VOLUME XXV NUMBER 5 $ l .50 •.:.; ..,, DEMOCRATIC PUBLISHED BY THE DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISTS OF AMERICA
Present Progressive: AS THE WORLD TURNS • • •
BY ALAN CHARNEY
all started with the mass strikes in France during Decem reshape the EEC illto an "alternative model" of economic ber, 1995. Over one million workers went on strike against growth, as French Prime Minister Jospm hopes? Ehe Juppe plan - the conservatives' attempt to scale back As the Old World turns toward the left again, the New the French welfare state. The mass actions were successful in World is also beginning to reshape tts political terrain. Just this blocking the right's program as public opinion rurned in favor April in El Salvador, the FMLN, in only its second election as of the stttk.mg workers. The left in France heralded this resis a legal party, drew even in popular support with ARENA, the tance as the first European victory against "neo-libcralism," main nght-wmg party, and elected the mayor of San Salvador. or, as they accurately put it, "the American model" of ram The F~fL"'l's program was based on opposition to the right's pant globalization, declining living standards and government neo-liberal agenda, such as higher consumption taxes and retrenchment. It was also a public outcry against the austerity privatization, and a defense of workers and farmers' rights. If budgets required by the Maastricht treaty for a European cur the FMLN continues on this trajectory, it will soon be the rency. largest party in El Salvador and be positioned to win the next Only 18 months later, there is a government of the left Presidential election. in France - a coalioon of Socialists, Communists aml Greens Although this is written before the July elections tn Mexico, - elected on a program of economic justice for working the PRD (Party of the Democratic Revolution) ts poised to people. These parties have pledged to create 700,000 jobs, make maior gains, picking up governorships in more states, reduce the work week from 39 to 35 hours, raise the mim Continued on page 3 mwn wage and push for changes in the Maastricht treaty. France is just the most spectacular case of a global ~hift that is taking place, as working people worldwide are mcreas ingly expressing their opposition to right-wing govc:rnments and their free market dogmas. In Britain, the Conservative Party was swept out of office in a dramatic public repudiation of Thatcherism. \Xlhatever one may think about the cauuous and moderate policies of Tony Blair's "new" Labor Party, this turn around has changed the British political landscape and defi rutely gave the firench left a boost. Now c:veryone is looking toward Germany, the mainstay of the buropean Economic Community (EEq, and its 1998 elections. Will a "red-green" coalitions of Social Democrats and Greens come to power? Then, every nation in the EEC, except Spain, will have a left or center-left government. At that point, will it be possible to DSAOFFICES
NATIONAL ------
NEW YORK, NY Michele Rossi, DSA locals Contact DEMOCRATIC 180 Varick Street Fl 12 New York, NY 10014 Editor 212.727.8610 Chris Riddiough WASHINGTON, DC Prod11clio11 Christine Riddiough, DSA Political Director Michele Rossi 409 Butternut Street, NW I2d itolial Co1l11111ttcc Washington, DC 20012 Dorothee Benz 202.726.0745 Suzanne Crowell David Glenn Jeff Gold Steve Max REGIONAL Bill Mosley Maxine Phillips
MIDWEST Founding Editor Mike Heffron, Midwest Organizer Michael Harrington (1928-1989) PO Box 1073 Columbus, OH 43216-1073 Democratic Socialists of America 614.253.8992 share a vision of a humane interna tional social order based on equitable distribution of resources, meaningful NEW YORK STATE work, a healthy environment, sustain- Amy Bachrach, NY Organizer able growth, gender a nd racial equality, and non-oppressive relation 180 Varick Street Fl 12 ships. Equality, solidarity, and democ New York, NY 10014 racy can only be achieved through 212.727.2207 international political and social cooperation aimed at ensuring that economic institutions benefit all BOSTON, MA people. We arc dedicated to building 11 Gorden St. truly international social movements Cambridge, MA 02138 of unionists, environmentalists, feminists, and people of color-which 617.354.5078 together can elevate global justice over brutalizing global competition. http://www.dsausa.org/ dsa. NATIONAL CAMPUS ORGANIZER V-•mtlul..tf/flS.'iN 1643207)ispublishcd1"''"'h•·. ,. 180\ 'anck Sucer, Nc:w \'ork, NY 10014. r criod1cals po>i.gc p:ud • t Nc:w York, NY (Pubije>non No. 701-9<~12). Suhscnpuons: $8 rci:ular; $15 in ~utu tiunal PoMmil~tcr: Send a
po g e 2 • Democratic left • Issue #5 1997 Present Progressive/continued from page 1 home to me one strong reason for our backwardness. It's so simple, it's transparent. And, it's something we can act on now. We don't have a and a larger Congressional delegation. There is even national political organization of the broad left that can even speak for speculation that the PRI - the permanent party the 20 percent of Americans with whom our ideas now resonate, that of the Mexican elites - may lose majority control can coalesce their discontent and express their aspirations. There's no of Congress. Most importantly, Cuauhtemoc getting around this gaping hole in the American body politic. Cardenas, the PRD's Presidential candidate in 1988 Such a progressive political organization is not the same thing and 1994, is way ahead in the race for mayor of as an electoral party. It is everywhere else in the world, but 1t can't be Mexico City. J f elected, he will be in an ideal posi in the United States. Call it American exceptionalism tf you will, but tion to win the Presidency 10 2000. Finally, in the our institutional history of party politics has proven tl1at every time recent Canadian elections, the New Democratic we make electoral politics the fulcrum of a consolidation strategy, it Party (NDP) mcreased its scats m Parliament from leads to a political impasse. Think about all the failed and thwarted 9 to 22 on the basis of it economic justice message, efforts we have made to strengthen the left wing of the Democratic particularly around JOb creation. It was the only Party- to unite the consutuencies, such as labor, feminists, environ party which consistently upheld the virtues of the mentalists, people of color, and gays, which constitute its progressive Canadian welfare state. base. Ponder all the efforts we ha,·e undertaken to form a party to All these changes in the Old \'\'arid and the the left of the Democrats - efforts that have always ended in mere New are matched by two unprecedented events in margrnality. The conclusion I have reached is that we can't use elec Asia and Africa. The first were the mass strikes of tions or electoral parties as the prime arena to consolidate and expand 1996 in South Korea; the second was the popularly our base. There are essential steps that must be taken first, and that supported armed insurrection against Mobutu and must provide the ideological and organizational grounding, for a ma his government 10 newly-named Democratic Re jor left electoral advance. Maybe the result will be a revitalized, pro public of the Congo. Both of these were large gressive-led, Democratic Party. Maybe it wtli be a new progressive scale mobilizations against neo-liberal regimes and party that emerges after a broad realignment. There may even be have set the stage for left advances in future elec other electoral alternatives. But now, let's concentrate on taking those tions. ideological and organizational steps that will build a firm foundation From the perspective of these recent events, for next left in the United States. Because one thing is certain: a stra globalization no longer appears that inevitable, and tegic and one-sided focus on electoral activity and "party-building," resistance that futile. The left may still lack an al inside or outside the Democratic Party, will condemn the left to the ternative vision and program, but, increasingly, margins of American politics. working people know what they don't want and arc One crucial step is to recognize the de facto programmatic agree willing to turn toward the left. At least the left is on ment that exists among the leaders and activists of issue and constitu their side, and is willing to intervene in the economy ency-based groups. The remarkable truth is that the progressive "move in ways which defend the living standards of the ment" has become operationally social-democratic in its outlook: the maioriry, preserve social programs, and expand defense and expansion of the welfare state; the pursuit of more cor democratic participation. porate regulation and less corporate welfare; the protection and ex So, why hasn't this happened in America? tension of civil, social and labor rights; and even an openness toward After all, the impact of our version of neo-liberal more social control over investment and more democr'\tic planrung. ism - Reaganism - has been more devastating Right now, this is an unconsolidated consensus, but, ideologically, there on Amencan workers, relatively speaking, than any is no barrier to la)~ng out an immediate program for economic and where in the West. Globalization and the free-mar social justice around which a broad coalition could be built. And, ket model have meant the destruction of the high organizationally, there is now a decisive institution - the AfL-CIO wage, mass prosperity economy of the 1950s and - that has set this as a goal. "We will build a strong political voice for 1960s, an astonishing increase in disparities of in workers in our nation .. .. We will build a broad progressive coalition come and wealth, a wholesale assault on the wel that speaks out for social and economic justice." With the AFL-CIO fare state and market regulation, etc. By all accounts, providing the ballast, such a coalition, which brings together key a political tilt to the left here should be greater than women's, gay, environmental, people of color, church and other issue in France, and more widespread than in Britain. groups, and which "blocs" with the Congressional Progressive Cau What are the typical explanations we cus, is on the immediate agenda. progressives have for our political backwardness? At the same time, we must consolidate those progressive politi W/e engage in endless and unproductive arguments cal organizations and activists who are concerned with the long-term about the relauve merits of econolTilc versus so strategic direction and deeper ideological coherence of a revitalized cial issues, of class poliucs versus identity politics, progressive movement - a next left as Michael Harringron called it. of unions versus social movements, of grassroots This "uniteJ left" would be the driving force within the broader coa mobilization versus national campa.1gns. Or else, we lition and be the arena in which the long-range questions - the role bemoan the non-political nature of the majority, of government, electoral politics, international solidarity, the intersec and curse the inordinate power of the corpora tion of class, race and gender, faith-based values, sustainable growth, tions and the media to set national priorities in fa and socialist ideas and vision - are discussed, resolved and woven vor of the nght's agenda. The events of the last months have brought Continued on p age 6
Issue #5 1997 • De m o c r a I i c Lef t • p age 3 On Becoming a Stadium Slayer
B Y M IKE H EFFRON
o, what to do when corporate forces want to ies suffer. Yee these issues are easily drowned out by stadium hoopla build a pri\"ate nrena \\~th pubhc funds in your when ballot initiatives askmg for increased taxes are put forward. Scity? Take lessons from ~fidwe st DSi\: as part In Columbus, DSA's participation in Voters Against Stadium of a coalition outspent 300 to 1, and opposed by Taxes (VAS1) was an attempt to stem that attack. Pro-stadium tax e\·ery Democratic and Republican city official and forces sponsored a ballot initiath·e that would raise the sales tax for businessperson, we still made Columbus the city three years by .5 percent, from 5.75 percent to 6.25 percent, to help that broke the national streak of mne straight \'ic raise capital co build an indoor hockey arena and an outdoor soccer cories for pro·stadium tax corporate forces. stadium in the downtown area. The rest of the funding for the project would come from corporations and srate funding (read: state tax Columbus VAST vs. revenue) the Ravenous Corporate Dragon VAST was a rag-tag coalition made up of anti-ta.x Republicans, Libertanans, Greens, and Democrats, as well as DSJ\. Without a \\'hen you enter the dragon's l:tir of corporate fundraising base, our anti-stadium tax coalition was unable to hire the America, determined to rescue the chalice of pub essential member of any election campaign: a manager. This made lic money from being used to subsidize prh·ate busi the \'\ST coalition seem like it was heading in three directions at ness, you must be able to use your strategy and onceo With no central office or overly coordinated central planning, rhetoric like a knight uses a lance. Armed with the the medfa response to many issues was determined based on a facts and intelligent arguments, you might just make spokesperson's own reasons for participating in the camprugn. Yet, it out ahve, with the chalice to boot. this became an unexpected advantage for VAST: instead of facmg Camp\ D11n.~eom & Dn~g o11.r metaphors aside, one narrowly targeted message, our Pro-Issue One (as the stadium slaying the corporatl dragon on the issue of pub tax ballot irutiative came to be known) opponents were forced LO licly-financed stadium pro1ects is one necessary part defend their proposal from ten to twenty thfferent sides. of beating back attacks on declining public funding Through print, radio, and television, DSA attacked the pro of the social safety net. 'auonwidc, there is a con posal as disproportionately affecting the poor and elderly. While the tinuing trend of private interests profiting from Republicans criticized the proposal for raismg taxes, the Democrats publicly-funded stadium projects: Cleveland :ind San criticized it as misplaced tax expenditure. 'Ibe Greens characterized Francisco arc only thr.: two latest examples. it as wreakmg envuonmental destruct.ion on a potential park site, and Sports teams hold cities hostage, either by the Libertarians as a perfect example of corporate welfare. threatening to leave if new stadiums are not built, This flexibility paid off. Despite rrusmg a mere S5,000 to the or by threatening never to expand if a city docs not pro-stadium tax forces' $1.5 million, VAST won a dec1s1ve victory, ha\'C a new facility. In the case of the former, city defeating the ballot initiative 56 percent to 44 plrcent. A second governments, feeling beholden en the~c ego-giants victory came in the epilogue, when weeks later a private arena pro of industry, promise to "sa\'C our city" br paying posal, to be paid for with pri\"ate funds, was put forth. The private for new stadiums with capit.tl raised from increased proposal provided progressives with the extra victory, for it allowed ta.xcs. In the case of the latter, city officials justify for school tax-abated money to be reimbursed through ticket sur publicly-financed srndiums with promise!' of new charges. All this, after pro-stadium tax forces had insisted throughout jobs and a place in the ranks of "America's Top their campaibrn that a private plan was not possible. Cities." There is a dark side to the utopia promised Honing your weapons and finding the dragon's soft, slimy by stadium supporters. It is these same cities that underbelly arc cutting financial support for public education, social service caseworkers, and city infrastructure. \\'hen the campaign against the stadium tax began months out from Cuts in federal ai Mike Heffron is the Midw est Organizer ofDSA and Homer Simpson's biggest fan. IRIUllll WITH TIE RlllT AID WlllllB Center For Deniocratic Values National Conference November 6-7 Columbus, OH r------1I am interested in attending the first national We have been losing the battle of ideas raging in CDV conference! the United States over the past 20 years. This con Name: ference will develop understanding and skills for Address: entering mainstream debate. It will bring together academics and activists to provide training for Left City: _ ists who want to fight back. State: ___ _ Zip: ______phone:______The Conference, preceding the DSA National Con email: vention, will f ea tu re a public debate between promi send to: Center For Democratic Values nent intellectuals of the Left and Right, sponsored clo DSA, 180 Varick St. 12th floor by Capital University. New York, NY 10014 [email protected] L------~ po g e 6 • Demo c rot i c Le f I • Issue #5 1997 DSA Launches Adion Network BY C HRIS RrDDIOUGH S. \ has just launched the DSA Action Net Amendment, rarely, if ever, rcOect any discussion of the role of work. Approved by the National Poliucal government in investing in the country and its people. Debate is fo D Commmee in ;\lay, the network has already cused narrowly on the national debt and the deficit and little credence he!,>un recruiting members. The idea behind it is is given to proposals that suggest that an important role of govern very simple. Everyone who becomes an activist in ment is investment the D SA Action Network agrees, over the course Gender, Race and Economir 1Jq11ity: Policies designed to promote of a year, to get involved at least once in our Cam economic equity for women and people of color have come under paign for Economic Justice. increasing attack. From The Bell Cun•t to Pat Buchanan's xenophobic Each Action Network member can decide attacks on immigrants to the anu-affirmattve action referendum in which action to undertake. It might be contacting a California, debate on the issue of equity has focused on perceived Congress membc.r regarding a s"pecific vote or to harm done to whites, men and American citizens. Alternatives to those cosponsor a parucular hill, or writing a letter to the perspectives are marginalized. eduor on a specitic issue. Those with more time Sustainable C/qbal Economy: Increasingly corporations are might call other DS1\ members in their community transnational in character. Policies of international financial institu to get them im•oh·ecl, circulate a petition support tions, trade agreements and investment agreements all are established ing the L~'1ng \'\'age, Johs For All t\ct or become a with little accountability or democratic control. Nor do they take into Congressional District coordinacor for the network. account interests other than those of the corporate world. Since its inception in 1996, the Campaign Thus 111 each of these areas the truncated public debate has and for Economic Justice has resulted in action to pro will lead to mcreasing the power and wealth held by a few people, mote a more economically sound and just budget, decreasing democracy in this country and limiting the options people opposition to Republican proposals to c.:liminaLC the in general perceive. Moreover, it is generally assumed that only 'ex minimum '\vage for welfare workers and support perts' have any standing in discussions of these issues. Opiruons from for living wage lcgislauon. We have participated in economists and other academics, financiers and corporate executives successful coalmon effons to stop the balanced are viewed as authoritative, while those of ordinary people - factory budget amendment and we are working with labor workers, secretaries, teachers, and the like - are dismissed. and social justice groups to support progressive The DSA Action Network will advance efforts for economic candidates in 1998. justice by providing ways for more DSA members and friends to be Yet, debate in the United Scates on economic involved and to counter the btas among policy makers and the media. policy is confined to a narrow range of opinion. We will keep DSA A ction Network members informed through ac This is true for discussion in the media, among tion alerts sent on a regular basis, by mail or e-mail. In return, mem policy makers and with the public at large. Policy bers pledge to carry out at least one action a year and tnform D SA of initiatives that promote economic iustice, gender the results. DSA staff will monitor the media and policymaking are and racial equity and a sustainable economy are nas on the issues of economic democracy, gender and racial equity not taken seriously hy most policy makers and are and a sustainable global economy and broadcast electronic alerts. generally either invisible or subject to dismissal in Activists participating in the DSA Action Network will receive poltcy the media. Economic democracy and social invest reports, political information, and guidance on momtoring the media ment are seen as contr:try to common sense in a and meeting with policy makers. global economy dominated by corporate interests. To JOlll the DSA Action Network contact Chris Riddiough, Fcqnomic Devmmuy: From the foederal Reserve DSA Political Director, at 409 Butternut St. NW, Washington, D C Hoard role to the Multi-lateral Agreement on In 20012, 202-726-0745 or [email protected]. Send us your name, \'CStment, from the World Trade Organization to address, phone and, if you have one, your email address. transnational corporations, entities that control eco nomic decision making are neither subject to dcmo CGltic control nor expected to be. Social lnves1111enl: Budget proposals in Con gress, including debate on the Balanced Bu Issue #5 1997 • D e m o c r o ti c Le f t • p o g e 7 March in Watsonville BY D UANE C AMPBELL n an ~pressive display of organizational skill, the Uruted Farmworkers Union, with the sup I port and participation of the AFL-CIO, mobi lized over 30,000 farmworkers and supporters in the Strawberry Capitol of the World: Watsonville, California. Union members and human rights activists came to Watsonville from Canada Colorado and the Western States. Unions rep res~nting tea~hers, carpenters, ironworkers, the needle trades, and the Service Employees Int., the autoworkers, and ev ery worker existing in the West were represented. Watsonville was selected for this mobilization smce it sits at the heart of the rich coastal straw berry growing region. Tens of thousands of farm laborers, mostly Mexican immigrants, harvest the crops for less than the minimum wage. The march was lead by UFW leaders, Jesse Jackson, John Sweeney, Ron Carey of the Team berry costs tl1at would bring iustice and dignity to our work." sters Union, Martin Sheen, and a host of dignitar John Sweeney and Richard Trumpka addressed the crowd with ies. It was so large that it brought the town to a translation provided by Louis Valdez and others. DSA contm'gents stop. The contingent from UNITE was load and came from Sacramento, Los Angeles, and San Diego as well as the boisterous. Students from colleges and universities Latino Commission. participated. A particularly strong contingent came from the UCLA MeCha which mobilized close to Duane Campbell is a leader ofSacrame nto DSA and chair of 100 Chicano students. the DSA A nti-Racism Commission. Dolores Huerta, UFW vice president, an Hon orary Chair of DSA , and a supporter of the DSA Latino Commission, welcomed the marchers who had overwhelmed the small city with their num bers. Dolores read the long roster of unions and Bay Area DSA Hosts Forum on Full organizations in the march and who had assisted in the march, reaching over 20 major international Employment in an Age of Globalization unions. She predicted, "Today will be for the straw berry workers what Selma was for the Civil Rights Movement ... we will succeed because you have ver 50 Bay Area DSA members and friends come to support us. I hope that the crowds show 0 met on Sunday, June 8 to engage in a panel discussion on Full the growers how much support there is for the Employment in an Age of Globalization. Focusing on Representative union, then maybe we won't have to relive the dif (and DS1\ Vice Chair) Ron Dcllums' Living Wage, Jobs for All bill, ficult struggles of the past." HR 1050, the panel included David Bacon, labor reporter, John Katz Arturo Rodriguez, the new President of the of DSA, Ying Lee, legislative assistant to Congressmember Dellums United Farmworkers and heir to the tradition of and Barbara Arms of the Full Employment Coalition. Cesar Chavez, delivered his speech in English and Not surprisingly, the discussion touched on a wide range of in Spanish saying, "We cannot permit Monsanto issues and concerns. These included global labor solidarity,.reople-to and Driscol and other strawberry companies to har people exchanges, Mexico and NAFfA, the lnternational Monetary vest all of the profits of this 600 million dollar Fund and the World Bank, labor in the information age, community industry, while its workers are crowded and living control over investment, women m the workforce, education, and in poverty. I ask everyone here to pledge them corporate "wealth-fare." selves to defend the rights of farmworkers. I ask The discussion also considered prospects for the future. Recent you to go to the supermarkets and tell them that election results in Europe, and the resurgence of the U.S. labor move- you support the 5 cents a box increase in straw- Continued on page 12 p a g e 8 • D e m o c r a t i c L e f I • Issue #5 1997 A Modest Proposal to Break the Cycle of Dependency of the Very Rich BY RON BAIMAN. hy are comervatives spending so much offering serious solutions. time and energy Lrying to reduce unearned The politics of scapegoaung leave no room for appeals to rea W income for the pooresl and mosl vulner son and compassion. Evidence showing that the.: supposed "welfare able people in our society? The gutting of welfare reforms" w ill only increase pervasive homelessness, despair, and pr1\' wiU effect less than 1 percent of rhe federal budget erty for poor child ren (22 percent of all kids in the C.S. and half of and a somewhat larger but still quite small share of black kids) and their parents, and increase Third World conditio ns in state and local budgets (about 10 percent tn 1994), our major cities, doesn't seem to wo rk. Rational dcmonstrat1o ns that and will therefore nor ha\'c a big impacr on go\'em increased long-tc.:rm costs for pohce, prisons, anti·drug enfo rcement, mem spending. and child abuse prc\·cntion, caused by current "reforms", will prob- In fact, if conscr\'atlvcs were serious about Continued on page 12 their supposed priority of reducmg dependency and fostering the work ethic, government would ha,•e to spend a lot more money maktng paid employ PLEA S E POST AND DISTRIBUTE mem a dable option for the poor hy offering free day care, health care, and transportauon, by signifi • JOB OPENING • cantly raising the minimw11 wage and by increasing public sector employment to increase job availabil Development Coordinator ity. An alternative program for serious "socializa tion" of welfare through a n:uional service pro Democratic Socialists of America gram which would involve present and potential welfare recipients as welfare providers and admin Responsibilities: istrators, and require the likes of future ~ewt Coordinate membership fundraising program for a na Gingrichs and Rush Limbaughs to have some di tional multi-issue political non-profit working for social rect experience with poverty, has been proposed by and economic justice. Work with Director to develop Princeton Advanced Institute fellow Michael Walzer bequest & major donor programs, supervise two mem in Diiunl. But Walzer's proposal would again re bership services and financial staff and help coordi quire g reatc.:r public expenditures. In part this is nate national board and committee meetings. because free market capitalism requires a high level of unemployment to m:untain price stability by Qualifications: constraining wage growth - J\farx's "reserve army" Management and fundraising experience, strong com argument as articulatc.:d by Federal Resen·e Bank puter proficiency, good organizational and communi spokespersons and mainstream economists. Mas cation skills, ability to work independently, commitment sive public. efforts to cn..':lte Jobs would be espe so social and economic justice. cially necessary in the local pockets of extremely high unemploymenr where many of the poor live. Salary & Benefits: We all know, however, that reducing depen $25-28,000 with health care & generous vacation pack dency is not the real goal, nor is it going to be the age. real o utcom e, of the attack on welfare. The real political impcrus has more to do with targeting a To Apply: weak and vulnerable class (and implicitly race) of Send or fax cover letter and resume by July 31 , 1997 scapegoats for the real problems of rhe middle class. to Alan Charney, Democratic Socialists of America, 180 These include increasmg employment and income Varick St. 12th Floor, New York, NY 10014 fax: (212) insecurity, and increases 1n health care, education, 727-8616 and pension costs to workers, along with a pro longed regressive shift of tax burden away from Th e Democratic Socialists of America is an Equal Opportunity! corporaaons and the rich to the middle class. Wel Affirmative Action employer. Women, gays and lesbians, fare moms and immigrants have become targets people of color and persons with disabilities are encouraged for righc-wingers seeking a convenient way to stir to apply. up resentment and avoid addressing real issues and Issue #5 1997 • D e m o c r o I i c le f t • p a g e 9 Economic Literacy 101 BY MICHELE Rossi ven if you've been dwelling in a cave for measure of inflation; many costs and payments are linked to it. (Re the past few ycars, you haven't escape p o g e 10 • D e m o c r o I i c L e f I • Issue #5 1997 America Needs A Left: DSA's 1997 National Convention November 7- 7O Columbus, OH Democratic Socialist Politics & Frolics with Barbara Ehrenreich, Corne/ West, and scores of fellow DSAers! Location: Clarion Hotel, 7007 North High Street, Columbus, OH Phone 614/436-0700. Accommodations: $79 per room per night. A room sleeps up to four people. ReseNations must be made by October 10, 1997to get the lower convention rate. Call 614/436-0700 to make your room reservations. Don't forget to mention you will be attending the DSA National Convention! Transportation: DSA has made special arrangements with Continental and American West Airlines. To get the discounted airfare, call VTS travel at 1-800-669-9875 to book your flight, and be sure to mention you are attend mg the DSA Convention. To guarantee the reduced fare, make your travel arrangements by October 10, 1997. Registration fees: $11 Oper person. The registration fee includes admission to "Arguing With the Right-And Winning the People" a conference sponsored by the Center for Democratic Values prior to the opening of the Convention, plus attendance at all convention sessions, transportation to off-site events (Thursday evening's debate between prominent intellectuals of the Left and Right, Friday evening's "Breaking Bread" featuring Barbara Ehrenreich and Cornet West), Saturday evening's Midwest DSA awards banquet, convention work shops, and coffee breaks. To register, simply send in the form with payment by October 20. Make your check payable to DSA, or pay by credit card. Note: if you plan to attend the Arguing With the Right conference, fill out the CDV conference coupon located elsewhere in this issue and return it with your DSA convention ------registration form--0r e-mail Ron Aronson at [email protected]. 1997 DSA NATIONAL CONVENTION REGISTRATION FORM 0 Yes, I want to attend DSA's 1997 National Convention! 0 Enclosed is a check for my registration fee. [ ] Bill my credit card. Name: Address: City: State: Zip: Phone: I will need childcare for a child/children age _____ Any other special needs? Please describe. Credit Card# Exp. Date_ __ Signature______ Complete and mail to DSA, ATTN: Convention, 180 Varick Street Fl 12, New York, NY 10014. Phone 212.727.8610 L------~ Issue #5 1997 • D e m o c r o I 1 c L e f I • p o g e 11 The Very Rich/ continued from page 9 crate much income is patent!) false - tl1e rich are monopolizing the lion's share of wealth in the country and this trend has been increas ably far off-set any minor short-term savings in ing as inequality in the U.S. has grown steadily since the mid-70s to welfare costs, fa!J on deaf ears. These proposals the current worst levels on record (since WWII) and the worst among are not about facts and reason, they are based on major advanced industrial countries. political victimization - on "blaming the victims" The very nch need our tough 10\·e now. As a society we can no puce and simple. longer deny their plight. An initial proposal might be to redirect all Therefore I propose that instead of trying to property-based income back to the treasury to be used for public stop the politics of victimization we offer the right child care, health care, job creation for the poor, middle income tax substitute victims who truly need our assistance and breaks, college tuition grants, public housing, etc. The former rich in whom we can easily help and increase public rev return could be issued $300 a month "transition to independence" enue at the same time. Instead of scapegoating the checks but only for a limited time period and only for those who are poor and vulnerable we need to break the legally married and in recovery from alcoholism and spousal abuse. intergenerational cycle of psychologica!Jy and so During this time training in proper subserv1ent behavior and labor cially destructive dependency of the very rich. The discipline would be offered to help them find real 1obs that reqwre generations of rich (RockefeUers, Duponts, Heinz's, work. If they can't find jobs they'll just have to make do in the street Morgans, etc.) clearly suffer from rampant drug or wherever. Their kids of course may also need some help to make addiction (mostly to alcohol) and moral breakdown, the transition from private boarding schools to the street or to or as is evident in the merry-go-round of affairs, abor phanages, but that too can be arranged. tions, spousal abuse, and business power plays de A fa!J back strategy to appease bleeding heart conservatives who picted in "Dynasty," "The Lives of the Rich and may worry that forcing the rich into cold turkey withdrawal from prop the Famous," and the 0. ]. Simpson trial. erty-income dependency may drive some of them over the brink (al We need to end welfare for the rich as we though it's hard to imagine why they would worry as the very och repre know it. This includes what Secretary of Labor sent far fewer people than the poor - whom they never worry about), Robert Reich has called "corporate welfare," but rrught be to at least end legal entitlements to property-based income and it's much more than that. The moral degeneration instead redirect these funds to state and local coffers in the form of displayed by the very rich is a clear threat to the "personal responsibility block grants" (after making appropriate cuts in social fabric of our society, particularly as it is funding to suppon the needed federal programs listed above). State and watched so closely by so many. Reforming the rich local governments could then allocate these charity funds at their discre could have a real impact on social mores and they tion, depending on local budgetary conditions and sympathy for the nch. obviously need help. It would also be very afford Ultimately, however, such administrative details are not that im able, indeed lucrative, for the public treasury. portant. The important point is that as a society we can no longer A tiny minonty of very rich households in afford further dependent and self-destructive behavior by the rich. the U.S. get more than 3/4 of their income from This might sound like soaalism, but it's really just "tough love" for property entitlements for which they don't have to those who need it most. lift a finger. According to a 1990 Federal Reserve study, in 1988 the upper 1 percent of households Ron Baiman is a member ofthe Center for Democratic Values by income made an average of almost 3/4 of ~eir arid an economist. income from property-based entitlements such as profits, dividends, interest, and capital gains. In fact, private ownership of the means of production is Full Employment Forum/continued from page 8 the major cause of income mequality under capi talism. In 1989, the top 10 percent of households ment under APL-CIO President John Sweeney, were causes for en by income held 80 percent, and the top 1 percent couragement. Cons1denng the U.S. experience in recent years, with held 40.3 percent, of all wealth (excluding personal cutbacks m social and safety-net programs, the lack of organized residences) in the U.S., leaving just 20 percent of protest on the part of the dispossessed was surprising. The recent wealth for the bottom 90 percent of households. unveiling of the monument to Franklin Delano Roosevelt notwith Wealth for the top 1 percent, and top 20 percent, standing, the struggles which led to the New Dea] must be fought increased by 61 .6 percent, and 98.8 percent, re over and over again. spectively, from 1983 to 1992 (before the most Many noted that while unemployment in the U.S. is at a rela recent stock mn-up), whereas the wealth of the tively low point, wages are stagnating, and jobs are often insecure. bottom 80 percent increased by only 1.2 percent Working people are divided among themselves, and feel threatened during these years. Moreover, studies have shown by global competition. • that at least two-thirds of large fortunes in the U.S. Those gathered reached no grand conclusion about how to coun are derived from inheritance and not from present teract these negative forces. What was clear was the need to proceed earnings (again, before the 80s and 90s run-up in with lobbying Congressmembers to get them to cosponsor HR 1050. wealth, and reductions in inheritance tax). Furthermore, socialists and other working people need to reach out We're talking real money here, not the crumbs to one another, and form the kind of coaliuons which wi!J create that gutting welfare will generate! The conserva opportunities to educate and work against the rampaging corporate tives' constant litany that taxing the rich won't gen- forces engulfing the planet. po g e 12 • Demo c rot i c Left • Issue #5 1997