried out political actions with American subsidies 2. In 2003, the exhibition “Caution, Religion!”, organized by Aroutioun Zouloumian, was vandalized by religious activists several days after the opening 3.
  • The Usual Suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine Is Published Biannually by the Harriman Institute

    The Usual Suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine Is Published Biannually by the Harriman Institute

    the harriman institute at columbia university the usual suspects Protesting in Russia Harriman Magazine is published biannually by the Harriman Institute. Managing Editor: Ronald Meyer Editor: Masha Udensiva-Brenner Comments, suggestions, or address changes may be e-mailed to Masha Udensiva-Brenner at [email protected]. Cover photo by Artem Drachev: Demonstration in Moscow on Bolotnaya Square, May 6, 2012. Design and Production: Columbia Creative Harriman Institute Kimberly Marten, Acting Director (2012–2013) Timothy Frye, Director Alla Rachkov, Associate Director Lydia C. Hamilton, Program Manager, Alumni and Student Affairs Harriman Institute Columbia University 420 West 118 Street New York, NY 10027 Tel: 212-854-4623 Fax: 212-666-3481 For the latest news and updates about the Harriman Institute, visit www.harriman.columbia.edu. Stay connected through Facebook and Twitter! www.twitter.com/HarrimanInst www.facebook.com/pages/The-Harriman- Institute/165273220175750 FROM THE DIRECTOR elcome to the inaugural issue of the Harriman Magazine. Our hope is that the magazine will allow us to develop deeper and more sustained ties with W the alumni of the Institute—our MARS degree recipients and Harriman Certificate holders—as well as with our visiting scholars and postdoctoral fellows, as they progress in their careers. The Alumni Notes section will be a permanent feature; in the next issue we will begin publishing Postdoc Notes—so please send us your information. The heart of the magazine will feature in-depth profiles and stories about Institute alumni, visitors, faculty, and students and their projects. Our inaugural issue profiles two alums who have worn many hats at Harriman.
  • Forum 8.Indb

    Forum 8.Indb

    No 8 FORUM FOR ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURE 250 Mikhail Alekseevsky Who Are All Those People (the Ones with Placards)? The mass protests against the rigged elections to the State Duma, which took place in many cities across Russia in December 2011 were a surprise for the authorities and for ordinary citizens alike. For many years political street protests were not broadly popular in Russia; the last opposition protests that drew tens of thou- sands of participants happened at the turn of the 1990s, i.e. before the fall of the Soviet Union. It was not only the particularly high number of participants in the street protests that was unex- pected, but also the behaviour of the public at the different events. One of the distinguishing features of the December protests was the home made placards carried by participants. These were sometimes ironic, caustic or absurd, but at all times quite unlike typical forms of po- litical campaigning. It has been repeatedly noted both in journalistic articles and comments made by the government and participants themselves that the majority of protesters are not activists affiliated to any politi- cal movement, but rather people who have previ- ously avoided protests of this kind and who are not especially interested in politics. Unexpect- edly, a new and powerful force has emerged onto the political arena, about which little is known. It is evident that the majority of protesters oppose the current government, but that is not to say that Mikhail Alekseevsky they therefore belong to the parties or move- State Republic Centre ments that have been organising the protests.
  • Pussy Riot: Art Or Hooliganism? Changing Society Through Means of Participation

    Pussy Riot: Art Or Hooliganism? Changing Society Through Means of Participation

    Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Ritgerð til BA-prófs í listfræði Háskóli Íslands Hugvísindasvið Pussy Riot: Art or Hooliganism? Changing Society through Means of Participation Camilla Patricia Reuter Lokaverkefni til BA-gráðu í listfræði Leiðsögukennari: Hlynur Helgason Íslensku- og menningadeild Menntavísindasvið Háskóla Íslands Maí 2015 Ritgerð þessi er lokaverkefni til BA- gráðu í listfræði og er óheimilt að afrita ritgerðina á nokkurn hátt nema með leyfi rétthafa. © Camilla Patricia Reuter 2015 Prentun: Bóksala Menntavísindasviðs Reykjavík, Ísland 2015 Preface In my studies of art history the connection between the past and present has always intrigued me. As a former history major, the interest in historical developments comes hardly as a surprise. This is why I felt that the subject of my essay should concentrate on a recent phenomenon in art with a rich history supporting it. My personal interest in Russian art history eventually narrowed my topics down to Pussy Riot and Voina, which both provide a provocative subject matter. Having spent a semester in St. Petersburg studying the nation’s art history one discovers a palpable connection between politics and art. From Ilya Repin’s masterpieces to the Russian avant-garde and the Moscow Conceptualists, Russian art history is provided with a multitude of oppositional art. The artistic desire to rebel lies in the heart of creativity and antagonism is necessary for the process of development. I wish to thank you my advisor and professor Hlynur Helgason for accepting to guide me in my writing process. Without the theoretical input from my advisor this bachelor’s thesis could not have been written.
  • Russian Museums Visit More Than 80 Million Visitors, 1/3 of Who Are Visitors Under 18

    Russian Museums Visit More Than 80 Million Visitors, 1/3 of Who Are Visitors Under 18

    Moscow 4 There are more than 3000 museums (and about 72 000 museum workers) in Russian Moscow region 92 Federation, not including school and company museums. Every year Russian museums visit more than 80 million visitors, 1/3 of who are visitors under 18 There are about 650 individual and institutional members in ICOM Russia. During two last St. Petersburg 117 years ICOM Russia membership was rapidly increasing more than 20% (or about 100 new members) a year Northwestern region 160 You will find the information aboutICOM Russia members in this book. All members (individual and institutional) are divided in two big groups – Museums which are institutional members of ICOM or are represented by individual members and Organizations. All the museums in this book are distributed by regional principle. Organizations are structured in profile groups Central region 192 Volga river region 224 Many thanks to all the museums who offered their help and assistance in the making of this collection South of Russia 258 Special thanks to Urals 270 Museum creation and consulting Culture heritage security in Russia with 3M(tm)Novec(tm)1230 Siberia and Far East 284 © ICOM Russia, 2012 Organizations 322 © K. Novokhatko, A. Gnedovsky, N. Kazantseva, O. Guzewska – compiling, translation, editing, 2012 [email protected] www.icom.org.ru © Leo Tolstoy museum-estate “Yasnaya Polyana”, design, 2012 Moscow MOSCOW A. N. SCRiAbiN MEMORiAl Capital of Russia. Major political, economic, cultural, scientific, religious, financial, educational, and transportation center of Russia and the continent MUSEUM Highlights: First reference to Moscow dates from 1147 when Moscow was already a pretty big town.
  • Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction

    Russia 2012-2013: Attack on Freedom / 3 Introduction

    RUSSIA 2012-2013 : Attack on Freedom Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, February 2014 / N°625a Cover photo: Demonstration in front of the State Duma (Russian Parliament) in Moscow on 18 July 2013, after the conviction of Alexei Navalny. © AFP PHOTO / Ivan Novikov 2 / Titre du rapport – FIDH Introduction -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 1. Authoritarian Methods to Suppress Rights and Freedoms -------------------------------- 6 2. Repressive Laws ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 8 2.1. Restrictions on Freedom
  • Andrey Tolokonnikov

    Andrey Tolokonnikov

    Andrey Tolokonnikov Kirill, the Patriarch and Putin should be on the Pussy Riot list Andrey Tolokonnikov is the father of Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, one of the members of the punk outfit Pussy Riot, sentenced to two years of labour camp following their protest in the Church of Christ the Saviour in Moscow. After the Pussy Riot trial, Andrey Tolokonnikov wrote a book about his daughter. Interview conducted in August 2013 Elena Servettaz: Sergei Magnitsky was found guilty posthumously. Such liti- gation is forbidden by law in the Russian Federation unless it is at the request of relatives (for the purposes of rehabilitation). Sergei’s relatives did not make any such request. On the contrary, Natalia Nikolaevana, Sergei’s mother, wrote to lawyers explicitly asking them not to participate in a posthumous trial of her son. How do you react to such a trial in modern Russia? Andrey Tolokonnikov: As one five-year-old girl (Andrey is speaking about Héra, the daughter of Nadezhda - editor’s note) said to me: “Medieval”. In certain courts during the inquisition, the dead person was placed in a chair for the “trial”. How strange then that they did not exhume Magnitsky and torture his remains! There is no political stability in Russia nowadays. In Russia, since time im- memorial, the war of Good vs. Evil has been waged. Magnitsky’s death speaks far more loudly than Magnitsky ever could do himself. Exposure to financial fraud has become the norm in Russia. Elena Servettaz: Recently, there have been other “show trials” in Russia. After Pussy Riot, Alexei Navalny has now also been found guilty.
  • Brott Och Straff I Ryssland: Fallet Magnitskij AV WILLIAM BROWDER INLEDNING AV MATS JOHANSSON

    Brott Och Straff I Ryssland: Fallet Magnitskij AV WILLIAM BROWDER INLEDNING AV MATS JOHANSSON

    BRIEFING NR: 2 ISBN 91-7566-878-9 · Februari 2012 BRIEFING: Brott och straff i Ryssland: Fallet Magnitskij AV WILLIAM BROWDER INLEDNING AV MATS JOHANSSON INLEDNING: korruption, bland annat inom den presidentvalet den 4 mars. Vilket Sergej Magnitskij var en av Ryss- statliga energijätten Gazprom. 2006 väcker frågan om på vilka villkor lands ledande affärsjurister fram till sin svartlistades Browder av den ryska re- utländska företag kan göra affärer i död 2009, 37 år gammal. Då mörda- geringen, klassad som ett hot mot den Ryssland. Det avslöjar hur brott och des han under en sjukhusvistelse på nationella säkerheten, och utvisades. straff hanteras i en rövarstat som allt grund av sitt försvar för lag och rätt Nu står han medåtalad i processen tydligare visar sitt förakt för spelregler i processen mot funktionärer som mot den döde Magnitskij. i mellanstatliga och internationella stulit företag tillhöriga det utländska Bifogad dokumentation utgör under- relationer. investmentbolaget Hermitage. Ingen laget för den hearing som hölls i den Utomlands har fallet väckt starka uppsatt ansvarig har ännu straffats. amerikanska senatens utrikesutskotts reaktioner och ingår numera i under- Tvärtom har den ryska staten nyligen underkommitté för Europa den 14 visningen vid Harvard. Det är dags att vidtagit den ovanliga åtgärden att åtala december 2011 under rubriken ”The även Sverige reagerar och agerar. Så Magnitskij efter hans död. State of Human Rights and The Rule skedde nyligen när den svenska reger- Den ryska mörkläggningen ska inte of Law in Russia”. ingen tillsammans med den brittiska ske i tysthet. Fallet behandlas nu i den Innehållet tecknar bilden av en stat tog upp fallet i Europarådets minis- amerikanska senaten på initiativ av som saknar grundläggande skydd för terkommitté med krav på en effektiv den demokratiske senatorn Ben Car- individen.
  • Detki V Kletke: the Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children's Literature and Unofficial Poetry

    Detki V Kletke: the Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children's Literature and Unofficial Poetry

    Detki v kletke: The Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children's Literature and Unofficial Poetry The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Morse, Ainsley. 2016. Detki v kletke: The Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children's Literature and Unofficial Poetry. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Graduate School of Arts & Sciences. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493521 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA Detki v kletke: The Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children’s Literature and Unofficial Poetry A dissertation presented by Ainsley Elizabeth Morse to The Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Slavic Languages and Literatures Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2016 © 2016 – Ainsley Elizabeth Morse. All rights reserved. Dissertation Advisor: Professor Stephanie Sandler Ainsley Elizabeth Morse Detki v kletke: The Childlike Aesthetic in Soviet Children’s Literature and Unofficial Poetry Abstract Since its inception in 1918, Soviet children’s literature was acclaimed as innovative and exciting, often in contrast to other official Soviet literary production. Indeed, avant-garde artists worked in this genre for the entire Soviet period, although they had fallen out of official favor by the 1930s. This dissertation explores the relationship between the childlike aesthetic as expressed in Soviet children’s literature, the early Russian avant-garde and later post-war unofficial poetry.
  • Freedom of Expression in Russia As It Relates to Criticism of the Government

    Freedom of Expression in Russia As It Relates to Criticism of the Government

    Emory International Law Review Volume 27 Issue 2 2013 Freedom of Expression in Russia as it Relates to Criticism of the Government Tatyana Beschastna Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Recommended Citation Tatyana Beschastna, Freedom of Expression in Russia as it Relates to Criticism of the Government, 27 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 1105 (2013). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol27/iss2/10 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BESCHASTNA GALLEYSPROOFS2 5/1/2014 9:09 AM FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN RUSSIA AS IT RELATES TO CRITICISM OF THE GOVERNMENT Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter. —Martin Luther King Jr. INTRODUCTION Freedom of expression in Russia appears to be slowly eroding, Russian Government promising to protect human rights, including the right to freedom of expression. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the transition from “Old” Russia to “New” Russia were associated with many new hopes and promises.1 One such promise was the establishment of new human rights standards, including the fundamental right to freedom of expression. This promise was made by the ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights (Convention) in May of 1998.2 Previously under the oppressive governments of Stalin and his successors, Soviet Russia enjoyed no freedom of expression.3 Under Mikhail Gorbachev, Russia began a new movement commonly known as “Perestroika,” a Russian word that literally translates to “restructuring.”4 Perestroika ushered in a new era of hope and freedom and was heralded both domestically and internationally as an opportunity to change the oppressive policies of the past and establish new respects for the rights of the individual.5 The collapse of the 1 Mikhail S.
  • The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot

    The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot

    Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing Academic Programs and Advising 2020 The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot Adam Clark Macalester College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards Part of the Music Commons Recommended Citation Clark, Adam, "The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot" (2020). Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing. 16. https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/studentawards/16 This Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Programs and Advising at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Gateway Prize for Excellent Writing by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Adam Clark Victoria Malawey, Gender & Music The Riot Continues: The Problematic Westernization of Pussy Riot “We’re gonna take over the punk scene for feminists” -Kathleen Hanna Although they share feminist ideals, the Russian art collective Pussy Riot distinguishes themselves from the U.S.-based Riot Grrrl Movement, as exemplified by the band Bikini Kill, because of their location-specific protest work in Moscow. Understanding how Pussy Riot is both similar to and different from Riot Grrrl is important for contextualizing the way we think about diverse, transnational feminisms so that we may develop more inclusive and nuanced ways in conceptualizing these feminisms in the future. While Pussy Riot shares similar ideals championed by Bikini Kill in the Riot Grrrl movement, they have temporal and location-specific activisms and each group has their own ways of protesting injustices against women and achieving their unique goals.