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The Economist 1844-03-30: Vol 1 Iss 31

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The Economist 1844-03-30: Vol 1 Iss 31 Che Econ sntist: A POLITIC AL, COMMERCIAL, AGRICULTURAL, AND FREE-TRADE JOURNAL. ‘Jf we make ourselves too little for the phere o? our duty; if, on the contrary, we do not stretch and « <pand our minds to the compass of their object; be well assured that everything about us will dwindle by degrees, until at length our concerns are shrunk to the dimensions of our minds lt is nota predilection to mean, sordid, home-bred cares that will avert the conseqtences of a false estimation of our interest, or prevent the shameful dilapidation into which a great empire must fall by mean reparation upon mighty ruins."—BuRkt SATURDAY, } IARCHL 30, 1844. Price 67. NOTICE TO OUR READERS. for adult males les could not continue their occupation without the assistance of the other workers. On Friday last, however, the In addition to the Table of Contents, it is desirable that readers same principle came under discussion in another clause of the should be furnished with a general idea of the order of matter bill, when the house refused to re-affirm its previous decision, in the making up of our paper. It ts impossible that such order ut at the same time refused to affirm the Government proposal cannot be affected from time to time, by the superabundance of of twelve hours. Both the clause and the amendment, moved by some parts and deficiency in others. But in future we purpose, Lord Ashley, being thus lost, the Government has since decided as nearly as possible, that the principal divisions of the paper to withdraw the bill, and to introduce another, which Sir James should follow each other thus :—Pourricat Leavers, Imperial Graham hopes will be more acceptable to the house, but pledges Parliament, Free- Trade Movements, Anti-Free- Trade Move- the Government to an adherence to twelve hours. ments, Correspondence, &c., CoMMERCIAL AND PoxiticaL Ept- In our last week’s number we avoided remarks on the first dis- cussion, romMEes, Court and Aristocracy, Metropolis, Provinces, Scotland, which to us involved so many inexplicable features, in Ireland, Foreign and Colonial, Public Amusements, Literature, the hope that the discussion on Friday would throw some &e., with the usual Commercial information and other matter further light on the subject; but we waited in vain, for incon- given. This general order our readers will be sure for the fu- sistencies and incongruity were only multiplied by further dis- ture to find adhered to, and the Table of Contents will always cussioi. be specific in the direction. We cannot, however, but think that much good will result from these debates, for never upon any occasion has it been so clearly evident, how impossible it is to trim a principle to suit CONTENTS. any particular course of policy not in direct keeping with it :— a principle is either right or wrong; and every attempt at a The Inconsistencies of the late Debate 625 Foreign and Colonia! ° ° > - 640 Duties on the Raw Materials of Manu- France . ° ° - 640 partial application of it lands us only in difficulties and troubles. factures - . : - . - 627 United States - - 640 Practieal Consequences of a Ten Hours’ Public Amusements - e . - 640 It is quite clear from the whole of this discussion, that there is 640 Bill, and the Origin of the Movement - 628, The Economist's Library - no consistent medium hetween perfect freedom and entire free Weckly cost of Protection to Sugar and Political - . - : © - 641 Wheat - - - - - - + 629) Miscellanies of Trade a - 64 | agency of capital and labour, and that principle which would Imperial Parliament - . - - 630 Commercial Restrictions - i i - 642 regriate wages, profits, and the wheie relations of life by acts of Free-Trade Movements Miscellanca - - . ° - €43 Weekly Mecting at Covent Garden 632 Commercial Markets fi44 legislation — between perfect independent self reliance and Anti-Free-l'rade Movevents - - 636 | Prices Current - - 645 Commercial Epitome 636 | Corn Markets - - - - - - 646 regulated socialism—between Adam Smith and Robert Owen. Political Epitome - - 637 | London Averages : - - - 646 These are the extremes of the principles on which the discussion Court and Aristocracy - - - - 637 Smithfield Market - - - - 646 rhe Metropolis - - - - 638 Borough Hop Market - - - - 646 depended, and a careful perusal of the speeches of those who I'he Provinces - . ° . « - 639 Coal Market - - - - 646 Scotland - - 639 The Gazette - - - - - - 646 consistently either supported or opposed the Government will Ireland 639 Births, Marriages, and Death - - 647 show that the arguments on which they relied, if good for Advertisements - - - - - 647 anything, are so for the whole principle. On the one hand, if Lord Ashley be correct in attributing the power, which he does, ‘If «a writer be conscious that to gain a reception for f his favourite doctrine he must to the law, he is bound to go much further than he proposes, combat with certain elements of opposition, in the taste, or the pride, or the indo lence of those whom he is addressing, this will only serve to make him the mor and he will find that there is no point at which he can consis- importunate There is a difference between such truths as are merely of a speculative tently stop, until he has embarked with Mr Owen in rearing up nature ids ch as are allied with practice and m ral feeling ee eee oe another New Harmony. On the other hand, whatever argument repetitic n may he often sup Auous; wi th the latter it may just be by earnest repeli- tion, that their influence comes fo b thorough ly established over the mind of an was effective in the hands of Sir James Graham, Sir Robert inquirer.” —CHALMERS. Peel, Mr Labouchere, Mr Ward, and Mr Cardwell, whose speeches were clear, unanswerable, and exhaustive of the subject, THE INCONSISTENCIES OF THE LATE DEBATES. for whatever value they were as opposed toa limitation of labour ‘The false position, the Babel-like and unintelligible confusion to ten hours, they were equally, nay, much more conclusive into which the House of Commons has been thrown by the dis- against interference at all. Sir Robert Peel said— cussion on the Factory Bill—the complication of motives, and the “ Before they impose restrictions on the employment of labour in illogical character of the arguments brought to that discussion, this particular branch, they ought to consider and see whether the have no parallel in modern times. reasons on which they rested the justification of this proposition, did In going into committee on this bill, the Government, it is said, not justify them in extending the proposition to agricultural labourers. in the first place, miscalculated the support which they would Before they adopted such a principle, they should consider what would be the effect in leading to such extreme consequences in interfering receive from the Opposition side of the house in defeating Lord with the employment of labour in all its various branches. (Hear, Ashley's threatened amendments to reduce the hours of work hear.) Seeing, therefore, that by adopting this principle they would from twelve to ten per day, and released from their accustomed be involved in the greatest difficulties, and that the employment of fealty a number of its usual supporters, who from various mo- labour would be greatly unsettled; that they must enter into and in- tives were disposed to support Lord Ashley. The Government terfere with the existing arrangements in every branch of trade and hoped by this means, if any unpopularity was attached to their in every shop, and, indeed, in every private house; and that they must opposing an impracticable proposition, and one pregnant with impose obligations and restrictions, not only where two or three hun- most dangerous tendencies in the future administration of the dred children or females were employed, but also in every case where executive, that while a large section of their usual supporters one, two, or three members of a family were employed, he trusted that opposed them on this occasion, and, as they hoped, a larger por- the house would not enter upon such a dangerous and perilous under- tion of their usual opponents supported them, the question taking. If they got involved in such a question the consideration would not merely be as to how long a steam-engine should be allowed to be would be divested of party characteristic; and though the Go- employed in a mill, for that object might be comparatively easily vernment itself might suffer a little unpopularity with the work- effected; but they must go into every private family with their legis- ing classes, its party would not; while the opposite party would lative enactments as regarded employment, and the effect would probably suffer more. And though the Government was disap- be, to involve them in cases of the greatest inconvenience, aud pointed in the result, in consequence of the unexpected support would produce the strongest cases of individual injustice. which Lord John Russell, Lord Howick, and a considerable If they imposed this species of restriction on any one branch of manu- section of the Whig party, gave to Lord Ashley, and were in facture, recollect that they gave a factitious encouragement to the couseyuence thrown into a minority, yet we feel assured that they employment of females and children in the other branches of industry whose intervention secured the result will suffer more from their which he had adverted to. It was admitted that the first interference inconsistency than will the Government from the failure of its in this way involved the general principle of legislating for the em- finesse. This is not a mere question of a day; it involves a ployment of labour, and which, if they attempted, the effect must be pregnant with the most serious consequences.
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